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States provide substantial support for higher education through appropriations to public colleges and universities that can be used to maintain relatively low tuition levels and funds for financial aid. Higher education often receives disproportionate cuts during recessionary periods, and it faces potentially unprecedented reductions in coming years amid a pandemic that has left some states with revenue shortfalls. How states approach higher education cuts has the potential to exacerbate existing inequities among racially minoritized and low-income students and historically underfunded institution types. In this study, we document trends in higher education funding over time and use latent profile analysis to identify distinct approaches states have taken to higher education funding. We then examine the trajectories of higher education funding within each approach over time, particularly during prior recessions. We conclude by discussing the implications of each approach for equity, particularly in light of states' early responses to the current economic downturn.

At least 38 states have created service areas or "districts" for each of their community colleges. However, little is known about the geographic boundaries of community college districts and the policymaking process that defines them. We studied state policy documents nationally and the actual district boundaries of Texas community colleges to investigate the larger policymaking processes of determining boundaries. We found significant variation across the United States, including in who determines the boundaries and whether the districts have associated tuition reductions. In our case study, we also found evidence that the majority of Texas's community college districts appear to reflect their larger local environments, although a small number may exhibit evidence of racial imbalance.

Several states, including Texas, have implemented an "excess semester credit hours (ESCH)" policy. State ESCH policies assess a fee to students at public institutions when they exceed a set number of lifetime cumulative credit hours (e.g. students with more than the 120 credit hours needed for a bachelor's degree). In this article, we investigate a case study of Texas public institutions' communication of state ESCH policies. We analyze 119 documents collected from November 2019 to April 2020 to conduct a deductive content analysis of the websites using the theory of racialized administrative burdens. We did find that institutions frequently attended by students of color, such as two-year institutions and HBCUs, were the least likely to have information about the ESCH policy.

High payments and default on undergraduate debt have consequences; they are of national concern if aversion to debt deters students from making optimal postbaccalaureate decisions on postbaccalaureate educational aspirations, enrollment, and early-career occupation. I conducted two semi-structured interviews, near graduation and six months later, with six recent graduates of an HBCU who borrowed at some point in their undergraduate career and were required to complete federal exit counseling. I found that the relationship between undergraduate debt and postbaccalaureate decision-making is partially explained by the themes of timing and structure of information, family as a source of knowledge, comfort with the amount borrowed, and the realities of postbaccalaureate decision-making. The results suggest that following students past graduation is critical because the students' reported confidence or emotional state can change as repayment draws closer.

In an era of increased accountability for colleges and concerns about an affordable education, it is useful to understand whether students can adequately manage the debt burden they hold after leaving higher education. In 2015, Texas called for cumulative undergraduate debt to be 60% or less of public institution graduates' first-year earnings by 2030. I investigate the student-level characteristics that are associated with a debt-to-income ratio above 60%. The data come from five cohorts of undergraduate students who attended Texas public 4-year institutions. I find that if sanctions were attached to the cumulative debt goal, historically disadvantaged groups of students and institutions that serve these students likely would be disproportionately affected by this type of accountability goal even after controlling for prior income, parental education, major choice, and time to degree. Policy implications are discussed.

The growing evidence on the importance of teacher representation points to the need to better understand the factors shaping the lack of racial/ethnic diversity in the teacher workforce. In this study, we examine the extent to which college major choice explains racial/ethnic gaps in teaching. Drawing on data from the Baccalaureate and Beyond Longitudinal Study, we find that White college graduates are close to twice as likely to major in education compared to Black, Latinx, and other graduates of color. Even among college graduates, respondents who identify as White are 5 percentage points more likely to enter teaching than respondents who identify as Black and 2 percentage points more likely to enter teaching than graduates who identify as Latinx. Regression and decomposition analyses demonstrate that the observed racial/ethnic gaps in entry to teaching can largely be explained by whether a graduate studied education in college.

The prevailing theories of student persistence have been developed in Predominantly White Institutional (PWI) contexts. The extent to which these theories--in whole or in part--apply to Minority Serving Institutions such as Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) has not been studied in depth. This study tests a PWI-based theory of student persistence in residential colleges and universities at two residential HBCUs. Four-hundred and fifty-one residential students completed a survey testing the theory, and then administrative data were used to link student persistence data. Findings suggest that theories developed at PWIs--such as the model tested in this study--hold salience for understanding student persistence at Minority Serving Institutions such as HBCUs. However, a complete picture of student persistence at HBCUs may benefit from the addition of HBCU-specific constructs and models.

Due to concerns about college affordability, in 2011, the Department of Education began producing two annual public lists of institutions with the highest change in tuition and fees and average net price within sector (top 5% and at least US$600 increase). This study investigates the effect of this low-stakes federal accountability tool on institutional behavior. I use a frontier regression discontinuity design that investigates the effect of being included on either the tuition or net price list at the 95th percentile cutoff (restricting the sample to only include institutions with at least a US$600 increase). I find no consistent effect of list inclusion on affordability or enrollment. I also present several robustness checks that also find little consistent effect.

Measuring race and ethnicity for administrative data sets and then analyzing these data to understand racial/ethnic disparities present many logistical and theoretical challenges. In this chapter, we conduct a synthetic review of studies on how to effectively measure race/ethnicity for administrative data purposes and then utilize these measures in analyses. Recommendations based on this synthesis include combining the measure of Hispanic ethnicity with the broader racial/ethnic measure and allowing individuals to select more than one race/ethnicity. Data collection should rely on self-reports but could be supplemented using birth certificates or equivalent sources. Collecting data over time, especially for young people, will help identify multiracial and American Indian populations. For those with more complex racial/ethnic identities, including measures of country of origin, language, and recency of immigration can be helpful in addition to asking individuals which racial/ethnic identity they most identify with. Administrative data collection could also begin to incorporate phenotype measures to facilitate the calculation of disparities within race/ethnicity by skin tone. Those analyzing racial/ethnic disparities should understand how these measures are created and attempt to develop fieldwide terminology to describe racial/ethnic identities.

At all levels of education, the racial achievement gap in performance between Black and Latino students and their White peers stubbornly persists. While the causes of this gap are numerous and interrelated, one theory posits that students from underrepresented racial groups may face stereotype threat, meaning that fear of failing and thereby fulfilling negative group stereotypes leads to anxiety and suboptimal cognitive performance. Though low-cost value affirmation interventions have been shown to reduce achievement gaps in some classroom settings, these findings have not been consistently replicated. In this study, we test the efficacy of this intervention among a new sample of students enrolled in a community college in the Midwest. At the beginning of the fall 2016 semester, students in English courses (N = 1,115 in 59 course sections) were randomly assigned to short writing exercises that were either self-affirming or neutral. Using administrative data collected at the end of the term, we compared treatment and control students on a range of outcomes that included course grade, overall GPA, and course persistence. Overall, we find little evidence of a positive effect of this one-time affirmation of social identity. Moderation analyses, however, show heterogeneous effects across course sections, suggesting that the classroom setting may play a role in the interaction between social identity and student outcomes.

Background: Beginning in the 2013-2014 school year, students across colleges and universities in the United States created a series of campaigns similar to the original I, Too, Am Harvard photo campaign (which focused on highlighting the negative campus climate for black students at Harvard University). Purpose: This study illuminates some of the reasons why students decided to mobilize in order to provide a clearer understanding of what students are identifying as problems on college campuses. Subjects: Evidence in this study is drawn from two sources: student newspapers from campuses with a campaign supplemented by interviews with students who were involved with the campaigns. Research Design: This qualitative case study uses both the newspapers and the interviews as sources of evidence. Results: We find that the campaigns were primarily motivated by negative campus climates for students from historically marginalized populations, and that these climates were in place before the movements emerged. The campaigns developed within a larger macropolitical context in which there was a larger focus on inclusion. Also, the movements tended to have a specific focus on exposing microaggressions, providing a space for students to speak out, and expressing solidarity. Conclusions: If institutions have a vested interest in creating more welcoming environments, then proactively addressing the experiences of students on campus, expanding the scope of diversity initiatives to include this focus, and providing spaces for students to be able to express and discuss their experiences may be critical to success.

Eight states currently have bans on affirmative action, yet little research has focused on the characteristics of states that predict ban adoption. To begin filling this gap in the literature, I conduct discrete-time survival analysis on an aggregated data set of 47 states from 1995 to 2012 to investigate the extent to which various characteristics of a state predict its likelihood of adopting a statewide affirmative action ban. Results show that scarcity of access to state public flagship institutions and policy diffusion are associated with ban adoption. Aligning with the racial threat literature, the findings suggest that these bans are associated with concerns about the scarcity of access to selective higher education institutions (operationalized as state public flagships) for White students.

Many education policy researchers have turned to critical policy analysis as a means to better understand and examine injustices in education and beyond. However, such work is still uncommon in educational journals. In this introduction, we describe the purposes of this special issue and offer readers a framework for understanding critical approaches to education policy research, its general tenets, and how it differs from other kinds of policy research. We then outline the contributions of the articles in this special issue. We highlight analytic moves that researchers of all kinds can make based on the critical education policy research tenets we discuss. The introduction concludes with suggestions for where we hope the field will go next. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the original unveiling of the "I, Too, Am Harvard" campaign, which highlighted students' experiences with racially based microaggressions on Harvard's campus, more than 40 other student-led initiatives have developed their own similar campaigns. We used data on 4-year public and private, not-for-profit institutions during a 5-year period from the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System to investigate the institutional characteristics that predict the birth of an "I, Too, Am" initiative. We did not find evidence that the racial diversity of higher education institutions is predictive of their propensity to have an "I, Too, Am" campaign. Instead, the general states of institutions' selectivity, size, and percentage of Pell Grant recipients were more predictive. Also, while we found that the "current" state of institutions has some predictive power, we found less evidence of this relationship for "changes" in the institutional state. The data suggested that the tipping points that motivate student social movement mobilization may not be primarily related to any specific change in institutional characteristics, but rather that they existed in a context of standing institutional characteristics.

Education research commonly uses racial terminology but with little understanding of racial classification patterns across the field. In this study, we surface the use of racial terminology using a census of original research published in American Educational Research Association journals between 2009 and 2019. We do so as an ethical quantification exercise, seeking to further social justice goals by encouraging scholarship on racial terminology in education research. Using latent class analysis, we identify six classes of research ranging from about a third of articles that use almost no racial terminology to an eighth of articles that use terminology extensively. More recently published articles are more likely to be part of classes with extensive or narrow racial terminology usage and less likely to be in classes that are absent racial terminology. Qualitative research is more likely to use extensive racial terminology, and quantitative research is more likely to be absent of or narrowly use racial terminology. We conclude with recommendations for how future research can build off of these findings to address questions on how to authentically and purposefully use racial terminology in ways that reflect the complex ways people identify themselves to better situate education research to address racial inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reported hate crimes in the United States have increased rapidly in recent years, alongside an increase in general racial animus. Scholars have shown that the larger sociopolitical environment can directly impact the campus climate and experiences of all students, particularly students of color. However, little is known about how reports of hate crime incidents relate to college enrollment levels of students of color. This lack of evidence has especially troubling implications for Black people, the most frequent targets of reported hate crimes. This paper helps to fill in that gap by exploring the association between the number of reports of hate crimes within states and Black students' college enrollment. We examine a comprehensive dataset of institutional enrollment and characteristics, reported hate crimes, and census data on state racial demographics from 2000 to 2017 using several techniques, including institution fixed effects. We find that a 1 standard deviation increase in reports of state-level hate crimes predicts a 17 to 22 percent increase in Black first-time student enrollment at historically Black colleges and universities. As the number of reported hate crimes is almost assuredly an undercount of the actual number of incidents, we explore the implications of what these results mean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We compiled the first longitudinal data set with detailed state funding information to examine whether different funding strategies for public higher education correlate with college access and completion, with a focus on outcomes among racially minoritized students. We found no relationships between funding mechanisms and student outcomes at public universities. However, at community colleges, we found that funding strategies that combine base adjustments and enrollment or performance components may increase enrollment, but not completions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A GROWING NUMBER of colleges and universities--including state systems of higher education such as the University of California and Indiana University--are weighing the role of standardized-test scores in the admissions [...]

Many prominent social scientists have advocated for random-draw lotteries as a solution to the "problem" of elite college admissions. They argue that lotteries will be fair, equitable, eliminate corruption, reduce student anxiety, restore democratic ideals, and end debates over race-conscious admissions. In response, we simulate potential lottery effects on student enrollment by race, gender, and income, using robust simulation methods and multiple minimum thresholds for grades and standardized tests. In the overwhelming majority of lottery simulations, the proportions of low-income students and students of color drop precipitously. With a GPA minimum, we find the proportion of men could drop as low as one third. Admissions lotteries with minimum bars for GPA and/or standardized tests do not appear to produce more equitable outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]