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This article analyses nearly one million petitions received by the House of Commons to reveal a culture of petitioning that recast the political culture of modern Britain and Ireland. It argues, first, that petitions provided a much more regular and continuous form of interaction between people and Parliament than elections. Second, petitioning–meaning the practices associated with the drafting, signing and presentation of petitions–enabled a vibrant, performative public politics. Third, petitions and petitioning were relatively open, inclusive forms of political participation since all British subjects enjoyed the formal right to petition. We examine the role of formidable campaigns of mass mobilisation, but also humble appeals of marginalised individuals. Our data has significant implications for our understanding of the nationalisation, organisation, and popularisation of politics in this period. We argue that attention to petitions helps us to decentre parliamentary elections as the principal connection between local and national politics. Indeed, petitioners responded to the shifting boundaries between the central and devolved state in deciding to which authorities they would direct petitions. Petitioning campaigns pioneered the mass, organised, national movements that would gradually emerge as the hallmark of stronger political parties. This did not undermine petitioning. However, the consequent growth of disciplined parties strengthened executive power, at the expense of parliamentary government, redirected petitions from the Commons. Furthermore, the continuing expansion of petitioning alongside extensions of the franchise suggests that petitions did not function as an ersatz ballot. Rather, petitions and debates between parliamentarians and petitioners over the meaning of growing lists of signatories suggest that petitioning catalysed a range of other forms of participation and hence forged an ever more popular politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article constitutes a re-examination of the financial failure of the first income tax in Britain, introduced in 1799 in order to address the rising cost of the French revolutionary wars. In accounting for this failure, the existing literature has focused largely on failings in the administration of the tax, often blaming, for example, its emphasis on local responsibility for tax collection, and its reliance on the honesty of its contributors. This article furthers these interpretations by highlighting that such issues were particularly problematic in their application to the commercial sector of society. It argues that the preferential treatment of commercial interests in the substance of the tax, on account of their privileged position in the political sphere, led to the establishment of a culture of commercial evasion. The evidence for this is examined at length, through both detailed analysis of the yield of the tax, as well as the attitudes of contemporaries evident in the literature at the time. This analysis ultimately leads to the conclusion that commercial evasion of the first tax played a pivotal, and hitherto underplayed, role in the financial underperformance of the tax. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the attempts made by British governments after the Seven Years War to reduce colonial consumption of continental European manufactures. It begins by sketching the pre-war background, focusing first on the availability of European goods in North America and the Caribbean and then on British debates about foreign commodity penetration of the Atlantic colonies. The next part charts the emergence after 1763 of a political consensus in London on the need to give British goods added advantage in American markets. The article goes on to suggest reasons for the forming of this consensus, and finally considers the success of the measures introduced by British governments to diminish colonial purchases of European products. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The problems of arson, treason and national security became entangled in the politics of Britain and its Atlantic empire between 1770 and 1777. Fears of French military terrorism were compounded by the increasingly violent resistance of the American colonies. Two dockyard fires in Portsmouth, in 1770 and 1777, and the attack on, and burning of, the royal navy ship Gaspee off Rhode Island in 1772, provoked both legal and political difficulties for the British government. New laws on arson and treason were passed yet proved almost impossible to implement in full outside England. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the use of biomedical language in philosopher Mary Wollstonecraft's political writings. It is suggested that while philosopher Edmund Burke used a metaphor of disease contagion to discuss the spread of democratic ideals associated with the French Revolution, Wollstonecraft outlined a sociopolitical health regimen focused on internal political reform, which emphasized individual agency. Topics discussed include immunity, heredity, women's health, and midwifery. Wollstonecraft's book "Vindication of the Rights of Woman" is mentioned.

Although in respect of historical arguments, methodologies and prose style Herbert Butterfield and Lewis Namier were sharply contrasting (indeed antipathetic) historians, they had more in common that either would have chosen to admit. Paradoxically, those commonalities converged on the figure of Edmund Burke. For Namier, Burke was a political charlatan; Butterfield thought him 'a mountain of a man'. Both nonetheless had distinctively Burkean conceptions of the limits - and dangers - of human rationality and of 'organic' change in the English past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the religious aspects of the antislavery movement in Great Britain from 1758 until the abolition of slavery in 1807. It focuses on the received ideas of Providence and the fear of God's retribution against the nation in response to slavery. Notable people discussed include British politician and abolitionist leader William Wilberforce; English lawyer, politician, and abolitionist James Stephen; French-American abolitionist Anthony Benezet; and English abolitionist Granville Sharp. Other topics include the impact of the American and French Revolutions on the anti-slavery movement, public response to abolitionists, and British Parliamentary debates surrounding the issue of slavery.

Circumstances were auspicious when George III came to the throne in 1760, but soon his political actions were much criticized and he was accused from early in his reign until well into the 20th century of weakening the independence of parliament and undermining the constitution. Some contemporaries did defend him and these views received powerful support from Sir Lewis Namier and his followers in the 20th century. Both interpretations have their flaws, however, because of the failure to recognize the profound changes in the context in which George acted over his long reign and the subtle changes that occurred in Britain's unwritten constitution over that half century. By examining how the king appointed and dismissed ministers, sought to influence the composition of both houses of parliament, and endeavoured to shape government policy, this article seeks to revise our understanding of the king's relations with parliament and the constitution and to relocate our overall assessment of him between those offered by his many critics and defenders both during his reign and long afterwards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reforms to the civil list in the late 18th century in England sought to deny the Crown opportunities to use its civil-list funds and sinecures to buy influence in Parliament and, thereby, diminish constitutional protections for liberty. Among the most important reforms were lighter accounting requirements for civil-list spending, including that for the secret services. The unique nature and purpose of the home and foreign secret services, which were the responsibility of the Crown and paid from civil-service funds, resulted in accounting controls which depended upon additional measures to provide Parliament with greater control over spending and enhanced accountability. These enhancements to accountability were especially important at a time of almost continual war between England and France in the decades spanning the close of the 18th century, resulting in significant increases in spending on the foreign secret service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism of the book "Caleb Williams," by William Godwin is presented. Particular focus is given to portrayal of imprisonment, police strength and reform, and governmental intrusion. British government during the 1780s and 1790s is discussed and the relationship between literature and public opinion is examined. The use of the novel as a means of social criticism is also discussed.

The article discusses how the 1779 English caricature "The Liberty of the Subject" by James GIllray represents of a new form of eighteenth century caricature. The artwork presents a London, England street scene featuring a press-gang being attacked by two women attempting to physically thwart efforts to impress a tailor. The author feels the print portrays popular sentiments regarding press gangs and English liberty with a high degree of verisimilitude. The author argues that the 1779 murder trial of Mary Adey for her attack on a press-gang member was the inspiration for Gillray's political satire. An overview of the British government's policies regarding impressment is presented.

The article presents an appendix to the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, presenting selected House of Lords division lists during the reign of King George III of Great Britain.

The article presents an introduction to the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the organization and editorial focus of the work.

The article presents chapter 1 from the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, describing the membership of the British House of Lords during the reign of King George III. An overview is provided of the member demographics, distinguishing recently created peerages from inherited titles. Additional information is given describing the administrative functions and services held by the peers, their roles within the royal household, and their connections to military command. The wealth, personalities and general conduct of the peers are also mentioned.

The article presents chapter 2 of the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, describing the Representative Peers of Scotland and Ireland within the British House of Lords during the reign of King George III. Introductory comments are given describing the political dynamics of Great Britain after the Act of Union in 1707 and its manifestations within the Parliament. The activities and characteristics of the Scottish and Irish lords during the period are described in depth, noting their relative level of political participation and power in comparison to their British equivalents.

The article presents chapter 3 of the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the bishops and prelates of the Church of England who sat in the British House of Lords during the reign of King George III. Details are given describing the demographics of the bishops, highlighting their social backgrounds before their elevations. The levels of moral character and political participation exhibited by the lord bishops are discussed. Accounts are also given specifically addressing the bishops of Wales and Ireland.

The article presents chapter 4 from the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the attendance and participation of the British House of Lords during the reign of King George III. Contrasts are made between the formal and practical requirements of parliamentary attendance during the period, providing charts of actual rosters from year to year and discussion of the use of proxies by lords throughout their tenure. The nature of parliamentary debate conducted within the body is also addressed.

The article presents chapter 5 of the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, describing the political dynamics of the British House of Lords during the reign of King George III. Discussion is offered concerning the institutional structure and ideological purposes of the peerage, citing contemporary political thought supporting stability and solidarity in governance. The practical political orientations and factions present within the House of Lords during the period are also identified in relation to their alignment or opposition to the majority government.

The article presents chapter 12 from the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the political activities of the British Parliament and the relationship between the House of Lords and the House of Commons during the reign of King George III. Details are given outlining the various dynamics between the two chambers, including the Lords' frequent activities in revising and overruling of legislation, instances of cooperation between the two for legislative purposes, and the institutional procedures in place to differentiate them.

The article presents chapter 13 from the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the political activities of the British Parliament and the relationship between the House of Lords and the House of Commons during the reign of King George III. Details are given outlining the particular relations between Members of Parliament (MP) and their patronage by peers. Explorations are offered concerning the influence which the House of Lords exerted over the Commons due to their beneficiary role. Political alignments between the MPs and their patrons are also described.

The article presents chapter 14 from the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the political activities of the British Parliament and the relationship between the House of Lords and the House of Commons during the reign of King George III. Details are given highlighting the political transitions and changes which came about during the period, including the revisions of legislative procedures within the Parliament, shifts in the locus of political leadership and authority, and the use of inquiry committees by the House of Lords.

The article presents chapter 15 from the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the political activities of the British Parliament, particularly the House of Lords, during the reign of King George III. Details are given highlighting the influence of interest groups within the political culture of the period. Several groups are profiled in their activism upon and within the Parliament including the militia, the anti-abolition movement, and the agriculturalists.

The article presents chapter 16 from the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the political activities of the British Parliament, particularly the House of Lords, during the reign of King George III. Details are given highlighting the influence exerted by the peers regarding their dependents and the interests of their patrons. The "virtual" presence of several institutions and their social programs within the agenda of the House of Lords during the period is discussed including Cambridge University, merchant and manufacturing companies, and the Scottish distilling industry.

The article presents a epilogue to the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, reviewing the political culture of the British House of Lords during the reign of King George III and highlighting the extent of the reforms and changes which occurred within the period. Comments are given discussing the general attitude of the House of Lords as a predominantly conservative force within the British system but also notes ways in which it did not obstruct reform efforts.

The article presents an appendix to the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, listing the Cabinet Members of King George III.

The article presents an appendix to the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, listing the sitting members of the House of Lords during the reign of King George III of Great Britain.

The case that religion alone can account for radicalism in the later eighteenth century has been persuasively argued and has received some empirical support. We test it using data from Bristol during the American crisis. Literature from the 1774 election shows that contemporaries assumed commonality of interest of poor voters with other poor voters and with the anti-establishment/radical candidates, and commonality of interest of richer voters with other rich voters and with the establishment candidates. To a lesser extent voters were encouraged to vote as loyal Anglicans or religious Dissenters. To see how this rhetoric translated into action, a poll book (1774), a city directory (1775), and rate and tax returns (1773–7) were combined by nominal record linkage. Using the linked data we found that poorer Bristolians voted preferentially for anti-ministerial candidates and particularly for the radical candidate, while richer Bristolians tended to support the ministerial candidates. The divisions were clear when voting was compared with wealth (using fiscal data), and when compared with occupation provided an appropriate classification was used. To see if radical action was sustained in Bristol, loyal addresses and petitions for conciliation of the Americans were examined. The rhetoric surrounding petitioning/addressing again assumed commonality of interest based on socio-economic circumstance. This carried over into action: petitioners for conciliation tended to be poorer people, whilst addressers, who favoured coercion, tended to be richer. The study refutes the thesis that religion alone accounts for radical behaviour, and suggests the need to examine the totality of people's experience before their political behaviour can be fully understood. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article explores the political career or Protestant Irish legislator Jeremiah Jordan and the history of political autonomy for Ireland. The author reflects on British legislative support for Irish home rule and the role of Jordan under the leadership of Irish parliamentarian Charles Stewart Parnell. The political and legal status of Irish land ownership is discussed in the context of a developing sense of Irish nationalism. Other topics include clerical support, oratorical style, and the growth of political polarisation in the Irish county of Fermanagh.

The article explores the historiography of the establishment of Irish legislative independence from Great Britain in 1782-3. The author reflects on British political party policies apart from the ministry of legislator William Pitt with an emphasis on the Irish policy of the Foxite Whigs. The support by legislator Charles James Fox for Irish legislative independence and his opposition to union are noted. The article traces the diminishing ant-unionism among the Foxite Whigs and argues they pursued an opposition politics aligned with Irish patriotism only when it undermined British ministers.

The article presents an examination of the relationship that existed between war, naval defense and the preservation of slave-holding interests in Great Britain during end of the 18th century into the early 19th century. The article also examines how naval commanders and army officers were publicly recognized for carrying out missions that helped keep British economic, strategic and political interests in tact. Forms of recognition included monetary rewards and the presentation of gifts. The article examines how these practices helped support a slavery-based economy.

The article provides information regarding the idea of police in England during the late 18th century and seeks to define the term police as it was used during the period. The author considers literature about crime and police written by Henry Fielding and his brother John Fielding, founders of the Bow Street Runners, considered London's first professional police force. The author also considers how the Gordon Riots effected a change in public perceptions regarding police. Government efforts to legislate police under the leadership of Great Britain's Prime Minister William Pitt are discussed. The author considers the historiography of police history studies.

The article focuses on the impact of effigy burning of Thomas Paine, an English political writer and abolitionist, in 1792-1793 in Great Britain. It discourses the deep cultural roots of loyalism in the English society in the eighteenth-century. Moreover, the author intend to elaborate the termed burning as an illustration of the ritual loyalist celebration. He expresses to examine the burning in a more flexible version.

The article presents an essay on the relation between politics and the press which is considered as interactive and symbiotic during the late Hanoverian era in Great Britain. The author explains how these interactions enhanced the political awareness and broadened the populist dimensions of parliamentary politics of the British state. According to the author, these have led to renewed emphasis on the newspaper press as a critical organ of public opinion

The article explores the parliamentary election made in December 1779 in Hampshire, England, particularly emphasizing the rivalry in this eighteenth century election. It provides information about Sir Richard Worsely, the Duke of Chandos, as the leading candidate to rule the area. Surprisingly, he was defeated by Jervoise Clarke Jervoise that posted a conflicting principle in the North. The Hampshire election has been noted as portraying a connection between the elite and the popular politics.

This article analyzes the context of the book Reflections by Edward Burke. During the regency crisis of 1788 to 1789 in Great Britain, Burke argues from constitutional principle and not the interpretation of a precedent when he speaks of the chaos. He seems to fear the use of a degraded king for the shadow of the crown, to screen a usurping assembly from any criticism of measures iniquitously legal. Thus, there is an interesting symmetry between his judgments of the House of Commons in 1789 and of the National Assembly in 1790. In Burke's own life, the consequences of writing the Reflections are well known. He became an approved and popular author, with his book gaining the support of King George III and selling 32,000 copies.

Examines the reasons why close ties were never made between oppositionist Charles James Fox and his followers and the ruling party in 18th century Irish politics. Constitutional restrictions during the period; Ideological inheritance from the British opposition; Major issues in Anglo-Irish affairs; Implications of the French Revolution in 1789.

The article discusses the 18th-century British statesman Edmund Burke's conception of the meaning of the English Revolution of 1688 to 1689. Topics addressed include the proposed revival of an association formed in 1696 to support William III and the Bill of Rights, Burke's rejection of the tyrannical power of monarchy, and the Jacobin notion of basing a revolutionary order on ideas theoretic or systematic.

The article presents an appendix to the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, listing various legislative bills initiated in Parliament during the reign of King George III of Great Britain.

The article presents an appendix to the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, listing the Scottish and Irish Peers during the reign of King George III of Great Britain.