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The recent visit of the Brazilian President, Jair Bolsonaro, as the chief guest at India's celebration of its Republic Day in January 2020 has given a new impetus to India-Brazil relations. While a 'strategic partnership' had been formalised in 2006 (during the visit of the then Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Brazil), in the course of this visit, an Action Plan was formalized to further strengthen that partnership. This paper defines what 'strategic partnership' means for India, tracing its usage in Indian foreign policy. While assessing briefly the importance of the partnership for Brazil's foreign policy goals, an attempt is made to discuss whether the India-Brazil strategic engagement is an effort at political image building or whether it is more a move towards a concrete economic relationship? The paper analyses and evaluates the significance of Brazil as a 'strategic partner' for India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the world’s ninth largest economy and comprising nearly 60% of South America’s GDP, 47% of its territory, and 49% of its population, Brazil has become a regional power and an important actor in world affairs over recent decades. This scenario has led the government to re-evaluate its role in the world order, resulting in the enactment of the National Defence Policy, whose objective was to consolidate the country as a regional power while at the same time addressing national security issues, promoting economic development through a series of defence programmes, restructuring the defence industrial base, fostering innovation through technology and knowledge transfer to Brazil, and indigenous research and development. However, the policy’s implementation suffers from several challenges discussed in this article, which may test the capability and competence of Brazilian policymakers, military, industrialists, and other individuals and organisations involved in its implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance acquired in recent years by South-South cooperation seems to be connected with deeper structural transformations occurring in the international system. However, the variety of cooperation models promoted by new providers in the South requires the identification of complementary factors to help explain current patterns. A set of socio-cognitive elements, related to each country's perceptions, identities and interests, can yield greater understanding of the variety of South-South cooperation models. Such an approach is here applied to the cases of Chile, Venezuela and Brazil - three important providers from the South - in order to explore their different cooperation models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, mega sporting events have gained great relevance worldwide. In this sense, the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, seen as such, brought together thousands of people from all over the world. This space represented the attendees an occasion for them to generate social interactions, which could be culturally enriching. This led to investigating in the first place: what is culture, what impact does it have, and what is the perception of it? This concept defined from different aspects artistic, anthropological, historical, social, just to mention a few, also had to be accompanied by the ways in which the subjects appropriate it, hence the real question arises: Is there any impact on the culture of the attendant to a mega sporting event with the participation of international athletes? That is why in the case of the present work it was observed within these processes that mega sporting events are constituted in elements of culture since as defined by Diaz Aguado (1999, p. 116). "Enculturation unifies people by providing common experiences". As well as moving from multiculturalism to transculturality. From field research, some main cultural elements were identified as disrupted: traditions and rituals, sports, language and architecture among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the emergence of the environmental agenda in the global arena, Brazil has maintained an active position in the debates around this topic. Although Brazil has always been a protagonist, its foreign policy has shown some changes in relation to addressing climate change in recent years. Likewise, the modalities under which this issue has been framed as a problem since 1992 are fundamentally important to interpreting the Brazilian position in international negotiations and the changes in them over the years. The objective of the following article is to understand the discursive framework on which the foreign policy of climate change in Brazil was structured from a constructivist standpoint on International Relations. Using this approach, this article studies both the international influences and the internal conditions of Brazilian climate policy in the negotiations of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The main sources of this research are semi-structured interviews with state and non-state actors in Brazil, complemented with a review of secondary sources such as official documents and academic papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic, scientific and technological development, and innovation have influence in the inequalities between countries, especially in terms of the differences between their populations' level of health and wellbeing. The phenomenon is see not only between countries, but also within them. How these inequalities can be reduced and how to examine health in the international context are the themes of this interview with Gastão Wagner, President of the Brazilian Collective Health Association (Associação Brasileira de Saúde Coletiva, or Abrasco). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although awareness of the Zika virus has existed since the 1950s, only recently has it attracted the interest of the international community. In 2015 and 2016, the virus spread throughout Brazil and suspicions on the possible relation between parallel increases in neurological disorders and the infection arose. By November 2015, this concern had developed into a National Public Health Emergency. On February 1, 2016, WHO formally declared its suspicion that this was a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC), and sent a response in accordance with International Health Regulations (2005). Zika is present in almost all South American countries, and PAHO/WHO, Unasur, and Mercosur are developing responsive actions to the epidemic. The aim of this article is to present a critical analysis of the regional South American and Brazilian responses of February through September 2016, in respect of this PHEIC announcement, utilizing qualitative methodologies via bibliographical examination and document analysis. In this context, the PAHO/WHO played a prominent role as compared with the other organizations. Moreover, the political environment of the region also played a major role in the instability of both Mercosur and Unasur, which could impact the capacity and effectiveness of the response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Brazilian South South Cooperation in Health in Mozambique, specifically the fight against the AIDS Epidemic through the Antiretroviral Factory, in light of the concept of Structural Cooperation in Health, and with a basis in the literature on Cooperation for Development and Global Health. Thus, the article is divided into four parts: (i) a historical-bibliographic review of health as an International Relations issue; (ii) an overview of the field of health in Mozambique; (iii) an historical- political-conceptual debate about both types of International Cooperation for Development: North-South Cooperation and South-South Cooperation; (iv) a study about the antiretroviral factory, better known as the Mozambican Society of Medicines (Sociedade Moçambicana de Medicamentos). Through a case study, our goal is to verify if the Brazilian actions in Mozambique are in accordance with the concepts defended by the Structural Cooperation in Health, as well as to create new inquiries for academic debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need to resolve immediate problems in basic healthcare systems and the decisions that must be made in the daily management of healthcare centers must reach beyond awareness of common sense, and be reinforced by the evidence sought in scientific knowledge that will provide a new look at the facts and phenomena that happen on a daily basis. This article examines an experience of triangular cooperation in health between Angola, Brazil and Japan, which took place in Luanda, Angola between 2011 and 2014. The "Project to Strengthen the Healthcare Through the Development of Human Resources at the Josina Hospital and in other Healthcare Services, and to Revitalize Primary Healthcare in Angola (ProForsa)", with the involvement of Fiocruz as the party executing the primary healthcare component. This is an innovative role in technical cooperation as a tool of political action. A training program with multiple possibilities enabled technical- political partnerships in an approach for "structuring cooperation in health". The article analyzes how interventions in international cooperation in health management may create scientific evidence that, together with the local political context, can transform organizational elements such as healthcare centers, their clinical management and physical infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mother's milk is the primary source of nourishment in early infancy. When this source is unavailable, secondary sources may be used, such as human milk banks. The first milk bank in Brazil was created in 1943, and they have been used ever since. A national model was developed through a number of phases, culminating in the Brazilian Network of Human Milk Banks. This gave rise to a number of international cooperation projects, with the Brazilian model particularly relevant for developing nations. The main objective of this analysis is to understand what drives Brazil to promote milk banks internationally. To do this we tried to understand the relationship between health and foreign policy, expressed here as soft power, as here the two areas dialog with one another. The results include gains in both areas and the affirmation of health as a central goal of the national interest cluster of the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the TRIPS Agreement (Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) came into effect, Brazil, like other developing countries, has become more assertive in multilateral negotiations and begun to argue that the present international system of intellectual property should be better adapted to its needs and interests. In doing so, the country has emphasized that intellectual property is not a subject exclusively associated with trade, but also with public health and human rights. This paper discusses the activity of the Brazilian government in multilateral negotiations that involve public health, innovation and intellectual property. The conclusion from looking at Brazil's diplomatic activity in this area is that Brazil has been a protagonist in this debate, seeking solutions that mitigate the adverse effect of the present international intellectual property system on access to drugs, and other medical technologies, in the developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional and hemispheric reconfigurations in Latin America and the Caribbean are increasingly mediated by Brazilian power, and the engagement of Guyana, Suriname and French Guiana with this emerging context is intriguing. They are tentatively moving away from a Caribbean region with which they are culturally contiguous, towards a South American continent in which they are geographically located. This is partly a reflection of the gradual opening up of the Northern Amazonian space that they share collectively, and also with Venezuela and Brazil. These processes are occurring as cause and effect of Brazil’s emergence as a regional – and even regionally hegemonic – power. With reference to wider debates on regionalism and hegemony, we analyse the uncertain consequences of these shifts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article assesses the relationship between Brazil and Chile, focusing on the fields of economic and security cooperation from Chile's perspective. Chile plays a number of different roles, the most salient of which is 'global trader'. This role stretches beyond Brazil's expectations, but it converges with the social demands of Mexico and the United States as well as with the cues of the global market. Such a salient role - alongside that of mediator, bridge builder, and partner of Argentina in security cooperation issues - influences Chile's patterns of cooperation with and distance from Brazil as the regional power in South America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging powers have tried to build functional regional power bases in their respective spheres of influence to gain support for their leadership projects and representative capacities on the global stage. This has caused diverse contestational responses by secondary powers in different regional orders. In this context, we analyse the shift of Colombia's contestation approach towards the Brazilian leadership claim in South America. With the arrival of President Santos, Colombia turned from collateral hard balancing against Brazil to institutional contestation through the Pacific Alliance. Besides furnishing evidence of the broader Colombian soft-balancing strategy in other policy areas, the article explores and balances the domestic, structural and behavioural drivers of the strategic turn to institutional contestation through the Pacific Alliance without neglecting the economic and political motives of Colombia's engagement in the pro-market alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, relations between Brazil and Mexico have not been particularly close. One of the consequences of Brazil's rise was to draw the two countries together, although not necessarily in a harmonious way. The article argues that Mexican governments resented Brazil's attempts at becoming a global player at a time when they pursued the same goal. Mexico's response to Brazil's international projection was to approach it, trying to contain it, and to avoid exclusion from regional initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Brazil's responsibility while protecting (RwP) initiative as an example of norm sponsorship available to nonpermanent members of the Security Council. After setting the stage with Brazil's historical engagement with intervention issues, it discusses the reasons behind the Brazilian initiative. It examines RwP's key proposals and the reactions they generated. RwP's normative implications are discussed, together with an examination of the main reasons why Brazil's sponsorship of the initiative waned following its exit from the Council. Brazil's withdrawal from sponsoring RwP highlights the need for ongoing support for initiatives that seek to revive the international community's intervention practices by tackling the basic tenets of discord over R2P's implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2003, Brazil has been searching for efficient modalities directed at deepening ties with Latin American and African states, such as knowledge sharing and engaging in dialogue on alternative ways of tackling common development challenges. Considered by Brazilian policymakers to be expressions of solidarity diplomacy, these concepts and modalities are part of what has been coined Brazil's "autonomy through diversification" strategy. Brazilian presidents Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff consecutively pursued geopolitical realignments focused on the creation of a multipolar world order with a strengthened, more visible position for Brazil, an emerging world power. This paper will examine the practical and theoretical implications of Brazil's reconceptualization of its role as a donor of development aid, as well as donor-recipient relations as expressed in the two presidents' official speeches, documents of the Brazilian Cooperation Agency, and COBRADI reports Furthermore, it will explore whether Brazil's declared role as a development partner and its practices in the capacity thereof are consistent with the expectations of other significant development cooperation actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze Brazil/China trade relations over the twenty-first century, highlighting the performance and composition of exports and imports, as well as developments in the relative importance of China for Brazil in this field. Assuming this trade relationship as an important part of a strategic partnership of these countries, the main conclusions are: (a) there was a significant increase in the Brazil/China trade in the period, which substantially raised China's relative share in the Brazilian foreign trade; (b) despite of this feature, the dynamics of the evolution of exports is fundamentally different from that presented by imports, which requires greater Brazilian assessment for managing the commercial policy of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can civil society organisations influence the control of arms exports by states through the democratisation of foreign policy? In this article the authors explore ways of promoting the establishment of effective and transparent mechanisms in this area that take human rights seriously. Two case studies are analysed: first, Brazil's tentative participation in the process of establishing multilateral rules to control arms transfers; and second, the use of military hardware donations as a tool in bilateral relations between Brazil and Mozambique and its implications for arms control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview of the Brazilian foreign policy during the first decade of the present century, devoting special attention to president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's years (2003-2010). It is based on an understanding of the Brazilian foreign policy as a policy founded on tradition with important traces of continuity and sees the inflections that still exist as a result from different governmental choices. A systemic approach is proposed, which leads to the understanding that the change in the Brazilian foreign policy is a result of two factors: the ideational and the pragmatic one. Both control political decisions that lead to conflicting directions. The result of such conflicting pressure is a series of foreign policy positions scattered over time. This analytical model is visually represented by a pendulum sketch, whose movement between two extreme positions represents many political possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article gathered data referring to the trips and agreements signed between Brazil and the Middle East in the administrations of Lula da Silva and Cardoso, and it was showed that Lula, in comparison to FHC, intensified the partnerships with the countries of the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Taylor & Francis Ltd) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the hydropower project to be developed on the Mazaruni River, in Guyana, which seeks to export energy to Brazil. Mazaruni River is located in the Esequibo region, historically claimed by Venezuela. The intention is problematizing the impacts of this project in the relations between Brazil, Guyana and Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologias is the property of Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas: Relações Internacionais is the property of Universitas: Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the state of relations between Brazil and Africa during the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva from 2003 to 2010. Topics discussed include a description of power configurations during the post-Cold War period and a background of race, culture and diplomacy before da Silva won the presidency in 2002. Also discussed are the reaons for the successful overtures of da Silva to Africa.