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In the relationship between Brazil and the United States during the Bolsonaro and Trump administrations (2019 and 2020), Brazil advanced a demanding agenda that met with limited reciprocity. John Kingdon's concept of the policy window is useful for explaining that the two presidents, having similar worldviews, saw the possibility of moving forward with this agenda, but Brazil's subservient position ended up compromising its bargaining position. In the case of the commercial aspects of the Alcântara technological safeguards agreement, Brazil's unilateral concessions failed to generate concrete results before this window was closed and even set the country on the path toward becoming an international pariah. O governo brasileiro promoveu uma agenda ambiciosa que facilitou pouca reciprocidade na relação entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos durante os governos Bolsonaro e Trump (2019 e 2020). O conceito de John Kingdon do policy window é útil para explicar o fato que ambos os presidentes, além de partilhar visões semelhantes do mundo, viram a possibilidade de avançarem esta agenda. Contudo, a posição submissa do Brasil acabou em comprometer sua posição negocial. No caso dos aspectos comerciais do acordo das salvagardas tecnológicas da Alcântara, o Brasil deixou passar essa oportunidade porque as concessões unilaterais do governo brasileiro falharam em produzir resultados concretos e, ademais, colocou o país no caminho de se tornar um paria internacional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals how the beginning of US Reconstruction precipitated a revolutionary crisis in Cuba and Brazil, the last two slave societies in the Atlantic World. Throughout the US Civil War, slave-owners in Cuba and Brazil faced the immense challenge of containing black revolutionary currents across the Atlantic. Despite their intensive policing of black transnational networks, many slaves in Cuba and Brazil learned of the Civil War and became convinced that it heralded their emancipation. In response, they walked off plantations, fled to maroon communities, and organized and launched revolts. Although the scale of this insurrectionary violence never reached the same heights as in the Confederacy, the beginning of Reconstruction transformed the political implications of slave rebellion across the hemisphere. The fall of the Confederacy forced slave-owners in Cuba and Brazil to confront the possibility of their violent destruction at the same moment that the apparent radicalization of Republican politics stirred fears of US support for an international slave insurrection. It was in this context that many white elites in both nations became convinced of the necessity for a gradual abolition measure, which they hoped would ensure subaltern loyalty at a moment when revolutionary violence threatened the future of slavery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1962 to 1971 the Associação Universitária Interamericana (Inter-American University Association—AUI) conducted a program of internships at Harvard University for Brazilian students. The goal of these internships was for Brazilian students to gain an understanding of the American way of life. The students were mostly recruited among leftists. It was their hearts and minds that the university wanted to win over to the side of the "free world" during the Cold War. These students took advantage of the situation and used the internships for their own purposes. This had implications not only for their personal careers but also for the construction of institutional and political ideas. This process took place within a complex game that involved the interests of the United States and the entrepreneurs who helped finance the AUI. Created during the Kennedy administration, the AUI ended its activities as a result of a conservative offensive launched by the Nixon administration in the United States and the Médici dictatorship in Brazil. Desde 1962 a 1971 a Associação Universitária Interamericana (Interamerican University Association—AUI) promoveu o intercâmbio universitário de estudantes brasileiros selecionados para fazer um estágio em Harvard e conhecer o modo de vida americano. Os universitários eram recrutados em sua maioria entre simpatizantes de ideias de esquerda, cujos corações e mentes se buscava conquistar para o lado do "mundo livre" na Guerra Fria. Eles aproveitaram as circunstâncias conforme suas próprias conveniências, não apenas de carreira pessoal, mas também na construção institucional e política, num jogo de mão dupla com os interesses dos Estados Unidos e dos empresários que, juntos, financiaram a entidade. Criada durante o governo Kennedy, a AUI encerrou as atividades de intercâmbio diante da ofensiva conservadora do governo Nixon nos Estados Unidos e da ditadura no Brasil do presidente Medici. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on how Latin America influenced the American abolitionist movements of the early 1800s. The author discusses the influence of the Haitian Revolution on Brazil, highlights the life of Brazilian abolitionist Emiliano Felipe Benício Mundrucu, and explores the influence of immediatism.

This article analyzes how and for what reasons the Alliance for Progress, an American development and modernization program aimed at Latin America, directed large amounts of financial resources to the Nordeste of Brazil in the early 1960s. The article also analyze how the traditional political forces of the Nordeste, the arm of the agrarian oligarchies in the region, forcede a change in the behavior of Alliance for Progress and, to a large extent, forced the United States to radicalize the program in benefit of its national security, eventually strengthening these political forces instead to combat the structures preserved by them, which hampered the penetration of liberal capitalism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers a relatively unknown episode in the early Cold War that involved the US and Brazil, as well as a number of other countries. From 1950, the leading figure in Brazil's nuclear effort, Admiral Álvaro Alberto, established amicable connections with the representatives of other nations in order to make it possible for Brazil to develop an atomic energy complex. The U.S. reaction to the Brazilian initiative was sharp and restrictive, involving a combination of coercion and persuasion, and it reverberated in a larger matrix of hemispheric and global economic and security concerns. In this case, science diplomacy did not actually have the benign character often ascribed to it. We argue that it was instead an integral part of a set of diplomatic practices aimed at strengthening U.S. global hegemony rather than a means of addressing global concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines U.S.-Brazilian soluble coffee dispute between 1966-1971 and the period of negotiations for the renewal of the International Coffee Agreement (ICA). Topics discussed include reason for the improvement in the relationship between Brasilia and Washington in the early 1970s, goal of ICA, which was passed in 1962 due to the intensification of the Cold War in Latin America, and danger posed by the issue of Brazil's export subsidies on sales of soluble coffee to the U.S. It also mentions two initiatives that were at the center of the trade dispute with the U.S. on soluble coffee.

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Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the aftermath of India's first nuclear explosion in 1974, U.S. officials concluded that Brazil posed a growing proliferation risk, and they proposed to target Brazil with a new set of nonproliferation policies that included the denial of fuel-cycle technologies. However, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger expressed doubt that such an approach would curb Brazilian nuclear ambitions. Pushing back against influential voices in the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Kissinger argued that Brazil should be allowed to proceed with its plans to master the nuclear fuel cycle in exchange for U.S. assistance and new nonproliferation commitments. He justified this attitude on the grounds of alliance politics (Brazil was too important a pillar of U.S. Cold War policy in Latin America) and the interests of key domestic constituencies (U.S. private companies eyed Brazil's burgeoning nuclear industry). The Brazilian government responded well to Kissinger's approach and would have struck a deal if the transition to the Carter administration had not rendered the bargain untenable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the Alvin Ailey American Dance Theatre company, founded by American choreographer and activist Alvin Ailey, which toured Brazil in 1963, allowing Ailey to encounter Afro-Brazilian culture as manifested in dance, music and spirituality. Explored is activist and dramaturge Solano Trindade's gift to Ailey, a dossier of handwritten, typewritten and printed texts. Other topics discussed include how their is a lack of research on Ailey's Brazil tour of 1963 and details on Ailey's Afro-Brazilian encounter.

Review of the book "Juca Paranhos, o barão do Rio Branco", by Luis Cláudio Villafañe G. Santos (Santos, Luís Cláudio Villafañe G. Juca Paranhos: o Barão do Rio Branco. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2018, 560p), focusing on Brazil's relations with the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Manoel de Oliveira Lima (1867-1928) and Joaquim Nabuco (1849-1910) had a lot in common and played relevant roles as diplomats and men of letters. They also had their political differences that they were able to overcome in order to create what it seemed like a solid friendship for two decades until their opposite views on the United States, its role in the continent and the relations with Brazil, set them apart. Their relationship had experienced previous controversies and disagreements before, but it was only when Nabuco experienced what he considered an attack on his legacy by Oliveira Lima that their friendship ended definitely. This article aims to analyze the context of the rupture, its background and how in the end it was a hurt ego more than an irreconcilable ideological battle what prompt them to cut ties. Moreover, it seeks to highlight how this episode helped to forge Oliveira Lima's image as a difficult character, a rebel diplomat, and, finally, as anti-American. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional issue of peripheral underdevelopment has in the Brazilian Superintendency for the Development of the Northeast (SUDENE) its first great paradigmatic case. The adoption of its two master plans reflects the economic and political onslaught of this institution. In this context, dialogue between SUDENE and the United States was established via the request for financing. This paper analyses the rapprochement and distancing between SUDENE and the "Alliance for Progress" in order to identify the political negotiations established between the two actors in the 1961-1964 period. First, the process of rapprochement to the Alliance for Progress by SUDENE (1961-1962) is examined, followed by a review of the causes of the decline of those negotiations (1963-1964). The methodology is based on the documentary analysis of the acts of SUDENE's Deliberative Council and its first and second master plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S.–Brazil relationship features an intersection of public and private sectors characteristic of the post‐2000 dynamics of international business and governmental relations. As a triple helix reference for the private sector, the public sector, and academia, this article explores how further alignment of public and private interests of the United States and Brazil can improve the bilateral relationship between the two largest countries in the Western hemisphere. The first section recaps the U.S.–Brazil public relationship and cultural perspectives shared between Brazil and the United States. The second section reviews the relevance of the U.S.–Brazil relationship in Brazil's economy and business marketplace. Sections 3 through 5 discuss specific trade, investment, and tax agreements that can be mutually beneficial for the United States and Brazil. The final section recommends further areas for public–private cooperation between the United States and Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The role of the US in the 1964 coup in Brazil is controversial. When did US policymakers decide to support the coup conspirators, and why? This article reviews some recent works on the 1964 coup and makes two arguments. First, recently declassified documents show that the US joined the coup conspiracy only in 1963 not, as some claim, in 1961 or 1962. Second, many scholars do not explain the actions of US policymakers, or see their decisions as the inevitable consequence of US imperialism. This article argues that shifts in US domestic politics during the Cold War, as well as the pattern of post-war foreign policy in Latin America, help explain US support for the coup. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims at analyzing the foreign relations of Brazil and its foreign policy with reference to South America. Various challenges that the country faced in recent years include political instability, economic slowdown and economic crises of Brazilian politician Dilma Rousseff. It further discusses scenarios showcasing relationship between Brazil and other Southern countries including foreign policy of Brazil, its impact on Latin American regions and Brazilian diplomacy. Various countries with whom relationship of Brazil has been discussed include Argentina, Peru and Colombia.

Copyright of Estudos Historicos is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article investigates the mechanisms and effectiveness of EU and US attempts to liberalize public procurement in Brazil, India and China. These emerging countries have been reluctant to fully embrace the EU- and US-induced international procurement regime, which is underpinned by the plurilateral WTO Government Procurement Agreement (GPA). Relying on the Special Issue's 'supply-and-demand model' of regulatory power, the article finds that the EU has developed a more assertive bargaining approach over time compared to the US, and can hereby rely on support from business groups and the centralization of competences at EU-level. In terms of effectiveness, EU and US strategies depend on emerging countries' demand for external input, with Chinese authorities being most involved in exchanges with EU and US counterparts. Finally, the persistence of domestic preference schemes in the US and low market penetration in the EU undermine their efforts to gain market access abroad, and - worse - inspire emerging countries to introduce not only 'best' practices of transparent procurement procedures, but also 'bad' practices of protectionism against foreign companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses U.S.-Brazilian relations during the elaboration of João Goulart's Three-Year Plan in late 1962, which sought to tackle Brazil's severe economic imbalances without compromising growth and through the implementation of distributive reforms. Although the plan followed the principles of John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress, Washington did not offer adequate assistance because of Goulart's threats to increase links with the Soviet bloc. The United States hardened its position, seeking to change the orientation of the Brazilian government. This led to the abandonment of the Three- Year Plan, and contributed to social and political destabilisation that resulted in Brazil's March 1964 military coup. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to develop questions about the role of the international business-political relations between Brazil and the United States throughout the 1960s, composed by representatives of the international capital in this period in both countries and institutions of which they belonged. We want to demonstrate the existence of a business-political network developed with the purpose of defending the interests of private enterprise and foreign capital, punctuating his performance during the crisis of the sixties in Brazil, through the visit of Latin-American businessmen group in the United States in 1963.

This article discusses the military relations between Brazil and United States in the Cold War. Focusing on the dynamic of these relations and on arms transfers, one argues that the Brazilian military sought in the USA a path towards organizational modernization, industrialization and regional supremacy. Thus Brazil operated a movement from a very close and dependent position to a more distant one, since Washington did not support Brazilian objectives of military modernization and strategic autonomy and the anticommunist agenda became less important to Brazil.

A década de 1940 representou o auge e o declínio do paradigma das "relações especiais" Brasil - Estados Unidos, predominante por quase meio século na política exterior brasileira. Após a experiência bem sucedida de colaboração durante a segunda guerra mundial, o Brasil enfrentou um período de frustração e desapontamento nas suas relações com o governo de Washington. Emergindo como potência hegemônica, os sucessivos governos norte-americanos constituíram interesses e objetivos globais na nova ordem internacional, pouco restando para o atendimento das demandas dos países latino-americanos. A IV Reunião de Consulta dos Chanceleres Americanos, realizada em Washington, entre março e abril de 1951, explicitou não apenas o dissídio de objetivos e interesses entre os Estados Unidos e os países latino-americanos no pós-guerra, mas também o surgimento de uma nova perspectiva de relacionamento dentro do continente, pautada em negociações realistas e pragmáticas, sobretudo por parte do Brasil.The 1940s represented the peak and decline of the paradigm of the "special relationship" Brazil - United States, predominant for almost half a century in the Brazilian foreign policy. After the successful experience of collaboration during the Second World War, Brazil faced a period of frustration and disappointment in their relations with the government in Washington. Emerging as a hegemonic power, successive Americans governments have global interests and objectives in the new international order, leaving little to meet the demands of Latin American countries. The Fourth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers American held in Washington, between March and April 1951, explicited not only the goals and interests of disagreement between the U.S. and Latin American countries in the post-war, but also the emergence of a new perspective on relations within the continent, namely, from that time based on realistic and pragmatic negotiations, this orientation led by Brazil during the meeting.

This study investigates the American presence and influences in the physical education press to understand the way in which that presence influenced and contributed to the production of a sports culture in the first half of the twentieth century. As historical sources, the study uses periodicals in the field that were published in the period 1932–1950. As a theoretical frame of reference, it uses the repertoire of the New Cultural History in terms of strategy, tactics and devices. It is written in a narrative way, following Ginzburg's style, presenting data and contextualizing them with the historic scene. Clues enabled us to infer that the American presence, which was catalysed by the Brazilian Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA), sought to shape a sports culture from physical education and society. This effort reflected the yearning of Brazilian intellectuals for modernisation and an attempt at cultural colonisation by the government of the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This Article deals with the analytical history of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation between the U.S. and Brazil. In the first part of the Article, the author analyzed all the provisions of the Treaty entered into between the two countries on December 12, 1828. The second part examined the historical causes for the early termination of the Treaty, 13 years after its execution. It suggests and evidences that the historical cause lies in a political factor, that is, the conflicts between a Republican form of government and the Brazilian Imperial political system. The third and final part of the Article deals with the economic history of investments and business between the two countries. It finalizes to suggest the economic losses to both countries in the absence of a new Treaty in force. It also makes an exhortation to both countries to enter into a new Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nova Economia is the property of Nova Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1975, Brazil voted in favor of the United Nations General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX), equating Zionism with a form of racism. Focusing on the decision-making process of president Ernesto Geisel's (1974-1979) foreign policy, "responsible pragmatism", this article discusses how the ultimate decision to vote in favor of resolution was taken taking into account mainly US-Brazil relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil and USA are important trading partners. Brazil as a resource-rich country in Latin America and a vibrant emerging economy draws enormous US trade and investment interests. Inclusion in BRICS lifts Brazil as an emerging global economic force and BRICS as a group poses economic challenges to the developed world. The Brazil-US growing trade and fluctuating Real-Dollar exchange rate are a fascinating issue of empirical exploration. The principal objective of this paper is to study the dynamics between Brazil-US nominal trade balance and nominal Real-Dollar exchange rate. Monthly data are utilized from January 1999 through December 2013 since Brazil allowed floatation of Real beginning in January 1999. They are obtained from the Direction of Trade and International Financial Statistics, published by the IMF. The standard cointegration methodology is implemented. This is appropriate since macroeconomic and financial variables are very likely to be time-variant. The application of OLS on nonstationary variables would produce misleading inferences in presence of spurious correlation. Consequently, the efficient DF-GLS and NG-Perron tests for nonstationarity and their counterpart KPSS test for stationarity are applied. All of them confirm nonstationarity of both time series variables. Stationarity in both variables is restored on first-differencing of the level data depicting I(1) behavior. Consequently, the Johansen-Juselius procedure is implemented for cointegrating relationship. Both max and trace test statistics unveil no cointegration between nominal bilateral trade balance and exchange rate. In this backdrop, VAR model is estimated, as appropriate. The evidences on short-run bidirectional causal flows are strong with significant interactive feedback effects. In the case of reverse causality, the evidences are highly insignificant. The impulse response analysis depicts the existence of short-run bilateral J-curve that shows initial deterioration in trade balance for a while following exchange rate depreciation before improvement into positive territory. In this paper, the J-curve shows that currency depreciation by Brazil against the US dollar to improve its trade balance with the USA may work only in the short run. Progressive improvement in trade balance in the long run would, in fact, depend on prudent monetary and fiscal actions to enhance Brazil's global competitiveness through improvement in labor productivity and modern technology adoption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at analyzing the set of images conveyed by the Última Hora newspaper on the Brazil-United States relations during the transition between the Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower administration. Through the analysis of the paper's editions published between 1952 and 1953, we surveyed the expectations, frustrations and collision of interests that set the tone of both countries' relations as Cold War's world tensions were straining. Conceiving the UH as an instrument of legitimacy towards Vargas' policies, we approached it via political imagination, observing the strategies of conditioning public opinion on key topics for Brazil-US relations at that time, such as the economic, political and military cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at Brazil-U.S. relations, focusing on the strengthening of the relationship over the past ten years in the context of Brazil's growing international prominence. The author notes that under certain international relations theories, the U.S., as the most powerful country in the Western Hemisphere, would be unlikely to develop closer relations with a rising power in the region such as Brazil, and presents a case for why the U.S.-Brazil partnership has grown. He draws a comparison to U.S.-British relations around the turn of the 20th century. Topics include policy areas of agreement and disagreement between the two countries, the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) commercial treaty, and left-leaning regimes and international relations within Latin America.

How do states decide where to source arms? Drawing on theories of international relations, we consider the recent fighter aircraft competitions in Brazil and India, and analyze why the U.S.-made aircraft lost to their European rivals. Official statements offered by the Brazilian and Indian governments have cited inferior aircraft performance, technology-sharing issues, and prices. These explanations may be valid, but their main purpose is to direct attention away from the fact that military procurement is, above all, a matter of international politics and policy. Using analytical eclecticism as our guide, we selectively combine constructivist, liberal, and realist theoretical elements to provide a more comprehensive explanation of why Lockheed Martin and Boeing failed to sell fighters to Brazil and India. Related Articles [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In the United States (US) and Brazil, obesity has emerged as a health epidemic. This article is driven by the following research questions: how did the US and Brazil's federal institutions respond to obesity? And how did these responses affect policy implementation? The aim of this article is therefore to conduct a comparative case study analysis of how these nations' institutions responded in order to determine the key lessons learned. Methods: This study uses primary and secondary qualitative data to substantiate causal arguments and factual claims. Results: Brazil shows that converting preexisting federal agencies working in primary healthcare to emphasize the provision of obesity prevention services can facilitate policy implementation, especially in rural areas. Brazil also reveals the importance of targeting federal grant support to the highest obesity prevalence areas and imposing grant conditionalities, while illustrating how the incorporation of social health movements into the bureaucracy facilitates the early adoption of nutrition and obesity policies. None of these reforms were pursued in the US. Conclusions: Brazil's government has engaged in innovative institutional conversion processes aiding its ability to sustain its centralized influence when implementing obesity policy. The US government's adoption of Brazil's institutional innovations may help to strengthen its policy response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]