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This article analyzes how and why the apartheid government and white South African society assisted white refuge seekers fleeing from the present-day Democratic Republic of Congo to South Africa in July 1960. It argues that race-based solidarity shaped how white South Africans responded to Congo's white refuge seekers, generating a momentary but widespread sense of responsibility for their well-being. This article shows how the government's reaction to these refuge seekers informed its regional and national political strategy to maintain white minority rule. The South African government's racial solidarity with Congo's refuge seekers overlapped with a desire to bolster white population numbers and depict South Africa as a bastion of white refuge. Its reaction to Congo's refuge seekers therefore emphasizes how racial, regional, and national politics can work together to shape refugee policies., Introduction White refuge seekers form a small group in the history of refugees in Africa. It includes the twenty thousand Polish World War Two refugees cared for across British colonial [...]

TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION I. The Oau Refugee Convention: Expansion of the Un Refugee Convention Definition and Other Aspects A. Expanding the Definition of a Refugee B. Reaffirming the Principle [...]

Abstract This essay discusses the meaning of prayer, worship, and liturgy for the transformation and renewal of public life. As a crucial practice of the church, prayer creates, enhances, and [...]

The development of South African children's literature from the mid-20th century to 2008 is examined. Early books such as 'Jock of the Bushveld' humanized animals and portrayed them as far more intelligent than any black character. 'Oppositional publishing' emerged in the 1970's where it helped writers and readers exchange critical debate and develop a literary culture that dealt with the realities of apartheid.

The Derrida of Marx haunts the Derrida of 'racism's Last Word,' a temporal complex that prompts this paper's two questions: 'is the specter that which never been manifest?' and 'what [...]

In trying to portray in words the complexity of the ways in which apartheid cities have unravelled since the early 1990s, it is important to recall the city apartheid imagined [...]

Four eras of tribal and state formation have marked the modern history of South Africa. The conquest years of the nineteenth century saw the emergence of a colonial state and […]

The seventh session of the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) in the year 1952 represents a historical landmark for the first time in history, and apartheid was placed on the UN agenda, as South Africa challenged its competence to influence the internal racial policies of member country. The analysis emphasizes on the disagreement developed within the state department at that time and also reveals the ambiguity in the US policy that included racial indiscrimination and focuses only on Soviet expansion.

ABSTRACT With the demise of apartheid, South Africans eagerly anticipated the freedom from bondage that liberation brings. More than ten years later, however, remnants of the inhumane system still remain [...]

This article discusses the social, historiacl and political aspects of the Voortrekker Monument in South Africa, and how it symbolizes the power of the Afrikaners during the apartheid era. The change in race relations among white and black South Africans are discussed.

This article discusses the role of monuments in identity, nationalism and contested national history by examining the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria, South Africa, through which Afrikaners constructed a distinct political identity in the late 1940s. Themes attached to the monument include the interpretation of an heroic Afrikaner past, which was constructed out of political debates in the 1930s and 1940s and not out of historical authenticity; the inauguration of the monument coincided with the first apartheid government and, the author asserts, contributed to the nationalism and identity of the Afrikaners.

This article focuses on colonial accounts of the killing of the Xhosa chief, Hintsa, in 1835 at the hands of British forces along what came to be known as the eastern Cape frontier. It explores the evidentiary procedures and protocols through which the event came to be narrated in colonial frames of intelligibility. In proposing a strategy for reading the colonial archive, the paper strategically interrupts the flow from an apartheid historiography to what is commonly referred to as 'alternative history.' The aim in effecting this interruption is to call attention to the enabling possibilities of critical history. This is achieved not by way of declaration but rather through a practice whereby the foundational category of evidence is problematized. The paper alludes to the limits of alternative history and its approaches to evidence on the one hand, and the conditions of complicity within which evidence is produced on the other. Whereas alternative history identifies its task as one of re-writing South African history, critical history, it is suggested, offers the opportunity to reconstitute the field of history by addressing the sites of its production and also its practices. In exploring the production of the colonial record on the killing of Hintsa, the paper seeks to complicate alternative history's slippage in and out of the evidentiary rules established by colonial domination even as it constitutes the category of evidence as an object for a politics of history of the present.

This article discusses the commemoration of the 1899-1902 Boer War in South Africa since the transition in government in 1994; popular war remembrance has shifted since the end of apartheid, with the focus no longer on the 'white man's war' of an imperial era, but acknowledging that both blacks and whites suffered. Many Afrikaans are outraged with the British for their use of concentration camps and other war atrocities, and demand an apology and retribution; many blacks feel that it has little significance to their own history since it was a conflict between whites.

There has been a paucity of research on the historical development of the local state in South Africa. In this paper the historical development of the apartheid local state is examined with specific references to Durban. More specifically, the nature of social relations will be analysed through an abstraction of specific moments in the periodization of the local state in Durban from the late 1800 to the early 1930s. The focus is on the nature of power relations at the local level through an examination of the conflicts, contradictions, resistance and repression in the relationship among the local state, capital, labour, and the white electorate. The paper reveals that the local state in Durban played a critical role in facilitating capital accumulation by pioneering mechanism for the control, regulation and exploitation of black labour, while building a strong alliance with the white working class. The subsequent racist discourse in Durban consolidated a political alliance between the local state, the white elite and the white working class.

Cuban President Fidel Castro asserts that Cuba's contribution towards eliminating apartheid in South Africa has largely gone unnoticed by the international community. Cuba fought and won a long and gruelling battle against the racist South African regime in Angola, which possessed the advantage of nuclear power. Despite the vast scale of human rights abuses in Latin America, Cuba has been targeted for blockades, which like nuclear tests cannot be justified as they go against humanity.

Disturbances in western area townships of Johannesburg in 1949 and 1950 contributed to the development of the official policy of apartheid as a means of controlling a growing urban proletariat. White South Africans demanded the removal of blacks from the townships of Sophiatown, Martindale, the Western Native Township and Newclare. The National Party responded with implementation of the western areas removal scheme. Coloured residents allied with whites against the blacks to protect their own interests.

"The Vacant Land" explores the changing image of the African in nineteenth-century South Africa. British travellers, officials and settlers originally viewed Africans with a cautious optimism. By the third decade of the nineteenth century, however, the emergent colonial elite had assembled a series of negative images which they considered were intrinsic characteristics in the soul of the African. The article argues that the social and cultural construction of a negative image of the black critically informed early South African historical writing and particularly the narrative of European expansion and the argument that blacks and whites arrived in the country at roughly the same time. The author suggests the ways in which history became nature and myth, and the role of culture and identity in South Africa's colonial past.