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Članak je napisan prigodom 1600. obljetnice smrti sv. Jeronima, velikoga ranokršćanskoga pisca, bibličara i teologa. Jeronim se rodio u Stridonu, gradiću na granici Dalmacije i Panonije, koji su Goti razorili još za njegova života. U članku je prikazan Jeronimov nauk o naravi i stupnjevima zaređenih službenika prema zbirci pisama koja sadržava 154 pisma, od kojih je Jeronim napisao 116, a 16 je pisama upućeno njemu. U zbirku su uključena i pisma od kojih je neka Jeronim preveo na latinski, a neka su apokrifna. Važnost i bogatstvo zbirke pisama očituje se u mnoštvu različitih tema i brojnosti osoba s kojima se Jeronim dopisivao. O zaređenim službenicima Jeronim piše u 27 od 116 autentičnih pisama, ponekad samo u naznakama, a u četiri pisma opširnije raspravlja o svećeništvu. Jeronim koristi tada uobičajeno nazivlje o zaređenim službenicima: episkop, prezbiter i đakon. Vrlo rijetko koristi i latinske nazive sacerdos i sacerdotio, koje primjenjuje isključivo na episkope i prezbitere, ali ne na đakone. Kada želi jednim nazivom ujediniti sve zaređene službenike, koristi naziv clericus. Da bi netko postao službenik u Crkvi, prema Jeronimu, odlučan je izbor i poslanje zajednice, polaganje ruku samo je potvrda poslanja. U svojim pismima Jeronim govori o biti i različitim stupnjevima zaređenih službenika (episkopa i prezbitera), povezujući ih s apostolima, sakramentima i Crkvom. Najvažniju ulogu koju imaju u zajednici slavljenje je sakramenata, napose euharistije. Jeronimova je posebnost da on odlučno niječe bitnu razliku u stupnju svetoga reda između episkopa i prezbitera, razlikuje ih samo služba koju svaki ima u Crkvi. Razlika je, dakle, više sociološka nego ontološka. Ðakoni se bitno razlikuju od episkopa i prezbitera, oni su nasljednici sedmorice koje su apostoli izabrali i odredili za služenje u zajednici. Premda Jeronim smatra da ne postoji bitna razlika u svetom redu između episkopa i prezbitera, on ne niječe različitost ulogâ i službi koje obnašaju u Crkvi. Korijeni te različitosti nisu teološki, nego društveni i ustrojbeni. Budući da je Crkva također i ljudska zajednica, ona mora imati ustroj sličan drugim ljudskim zajednicama, primjerice vojsci ili posadi broda u kojima se sluša zapovjednika., This article was written on the occasion of the 1600th anniversary of the death of St. Jerome, the great early Christian writer, Bible scholar and theologian. Jerome was born in Stridon, a small town on the border of Dalmatia and Pannonia which was destroyed by the Goths during his lifetime. The article presents Jerome’s teaching on the nature and degree of ordained ministers based on a collection of 154 letters, 116 of which were written by Jerome and 16 of which were written to him. The collection contains also letters which Jerome translated into Latin, some of which are apochryphal. The importance and wealth of the letter collection is evident in the multiplicity and diversity of themes and in the considerable number of persons with whom Jerome corresponded. Jerome writes on ordained ministers in 27 of the 116 authentic letters, sometimes only implicating them, while he discusses the priesthood at greater length in four letters. Jerome uses terms applying to ordained ministers which were customary in his time, namely, bishop, presbyter and deacon. He very rarely uses the Latin terms sacerdos and sacerdotio, which apply exclusively to bishops and presbyters and not to deacons. When he wishes to unify all ordained ministers under one name, he uses the term clericus. In order for someone to become a minister of the Church, according to Jerome, the decisive factor is selection by and the mission of the community, while the laying on of hands is only a confirmation of the calling. In his letters Jerome speaks of the essence of the different degrees of ordained ministers (bishops and presbyters) and links them to the Apostles, the Sacraments and the Church. Their most important role in the community is the celebration of the Sacraments, particularly the Eucharist. Jerome’s particularity lies in his resolute negation of an essential difference in the degree of Holy Orders between a bishop and a presbyter: he distinguishes them only through the ministry of each in the Church. Thus, the distinction is moreso sociological than ontological. Deacons are essentially different from bishops and presbyters as they are successors to the Seven chosen by the Apostles and designated to serve in the community. Although Jerome considers that there is no essential distinction within Holy Orders between a bishop and presbyter, he does not negate the difference in their role and the ministry they carry out in the Church. The roots of these differences are not theological, but rather societal and structural. Seeing as the Church is also a human community, She must have a structure similar to other human communities, such as the military or ship crew who are subservient to authority.

U uvodniku su navedeni bio-bibliografski podaci o sv. Jeronimu prigodom 1600. obljetnice njegove smrti.

Petric's "lux", in a similar wey, was not onli a sensible image of a rational emanative process, but is original Goodd itself, manifested in the otherness of plurality. However, taken as a whole, Petrić0s philosophical system, based as it was on the total presence of light, extending grom God, the 'Father of light0, op to the body, is not emanative. This is because light did not degrade itself by entering into the world of diversity and materiality, but was affirmed by its 'dscent'as the creative power. Lighr permeates the entire universe, corporeal and non-corporeal, and as the main carrier of cosmic energy becomes the basis of communication troughout the universe. Physical ligt is onli the revelation of divine light, wich constitutes the unity of the physical, psychic, and spiritual processes.

U današnjem svijetu jake sekularizacije, ali i buđenja nove religioznosti, abrahamovski monoteizam stoji pred brojnim izahovima. Drevni je gnosticizam, mješavina istočnjačkog dualizma, antičke mitologije i filozofije te židovsko-kršćasnke vjerske tradicije. Gnoza znači poseban oblikspoznaje božanskih tajni, pa se u tom smislu može govoriti i o kršćanskoj i islamskoj gnozi. Gnosticizam pak označuje religiozni nauk, pokret i sekte koji se javljaju u I. i II. stoljeću, na koji se oslanja i "novi gnosticizam" koji se ne može u potpunosti poistovjetiti s onim drevnim, no pokazuje mnoge zajedničke oznake. Kao primjer posebne sličnosti s drevnim gnosticizmom i izazov abrahamovskoj vjerskoj tradiciji istaknut je New age, koji nije strukturirani pokret, nego galaksija skupina, tendencija i različitih ponašanja unutar kojega cvjetaju novi magisjki pokreti i nove religije.

Autor se bavi trajnim filozofsko-teološkim pitanjem o odnosu vjere i razuma pristupajući ovoj problematici osobito kroz iskustvo ranoga kršćanstva koje je svojim odnosom prema filozofiji uvelike odredilo stavove kršćanskih pisaca i cjelokupne teologije sve do naših dana. Stav o nespojivosti vjere i razuma (kršćanstva i filozofije) zastupala je tek manjina ranokršćanskih mislitelja, dok je većina držala kako između spoznaje razumom (filozofije) i spoznaje vjerom (teologije) postoji sklad i jedinstvo. Istaknuti pobornici takva mišljenja jesu Justin, Klement Aleksandrijski i Augustin. Taj skladni odnos koji je trajao stoljećima poremećen je suvremenim razdvajanjem i indiferentnošću, što je dovelo do obostranoga osiromašenja. Na to upozorava enciklika pape Ivana Pavla II. Fides et ratio koja na tragu crkvenih otaca ponovno želi uspostaviti tu nasilno narušenu harmoniju između ovih neodvojivih stvarnosti., The author deals with permanent philosophical-theological question about relation of religion and mind, approaching to this problem especially through the experience of the early Christianity, which, with its relation to philosophy, considerably determined attitudes of Christian writers and entire theology till today. The view about incompatibility of religion and mind (Christianity and philosophy) was supported by the minority of the early Christian thinkers, while the majority thought that harmony and unity exist between rational cognition (philosophy) and religious cognition (theology). Prominent advocates of such view are Justin, Clement of Alexandria and Augustin. That harmonious relation, which has lasted for centuries, is now disarranged with separation and indifference that caused mutual impoverishment. The encyclical letter of the Pope John Paul II Fides et ratio warns about that. It wants to reestablish that forcibly disrupted harmony between these inseparable realities in accordance with the Church fathers.

Isus nije bio ni revolucionar ni politički anarhist; pokazuje to i njegova izjava: "Podajte caru carevo a Bogu Božje" (Mt 22,21), kojom je jasno razdijelio religiozno i političko područje. Premda jasno odvojena i autonomna, ta se dva područja međusobno ne isključuju, naprotiv, potrebna je suradnja jer iste osobe kao vjernici pripadaju Crkvi, a kao građani državi. Kršćani su uvjereni da Crkva i država imaju svoje korijene u Bogu i da moraju ostvarivati zamisao koju je Bog stvoritelj namijenio državi i Bog spasitelj Crkvi. Najranije razdoblje kršćanske povijesti važno je za sva područja kršćanskog života pa tako i za odnos prema državi i politici. Upravo tu treba tražiti korijene pozitivnih, ali i negativnih rješenja koja će odrediti tijek kasnijih odnosa, sve do naših dana. Od početka su kršćani nastojali izgraditi pozitivan stav prema državi, premda se ona neprijateljski odnosila prema kršćanstvu. U vrijeme progona, do vladavine cara Konstantina početkom IV. stoljeća, kršćani su redovito molili za državne poglavare i nastojali biti lojalni građani, premda su često doživljavali teške nepravde i okrutne progone. Ono što kršćani nikako nisu prihvaćali bilo je uplitanje države u vjersko područje, osobito nametanje poganstva i obožavanje cara. Ranokršćanski su intelektualci, posebice apologetski pisci drugog stoljeća, u svojim spisima i teoretski razradili kršćanski stav o državi i političkoj vlasti. Dolaskom Konstantina na vlast i izdavanjem Milanskog edikta o toleranciji (313.), uvjeti života za kršćane bitno su poboljšani, no odnos vlasti, ovaj puta kršćanske, prema Crkvi i vjeri nisu se bitno promijenili. Dobre i loše posljedice pretjerane povezanosti vjere i politike brzo su uočili ranokršćanski pisci i na njih su jasno upozorili.

Povijest je puna primjera sukoba i nerazumijevanja među ljudima, kulturama, religijama, ideologijama i politici. Tehnološki je razvoj omogućio da čovjek može uništiti sebe i prirodu. Strah od katastrofične budućnosti pobudio je u ljudima svijest o potrebi međusobnog razumijevanja i tolerancije, a jedno od uspješnijih sredstava da se to postigne jest dijalog općenito i religijski dijalog kao njegov bitni dio. Globalizacija s jedne i pluralizam s druge strane učinili su da religije i religiozni pojedinci sve više postaju otvoreni jedni prema drugima. Sve su češći međureligijski kontakti na osobnoj, institucionalnoj i doktrinalnoj razini. Redoviti način tih susreta odvija se kroz dijalog, koji je prvenstveno susret osoba i zbiva se na osobnoj razini, no ima važne i društvene posljedice. Neizvjesnost budućnosti i ljudske sudbine čini da dijalog (kultura dijaloga) mora postati redoviti način ponašanja, a ne prigodno događanje. Dijalog općenito i religijski dijalog kao njegov bitni dio sve se više pokazuju kao nasušna ljudska i društvena potreba o kojoj će ovisiti budućnost., History is brimming with instances of conflict and misunderstanding between peoples, cultures, religions, ideologies and political ideas. Technological progress has given man the power to destroy himself and nature as well. Fear of a coming catastrophe has awaked man's awareness of the need for interpersonal understanding and tolerance. One of the more effective means to achieve this is through dialogue in general and more specifically, religious dialogue which represents an essential component thereof. Globalization on the one hand, and pluralism on the other have created a situation in which religious faiths and religious individuals are opening up increasingly to one another. Interreligious contacts on a personal, institutional and doctrinal level are more and more frequent. These meetings take place, as a rule, on the level of dialogue, and dialogue is primarily an encounter between individuals which takes place on a personal level, but not without its social repercussions. Uncertainty regarding the future and man's fate compels us to regard dialogue (the culture of dialogue) as an essential component of our normal behaviour, and not an occasional episode. Dialogue in general and religious dialogue as its component part are evidently becoming a basic human and social necessity upon which our future depends.

In his discourse on Augustine's "Confessions" the author doesn't stop at the biographical data neither at the outstanding litterary beauty of this master-work, but is interested in how Augustine endeavours, with his mind and inner experience, to prove the evidence of God's existence. To Augustine, the human being itself, his/her soul above all, is the starting point on the way to God. Proceeding from the undeniable truth of its own existence, the human soul is able to attain the truth of God's existence. The path to God should not, therefore, be considered in terms of space and time; it is, namely, an inner process - "via interior" - a person has to absolve beginning from the witnessing of the world and the senses. Due to this Augustine's specific elaboration it is hard to say whether it is a subjective-empiristical or a demonstrative approach in proving the existence of God. According to the author, Augustine's inner way (via interior) includes both apporaches simultaneously.

The question of women in the works of early Christian fathers is approached from the historical context and cultural-religious heritage: 1. Cultural and religious sources about the early Christian position of women: women in Judaism; Jesus' attitude toward women; Paul's attitude toward women. 2. Eve and Mary are contrasted through the writings of the first fathers. 3. Women's topology according to the ancient fathers: woman as a virgin, widow and mother. 4. The role of women in the first Church according to the writings of the fathers: women in the first Christian communities: women in the Church during the second and third centuries.