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Abstract A little-known Athenian financial magistracy: the poristai The essay examines the role of the poristai, a financial magistracy that functioned in Athens between the 5th and 4th centuries BC, and to which scholars have devoted scarce attention. The importance that Athens ascribed to the poroi was a central factor in its politics from as early as the 5th century. Management of the Athenian economy underwent a series of substantial changes from the end of the Peloponnesian War onwards, and since the state required increasingly specialized financial management skills, these authorities seem to have played a prominent role. The difficult economic situation that ensued from the Sicilian defeat of 413 had necessitated the creation of this unusual board of magistrates known as the poristai, whose unusual task was most likely that of administering public funds and state revenues. This essay focuses on references to the board in ancient sources, and on the often ‘technical’ use of the verb porizo, in order to shed light on the functions and identity of some of these magistrates, and on the possibility that this initially anomalous office gradually gained a permanent status during the 4th century.

Abstract The advances that have taken place in recent decades in the investigation of the ritual and topographical structure of the Sanctuary of Delphi have brought to light strong correspondences with the narrative structure of the Proem of Parmenides. These correspondences, of a ritual, topographical and narrative nature, could be a sign that Parmenides’ hymn was composed to be performed in a civic and religious festival of ancient Elea that followed the model of the Theophania of Delphi. In this paper I present the signs and evidence in favour of this thesis, which implies not only a revision of the traditional interpretations of the Proem, but also the possibility of using it as historical evidence to improve our knowledge of the religious festivals held at Delphi. According to this interpretation, the Proem would not describe a katabasis or an anabasis, but the epidemia or arrival of Apollo at Delphi from the land of the Hyperboreans. The narrator would be Apollo (and not Parmenides), and the itinerary of his journey, that of the places and stations of the Theophania procession. This reading also offers a consistent interpretation of the sculptures and inscriptions found in the Insula II of Velia. It is quite likely that the pholarchoi were priests of Apollo, whose ritual consecration took place at the festival for which Parmenides’ hymn was composed.

In questo contributo l’autrice legge alcune fonti letterarie e storiche pervenuteci - in particolar modo Filocoro FGrHist 328 F 119 - riguardanti un donativo di grano inviato nel 445/4 agli Ateniesi da parte di Psammetico, un principe di discendenza libica, alla luce delle relazioni culturali e commerciali tra l’Egitto achemenide e Atene nel quinto secolo a.C. Offre anche una nuova analisi di un verso dalle Tracie di Cratino (fr. 76 K.-A.), che contiene forse un riferimento non a questo dono di Psammetico, ma alle coppe d’oro appartenute al mercante egizio Paapis, menzionato esplicitamente sia in IG II², 1383, sia in un frammento di una commedia di Leucone (fr. 1 K.-A.). In this paper the author reads some surviving literary and historical sources - in particular Philoch. FGrHist 328 F 119 - concerning a gift of corn sent in 445/4 to the Athenians by Psammetichus, a prince of Lybian descent, in the light of the cultural and trade relations between Achaemenid Egypt and Athens in the fifth century BC. She also offers a new analysis of a verse from Cratinus’ Thracian Women (frg. 76 K.-A.), which perhaps contains a reference not to this gift by Psammetichus, but to the golden cups that belonged to the Egyptian merchant Paapis, explicitly mentioned both in IG II² 1383 and in a fragment from a Leucon’s play (frg. 1 K.-A.).

Un piccolo teatro all’aperto, progettato da Dimitris Pikionis, appare nella scena urbana ateniese in un momento critico per la capitale: l’arrivo dei profughi dall’Asia Minore, il conseguente problema della casa, le politiche inefficaci di espansione della città. In questo contesto il dibattito architettonico fra le due guerre (del 900) nella capitale si fa complesso, contraddittorio e ricco di conflitti ideologici e trova episodicamente modo di svilupparsi, in particolare nella costruzione di luoghi architettonici chiave per i nuovi quartieri: spazi aperti e spazi collettivi, scuole. A rendere ancora più complesso il dibattito è Pikionis con risposte concrete all’incolta ricostruzione in atto, alla distruzione selvaggia dell’architettura della tradizione, ai discorsi sullo standard. Nello stesso anno il IV CIAM giunge ad Atene con conseguenti svolte impreviste.

In addition to the rhetoricians and orators who at Athens supported or opposed Philip, a number of playwrights – such as Ephippus and Alexis – did not hesitate to express their opinions of the Macedonian king. Some fragments of their works, however, seem to show conflicting positions, for if Ephippus supported the anti-Macedonian party, Alexis, while including Philip in some comedies, did not blame the king by turning him into a comic mask, but praised his political decisions and his respect for religion and traditions.

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Il saggio esamina la bibliografia posteriore al 2010 sui rendiconti edilizi ateniesi d'età classica, con particolare riferimento al V secolo a.C. Si fa un breve cenno iniziale alle principali novità emerse nella ricerca epigrafica e nell'edizione dei testi. Sono poi presi in esame i lavori che hanno contribuito ad alimentare il dibattito relativo al rapporto fra le iscrizioni, spesso di forma e impatto monumentale, e le scritture prodotte sul cantiere e presentate dai magistrati durante l'esame contabile, previsto a conclusione dell'incarico. This paper reviews the post-2010 debate on Athenian building accounts of the classical age, with particular regard to the fifth century BCE. An initial summary of the main papers in epigraphic research is provided. The essay aims to feed the debate on the relationship between the inscriptions, often of monumental form and impact, and the writings produced and presented by magistrates during the accounting examination, scheduled at the end of the assignment.

Nel VII secolo a.C. Corinto è il punto di partenza di una nuova dinamica di scambi verso Occidente dal suo porto di Lechaion sul Golfo di Corinto. Analisi dei vari aspetti di tale dinamica nella fase precedente la costruzione del diolkos con la situazione particolare di Corinto su un istmo. Possibili interferenze con Atene. Contributo ad una lettura strutturale degli scambi mediterranei. In the 7th century BCE the port of Lechaion on the Gulf of Corinth is the starting point for a new trade dynamic towards the West. The various aspects of this dynamic in the phase before the construction of the diolko, with the particular siting of Corinth on an isthmus, are analysed. Possible interference with Athens and a contribution to a structural reading of Mediterranean trade are discussed.

An examination of Plut. Cim. 13, 4-5 and Harp. Α 261 Keaney s.v. Ἀττικοῖς γράμμασιν suggests that fourth-century historians Callisthenes (FGrHist 124 F 16) and Theopompus (FGrHist 115 F 154) challenged the view of contemporary Athenians – attested especially in rhetorical writings – that the Peace of Callias was concluded in the 460s BC in the aftermath of the battle at the river Eurymedon. Such a view described the peace as unilateral, i.e., not implying any obligation on the part of the Athenians. The fact that Callisthenes and Theopompus did not accept that tradition, doesn’t imply, per se, that they believed that no peace between Athens and Persia was ever concluded in the V century BC. On the contrary, the peace of 449 BC, as described by Diodorus in XII 4, 4-6 on the basis of fourth-century sources (Ephorus among them), was bilateral, i.e., it implied obligations on both sides (Athens and Persia); whether Callisthenes and Theopompus also disputed that peace was made in 449, is unclear. In addition, this paper explores the possibility of changing the unknown Νέσσου ποταμοῦ with Νείλου ποταμοῦ in the so called ‘Aristodemus’ (FGrHist 104 F 1, 13, 2).

The institution of ostracism has been considered a central practice of the Athenian democracy during the fifth century B.C.: the purpose of its establishment was to prevent tyranny. Anyway, according to Athenaion Politeia (22, 6), from Xanthippos’ ostracism (484) Athenians started to use the practice to remove from Athens any person who seemed to be too great, even if unconnected with tyranny. Among the ostraka against Xanthippos found during the Agora Excavations, one seems to be remarkable because it contains an elegiac couplet which stated why the father of Perikles should be ostracized. Interpretations of the text differ in details, but the general sense is that Xanthippos should be condemned because he did most wrong of all the leaders. Analyzing the inscription and the events of the Aeginetan War (Her. VI 88-93), this paper supposes that the ostracism of Xanthippos could have been caused by the rising figure of Themistokles, who condemned the Alkmeonid associate for his failed attack against Aegina. In fact, this defeat elicited a sacrilege against one of Nikodromos’ supporter. As the word ἀλειτερο῀ ν, inscribed on the ostrakon, seems to suggest, this event could have been related to the Cylonian curse.

The essays analyses the testimonies regarding Hegesippos, an Athenian politician who was active in the age of Demosthenes and for some time was one of his main supporters. His political activity was not intense until the second half of the Forties, when he became one of the leaders of the anti-Macedonian group, as it is showed by his speech On Halonnesos. In the Lykourgan age, instead, he did not have a relevant role on the Athenian political scene anymore.

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The article examines the behavior of the island of Chios during the Ionian revolt, according to the account of Herodotus. Chios adheres recklessly to revolt, but remains loyal to the end: fights at Lade with 100 ships, undergoing between the Ionians damage larger. The image of Chios is not according to Ionic stereotype: Chians fight until the end for freedom, do not yield to the weakness and indiscipline that is typical of the Ionians. Herodotus collects, probably in Athens, a Chian tradition that emphasizes its difference with Ionians of Asia.

Copyright of Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni is the property of Editrice Morcelliana S.p.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper offers a new analysis of sources as well as a new reconstruction of the events of Greek History in July and August 433 B.C. The author especially focuses (1) on the historical motives behind the change of view which led the Athenian Assembly to side not with the Corinthians, but with the Corcyraeans (here also stressing the role played by Pericles’ arguments and rhetorical ability); (2) on the Corcyraeans’ expectations of a symmachy and their negotiations with the Athenians, soon after the Assembly’s decision for the epimachy; (3) on the true strategy of Athens. It appears that the Athenians had planned to send more than ten ships to Corcyra from the very beginning. Furthermore, it was not by chance that the official instructions were «neglected» by Athenians at the Sybota: while claiming to strictly adhere to the epimachy, the Athenians practically acted as symmachoi. Athens was responsible for aggressive politics and, as a matter of fact, the fight at the Sybota put the spondai between Athenians and Corinthians officially to an end.

The essay analyses the few testimonies regarding Callisthenes, an Athenian politician of Demosthenes’ age generally neglected by the modern scholarship. Callisthenes, politically active since 357 (when he had a financial role), can be considered an early anti-Macedonian and seems to have had an important role on the political scene for a long time: he was, in fact, probably part of the group that managed the polis until 324, as it is suggested also by his alleged involvement in the Harpalus affair.

The ironical processes and the allusions to contemporary events in Herodotus’ Histories have recently aroused a growing interest among scholars, with a special focus on his concern about «Athenian imperialism». Specifically, the importance of herodotean irony per analogiam has been recently recognized in the first section of Socles’ speech (V 92 β-ε) about Cypselus’ deeds. The aim of this paper is to point out – drawing on the distinction between the intradiegetic and extradiegetic levels of the discourse – the remarkable allusions to contemporary Athens also in the second section of the same speech (V 92 ζ-η), devoted to Periander’s carrier, and to show Herodotus’ interest in «rise and fall» pattern.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the political development of the region of Acarnania in the 5th centrury BC. Using the information provided by Xenophon about the Acarnanian koinon, we will undertake a restrospective analysis showing the close relationship between the political unification of Acarnania and the intervention of Athens.

In the guest editorial we present a short review of the most recent debate concerning urban commons and commoning processes. We briefly highlight the main themes discussed in the papers composing the special issue regrouped around three thematic lines: i) the reappropriation of common spaces in times of austerity; ii) the ambivalence of the urban common; and iii) the methodological challenges raised by commoning practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can we consider the commons as creative forms? Which processes shape their character of novelty? In order to answer these questions, the creativity of the processes of commoning will be considered as the result of the collective exploration and the practical implication of people with their environments. Building on the socio-ecological perspective of Ingold (2000, 2007, 2011), the idea of common spaces will be connected to the concepts of "threshold" and "porosity" in the work of Stavrides (2010, 2014) and the discussion on cultural creativity by Favole (2010), Liep (2001) and Wagner (1992). Based on the results of fieldwork carried in Athens for two months in 2015, the analysis focuses on three practices of creation of the common emerged in the Greek capital in recent years: the Navarinou Park, the Agros Elliniko and the Free Self-Managed Theatre Embros. The context where these common spaces have emerged is a city characterized by social injustice produced by the streak power of economic and managerial elites. Common spaces emerge therefore as forms of collective creativity when facing the abstract logics of streaks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Attraverso uno sguardo alla pratica della sitonia, il contributo intende mostrare quali limiti presenti la visione di una strategia pianificata messa a punto dalla città di Atene per regolare il proprio approvvigionamento granario nel corso del IV secolo. Seppur più ampiamente attestato in epoca successiva, l’acquisto straordinario di grano pubblico da parte di agenti incaricati dalla polis fa la sua prima apparizione negli ultimi trent’anni del IV secolo. I delicati problemi di competenza posti dalla sitonia saranno qui brevemente analizzati: si ragionerà da un lato sul carattere eccezionale della pratica e, dall’altro, sulle fonti del suo finanziamento che, come vedremo, sono quasi sempre dipendenti dalla generosità privata. Through a look at the practice of the sitonia, I intend to show what limits are imposed to the vision of a planned policy settled up by Athens to regulate its own corn supply during the fourth century B.C. Although more widely attested in later times, the act of buying public grain by city’s officers makes its first appearance in the last three decades of the century and puts delicate issues of jurisdiction which will be analyzed here briefly. I will discuss the exceptional nature of the practice and the sources of its own funding, that are almost always depending from the private generosity.

Mentre Tucidide contrappone l’intraprendenza degli Ateniesi all’indolenza degli Spartani, mezzo secolo più tardi Demostene contrappone invece l’indolenza degli Ateniesi all’intraprendenza di Filippo II di Macedonia. Queste immagini retoriche tra loro speculari riflettono l’importanza che i due autori attribuivano al denaro come strumento indispensabile per esercitare l’egemonia, il quale favoriva una politica aggressiva ed efficace mentre la sua carenza spingeva invece a un atteggiamento arrendevole e rinunciatario in politica estera. While Thucydides oppose Athenians’ boldness to Lacedaemonians’ indolence, half a century later Demosthenes oppose instead Athenians’ indolence to Philip II of Macedonia’s boldness. These rhetorical images, specular to each other, reflect importance attached by two authors to money as necessary instrument to exercise hegemony; it paved the way to an aggressive and effective politics, but its lack pushed instead to a compliant and yielding attitude in foreign policy.

This article relates to the epigraphic documents concerning the cult of Hygieia. The research focuses on the typology of the inscriptions of Epidauros, place where the most important Asklepios’s shrine stands, whose cult spread all over the Greek world; Hygieia was associated to Asklepios’s cult. The epigraphic sources of Hygieia’s cult in Attica are very important as here, besides Asklepios, it is associated to other healers such as Aminos, Amphiaraos, Telesphoros. On the other hand in Crete, although there were many Asklepieia, the cult of Hygieia has very few epigraphic testimonies in Lebena and Lissos, but these inscriptions are very interesting because of the use of Goddess Hygieia’s epithet of Synodoiporos besides the more common name of Soteira.

Il suggestivo scenario creatosi sull’acropoli di Atene intorno alla metà del II secolo a.C., quando la Gigantomachia del cd. “Piccolo Donario” attalide eretto a S del Partenone venne a trovarsi in diretto contatto visivo con le sue metope orientali scolpite con il medesimo soggetto - testimonianza concreta dello stretto legame tra Pergamo e Atene -, offre lo spunto per un’indagine tipologica sull’iconografia del Gigante nelle rappresentazioni scultoree e pittoriche comprese tra questi due estremi artistico-cronologici. L’analisi delle singole figure dei Giganti, tuttavia non avulse dal proprio contesto monumentale e storico-artistico, conduce a una classificazione tipologica in grado di illuminare sulla tradizione, la circolazione e la persistenza, fino alla citazione puntuale, degli schemi iconografici e delle soluzioni compositive impiegati nella lunga storia della Gigantomachia, con lo scopo precipuo di appurare quanto di quel legame sia possibile rintracciare attraverso la lettura e il confronto iconografici dei due monumenti.