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The French Revolution's first three years were marked by fighting between different armed groups in a fluid field of violence among state, nonstate, and quasi-state actors. The forces of order were less organized than their titles would indicate, while opposition forces were better-organized and -trained than they portrayed themselves to be. Paris was a military theater where victory was determined by the opposition's ability to attract both armed fighters and widespread popular support, though a government that was unpopular with the population of Paris but that had the support of the city's military could continue to rule. Governments fell when they lost control of military forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the pursuit of economic equality during the Age of Revolutions (1775–1824). Topics discussed include the rarity of proponents of economic equality during the Enlightenment, the emergence of ideas promoting economic equality during the French crisis of the late 1780s, and the calls for economic equality in various contexts, including the Tiberina Republic of Perugia and early American republic, while also highlighting that perfect equality was not always the goal.

The article focuses on the history of protest and how it has evolved through various eras, highlighting the continuity and change in protest movements. It discusses early protests in ancient Rome, the Enlightenment and Age of Revolution, social rights and anti-colonialism, and more recent protest movements like the Civil Rights Movement and environmental activism.

This article examines a group that has received little scholarly attention: the Indigenous people of Palmares, the site of one of history's largest fugitive slave communities, defeated by the Portuguese in 1695. What studies do exist emphasize origins: Did Indigenous people help build the fugitive settlements of Palmares? I instead focus on the post-1695 period, when competing actors sought land in the interior regions that the settlements once occupied. Shaped by displacement and diaspora, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries some Indigenous people rebelled, while others referenced their role as conquerors of Palmares to make land claims. Though discursive representations of Indigenous roles as conquerors rarely prevented material dispossession, the communities persisted despite remarkable challenges. Their trajectories indicate new ways to think about Palmares and Indigenous history and provide suggestive points of comparison with Spanish America and better-known examples from the Age of Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article turns to postcolonial Mexico to analyze the importance of Indigenous political thought for the transformation of radical republicanism during the Age of Revolutions. I argue that Mexican insurgents deployed Indigenous genealogies to instantiate what I call "restorative revolution," a form of revolutionary thinking that prioritized memorialization over absolute foundation. Mexico's restorative project began with calls for the return of the Anáhuac Empire, an Indigenous genealogy that memorialized histories of popular self‐rule to legitimize postcolonial demands. I suggest that the Anáhuac movement transformed the principles of radical republican thought by mobilizing around religious, plebeian, and hemispheric identities. Each of these characteristics problematizes dominant interpretations of republicanism as a secular, elite, and national enterprise. This article uses popular objects and archival ephemera to illustrate the importance of engaging with the political contributions of marginalized groups from the spaces, practice, and languages they used to envision postcolonial emancipation in collective terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic History Research / Investigaciones de Historia Económica is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Historia Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Saga of TOUSSAINT L'OUVERTURE and the Birth of Haiti (TSTLBH) is the first volume in the Golden Legacy: Illustrated History Series, launched in 1966 by Fitzgerald Publishing. A Black-owned company, Fitzgerald Publishing released 16 total volumes in the series. This study examines the various ways that TSTLBH pushes back against three trivialising tropes regularly used to promote anti-African retellings of the Haitian revolution: (1) L'Ouverture was acting and succeeding on European terms; (2) Africans were not skilled enough to defeat Bonaparte; and (3) African-led nations face hardships because they are barbaric. This article begins with a brief review of media about the Haitian Revolution. Next, it focuses on comic books on the subject. Lastly, it investigates the various ways that TSTLBH refutes each trivialising trope by (1) solidifying L'Ouverture's African roots and their positive influences on his upbringing; (2) showing the strategic decisions and purposeful actions taken by L'Ouverture and his allies to defeat their enemies; and (3) reinforcing the falsehood of notions that Africans are savage barbarians and inferior to Whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay surveys the appropriations and transformations of the modern concept of citizenship by the actors of the Haitian Revolution, analyzed through the intertwining of race, plantation labor, and the postcolonial state. The concept of citizenship is interpreted as an instrument of emancipative struggles as well as of practices of government. The reconstruction is focused around four moments: the liberal critique by free people of color of the racial boundaries of French citizenship; the strategic uses of citizenship by the insurgent slaves to secure their freedom; the inclusion of former slaves into citizenship to preserve the plantation system within the republican order; and postcolonial Haitian citizenship. By analyzing the constitutional shifts and the political thinking of different figures, such as Julien Raimond, Georges Biassou, Jean-François, Toussaint Louverture, and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the essay shows the conceptual originality of Haitian political thought and its relevance for the history of modern political concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Histories of the French Revolution usually locate the origins of the "one and indivisible Republic" in a strictly metropolitan context. In contrast, this article argues that the French Revolution's debates surrounding federation, federalism, and the (re)foundation of the French nation-state were interwoven with colonial and transimperial matters. Between 1776 and 1792 federalism in a French imperial context went from an element of an academic conversation among bureaucrats and economists to a matter of violent struggle in Saint-Domingue that generated new agendas in the metropole. Going beyond the binary language of union and secession, the article examines the contest over federation and federalism in Saint-Domingue between free people of color and white planters who, taking inspiration from both metropolitan and non-French experiences with federalism, sought to alter the colony's relationship with the metropole while also maintaining the institution of slavery. Revolutionaries on both sides of the Atlantic, unsure which direction to take and without the benefit of hindsight, used the language of federalism to pursue rival interests despite a seemingly common vocabulary. This entangled history of conflicts, compromises, and misunderstandings blurred ideological delineations but decisively shaped the genesis of the French imperial republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the global history of the Age of Revolution through the lens of the Nouvelle Compagnie des Indes (1785-94). Established in the aftermath of the American Revolution, the company was not only a commercial entity but also an integral part of a diplomatic strategy for reestablishing the postwar Franco-British relationship. The geopolitical context of the Indian Ocean world forced French political and commercial actors to imagine forms of imperial and commercial power that frequently placed French interests under British protection, often in ways that provoked significant opposition in the metropole. Amid ideologies of competition, Anglophobia, and militarism, the case of the Nouvelle Compagnie des Indes reveals how both state and private actors struggled to promote wide-ranging commercial collaboration between France and Britain in the 1780s and 1790s in ways that often anticipated later partnerships between the two empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attempts to reframe the Age of Revolutions as imperial in nature have not fully integrated the French Revolution. Replying to this gap and criticisms of the Revolution's global turn, this essay positions the Revolution as both a moment of imperial reorganization and a sequence of political reinvention that exceed our current categories of empire and nation-state. These arguments open a forum comprising five contributions set in transimperial contexts that span from the Indian to the Atlantic Ocean. The forum offers some points of reflection regarding the narratives, periodizations, and concepts that guide historians of the French Revolution as they navigate the global turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the American Revolution on the Pennsylvania frontier by examining the creation of an extralegal government of "Fair Play" squatters on Native American land near the northwest branch of the Susquehanna River. It also studies their efforts to legitimize themselves and their claims through attachment to the "Common Cause." The motivation of squatters to mobilize support for the American Revolution was directly related to a prolonged conflict between themselves, Native Americans, speculators, and colonial and imperial officials over land and power. Moreover, "Fair Play" squatters used their dedication to the Revolutionary War to cast the defense of their illegal claims, the extralegal government they created, and their violence against Native Americans as a patriotic duty. This proved a successful tactic to include their community and its ideals into an emerging republican state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the debate on the modernity of nations considering recent critical approaches to national phenomena. It proposes an alternative model that addresses the existence of empirical evidence about nations before the 19th century without erasing key changes in the history of nationhood, such as the rise of the principle of national sovereignty. The model draws on existing literature and a corpus of British, French, Spanish, and Portuguese ego-documents from the Age of Revolutions. The study of patterns of usage of national languages in these life narratives supports the abandonment of the premodern/modern antinomy and the implementation of a more complex account. The proposal distinguishes republican, genetic, nonpoliticized ethnotypical, politicized ethnotypical, liberal, romantic, biological, cultural, and democratic forms of nationhood. It then develops the genetic and the ethnotypical forms using source materials and readdresses the issue of "modernity" in the light of this evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two letters from the surviving eighteenth-century correspondence between the polymath professor of history František Antonín Steinský in Prague and his friend, the merchant Joseph Donath in Philadelphia reveal an interesting episode in the transatlantic connections between Central Europe and North America. On the one hand, Donath's scientific observations conducted on behalf of Steinský and his associates reveal the shared enlightened pursuits between both regions, while on the other hand, Donath's scorn for the perceived political backwardness of his former compatriots reflect the widening divide ushered in by the Age of Revolutions. Alongside the first biographical accounts of both Donath and Steinský in English, this article presents for the first time a full transcription of two letters sent from Philadelphia to Prague in the 1790s. It explores the role of science and political discussion within their friendship across the Atlantic and contributes towards unearthing the wider interplay of interpersonal relationships between two different socio-political systems, namely a monarchy and republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Belgian woman revolutionary Anne-JosèpheThéroigne de Méricourt, who was active in the French Revolution and worked within the Austrian Low Countries to also foster revolution. She was held in an Austrian prison from 1791-1792 for being an agent provocateur in Belgium. She was a cofounder of a Parisian revolutionary club and had warrants for her arrest issued in France for her alleged participation in the October Days uprising. It considers aspects of gender and international politics during the Revolutionary period in Europe.

This essay surveys the proposals of slavery reform advanced by two important figures of British and French imperial developments between the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries: the administrators, planters, and proslavery thinkers Edward Long and Pierre-Victor Malouet. Long and Malouet applied modern political theory to the government of plantation society in Jamaica and Saint-Domingue. Their concerns about the practical difficulties of plantation management in an age of increasingly recurring revolts by the enslaved led them to formulate schemes of slavery amelioration which, by transforming the slaves into perpetual servants, would preserve the order of colonial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author responds to the roundtable collection of reviews for Julius S. Scott's "The Common Wind: Afro-American Currents in the Age of the Haitian Revolution," found within this issue. Topics explored include Haiti and the Haitian Revolution, the Age of Revolution, Atlantic Studies, international recognition of Haiti after its revolution, slavery and the slave trade, and racism.

This article explores early British Christian-humanitarianism towards the Greeks following the 1822 Chios Massacre. Scholars of the Greek revolution have previously acknowledged the massacre as a pivotal moment for British attitudes towards the Greeks, although few have elaborated significantly on this humanitarian shift. This article focuses on what the massacre was and public and political reactions to it in Britain. It also investigates how perceptions of 'Christian' Greeks, compared to 'Islamic' and 'barbarian' Ottomans, encouraged British sympathy. Essentially it argues that the massacre 'humanized' the Greeks to the British, leading to an early type of Christian-humanitarian intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As geopolitical warfare intensified in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, free individuals of African heritage increasingly disputed European ideologies that condemned them as naturally inferior and lacking in humanity. With the onset of the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) and the Latin American wars for independence (1810-1825), individuals and groups of African descent circulated their own views. I argue that free Blacks from colonial Saint Domingue, Jamaica, and Cuba employed similar rhetorical strategies across the French, British, and Spanish empires. Their speeches, petitions, and declarations forged distinct Afro-Atlantic counter-discourses that proclaimed their equality and advocated for their human and civil rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the volume on "The Fraternal Atlantic" places the eighteenth-century emergence of freemasonry within the context of the dynamic Atlantic world. It highlights three characteristics that persisted into the twentieth century: the importance of freemasonry to sociability across borders; the tensions within freemasonry between cosmopolitan fraternalism and the turbulent political waters of the modern era, often leading to exclusive practices; and the plasticity of freemasonry that facilitated local adaptations and resiliency. A focus on freemasonry and the fraternal Atlantic offers a bridge between the early modern and modern eras, from the Age of Revolutions to movements for international cooperation after the First World War. It likewise mitigates the tendency of Atlantic scholarship to compartmentalize into various sub-Atlantics, instead seeing the Atlantic world as a zone of interaction with broader global connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Late eighteenth-century Saint-Domingue produced both a thriving Masonic movement and the most successful slave uprising in modern world history. Scholars have suggested but never proven that these two movements were linked. One biographer hypothesizes that white planters who knew the future Toussaint Louverture from colonial Masonic circles helped him organize the slave uprising of August 1791. This speculation is inspired by the fact that in the late 1790s Louverture signed his name with a distinctive pattern of dots. Many colonists and free men of color used similar symbols, which have been described as Masonic signatures. This article examines whether the approximately 300 men of all races who made such signatures in the 1780s and early 1790s were Masons. It finds little or no evidence that they were. It hypothesizes that men used these symbols to suggest their membership in secret societies that did not, in fact, exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), tens of thousands of people – white colonists, free people of color, and slaves – left the French colony of Saint-Domingue for neighboring Caribbean colonies and North America. Scattered and diverse as they were, these refugees maintained diasporic bonds, constituting a community with distinct social, cultural, linguistic, and religious traits. Fraternalism, and Masonic lodges in particular, played a pivotal role in shaping these connections. Based on new empirical evidence from the major centers of the refugee community (the US, Louisiana, Cuba, Jamaica), this paper examines the emergence of these refugee lodges. Placing them in their social contexts and analyzing their membership practices, it argues that Freemasonry provided an important social infrastructure for a segment of the refugee population – an infrastructure that was used to cultivate diasporic connections, to (re)enhance internal hierarchies, and to build networks in the host societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the Revolutionary War veteran Luke Swetland's narrative printed in the 1780s regarding his experiences as an Indian captive, plus the 1875 publication from Amos O. Osborn of two manuscripts ascribed to Swetland; and Edward Merrifield's 1915 version. It reports that after the war, Luke Swetland applied for the Revolutionary War veteran pension, which was partially paid by bounty land in the "New Connecticut" area, now in the state of Ohio.

The article highlights work and life of Anthony Wayne, who was a U.S. Army officer and statesman and adopted a military career at the outset of the American Revolutionary War, where his military exploits and fiery personality quickly earned him promotion to brigadier general. Topics discussed include American Revolution that ended hostilities on the eastern side of the Appalachian Mountains, and ways in which symbolism played role for the Ohio Indian coalition in their preparation for war.

The article discusses teaching about the Haitian Revolution, and considers its historiography. Topics include viewing it as part of the Age of Revolutions, as part of Atlantic studies, as part of the French colonial empire, as part of both French and World history, as well as considering issues of slavery, race, and economics.

The article talks about several events of Saint-Domingue, France such as Haitian Revolution. It mentions that Jean Decout is a privileged witness of the Revolution in the south of the colony; and Destitute and stranded in Baltimore "as in exile", claims free passage for France that the French consul Arcambal stubbornly refuses.

The article talks about the revolution of Saint-Domingue and the construction of minds in the ports of treaty. It mentions that the "letters of Saint-Marc5" belong to the a part of archive collection, the one containing the Colombel family papers of sailors engaged much later in the trade of Le Havre; and negotiations related to the establishment of relations between companies located in Le Havre and Saint-Marc and with the purchase of L'Alligator.

Writing in 1802 about the outbreak of the 1791 slave revolt in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, planter Félix Carteau identified “the execrable Abbé de Lahaye, curé of Dondon, the most ardent apostle of freedom for the Blacks,” as one of the “known fomenters of their revolt.” This portrait of the Abbé de Lahaye as a committed abolitionist who played a generative role in the Haitian Revolution exemplifies the many passing references to him in colonial-era sources and later historical accounts, as well as works of fiction such as Alejo Carpentier’s El reino de este mundo (1949). Given the Abbé’s discursive centrality to representations of the Haitian Revolution, surprisingly little scholarly attention has been paid to this notorious figure. Exploring a range of archival documents, this article charts French-born Guillaume Sylvestre de Lahaye’s life from 1787 to 1791, detailing his prominent role in late colonial Saint-Domingue as a man of letters and a politician: first, by examining his contributions to transatlantic botany, notably in his never-published Florindie (1789), focusing on unexpectedly (given his reputation) negative representations of enslaved Africans sprinkled throughout that 600-page manuscript; second, by documenting his (hitherto unchronicled) role as president of the Dondon parish committee in 1789-1790, where he pursued a “revolutionary” policy of equal rights for all white settlers in the colony, while insisting on the need to discipline both the slave and free colored populations. The material unearthed in this article problematizes legendary representations of the Abbé as an “apostle of freedom,” forcing us, as discussed in the coda, to reconsider the humanitarian sentiments he went on to express in the summer of 1793, when, as author of an anonymously published journal entitled Lettres sentimentales sur la Révolution de Saint-Domingue, he helped prepare the way for the 29 August abolition of slavery in Saint-Domingue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines current discussions of the European Revolutions of 1848 in light of the larger evolution of Anglo-American and French historiography since the second half of the twentieth century. Although focusing in particular on French history, the article suggests why some knowledge of the trends driving this evolution is necessary for improving our understanding of 1848's political and social importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In 1803 the colonist and amateur linguist Baudry des Lozières published Vocabulaire Congo, designed to teach his fellow planters useful phrases to manage their slaves from west Central Africa. This article examines the mobilization of Kikongo across the French colonial empire during the Age of Revolution to make a threefold argument. First, I demonstrate that foreign-language study was a key method by which late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century American scholars engaged "global" concerns. Second, I argue that the Vocabulaire illustrates the importance that Kikongo played as a lingua franca of the colony and that it serves as a reminder that Saint Domingue was more than a bilingual French-Haitian Kreyòl-speaking territory. Third, I demonstrate that this linguistic project was undertaken to maximize labor extraction and to create a psychological instrument of abuse, even as it purported "to sweeten/adoucir" the lives of the slaves it addressed. A close reading of the text affords a glimpse of the intimacy of person-to-person contact in colonial zones, particularly its sexual dimensions. The vocabulary terms and the paratext surrounding them highlight the fantastical self-fashioning of the planters who violently exploited men, women, and children yet envisaged themselves as benefactors and enlightened owners. At the time of its publication, during the massive Napoleonic expedition sent to restore control in the Caribbean, the Vocabulaire exemplified the hope of transforming a vector of revolutionary communication back into one of attempted domination. As a literary artifact of this moment, the Vocabulaire illustrates what it means to speak of language as a weapon of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the historiography of the American Revolution in relation to the age of revolutions in the North Atlantic world. Topics include the work of 20th century historians on the relation of the American Revolution to the French and Haitian Revolutions, the notion of habitus in the thought of social scientist Pierre Bourdieu, and cultural aspects of correspondence in the North Atlantic world.

Scholarship on free people of color in the Caribbean during the Age of Revolutions has focused on themes of mobility and resilience, with emphasis on the few remarkable individuals who pursued their freedom and respectability in imperially visible registers. These themes sometimes mask as much as they reveal. Mobility ignores those individuals who remain in place in families and communities, and resilience elides efforts by some free people of color to secure the benefits of the slave economy for themselves and their descendants. Often figures are assigned subversive motives or subaltern potential they perhaps would not recognize, when in fact their actions sometimes served to legitimate colonial order and strengthen racial divides by distancing themselves from more marginalized groups. Possible displays of respectability complicated revolutionary-era negotiations among the long free, the enslaved, and recently freed. Free people of color frequently defined margins from the enslaved rather than subvert them, including through largely unconsidered realms of taste or conspicuous consumption. This examination raises questions regarding extant conceptions of how Caribbean free people of color acquired and wielded social, cultural, and symbolic capitals. Perhaps more often than operating on socially progressive or latent revolutionary positions they evinced concern for systemic continuity. This essay, which introduces the following research that explores this topic, suggests new avenues of investigating these overlooked complexities in motivations and actions by free people of color, a population of disproportionate importance in the cultural politics of the revolutionary Caribbean. Without this recalibration, we risk underappreciating the legacy of late Caribbean colonialism, minimizing the context of revolutionary change and state formation, and misunderstanding the ambitions and centrality of free communities of color to these processes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Eighteenth-century Venezuela was a highly stratified society in which race, education, occupation, honor, family ties, and economic resources all played important roles in defining the place that each member occupied. In this complex social map, not all social groups had equal access to education; literacy was a marker of status and power. Traditionally, literate and formally educated people belonged to the white elite, while the majority of the supposedly “non-literate” population belonged to lower social groups of color, who relied largely on oral media for the transmission of knowledge. By the end of the eighteenth century, this picture began to change: the number of people who owned books increased, an incipient informal market of books began to operate, and original networks for the circulation of books and manuscripts among different social groups proliferated. Increasingly mixed-race groups, known as pardos, learned to read and write through informal means to an education. However, members of the colonial white elite interpreted pardos’ access to literacy and education as a way of challenging the proper social order and authority. This article analyzes the case of Juan Bautista Olivares, a literate pardo musician who in 1795 was sent to court in Cádiz, accused by the Venezuelan governor of subversion; Olivares, however, successfully defended himself, declaring his loyalty to the Spanish Monarchy and proving his pious behavior. Pardos, like Juan Bautista, creatively navigated social tensions and the effects of the Atlantic Revolutions by shaping their political identity as royalists, questioning the local government and reasserting their loyalty to the Spanish Monarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1783 the British and Irish governments launched an experiment by funding the establishment of a settlement that was expected to become a new city. It was called 'New Geneva' and was situated on the site of a village called Passage, just outside the port of Waterford in Ireland. New Geneva was to be peopled by rebels, Genevans who had fled or were ready to flee in the aftermath of the failed revolution of 1782. This article explains that for the main Genevan actors in the Waterford experiment, François d'Ivernois (Sir Francis d'Ivernois from 1796) and his friend Jacques-Antoine Du Roveray, the exodus from Geneva was part of a greater battle to save Europe's small states, and especially the republics of Europe. The article further reveals that the major supporters of New Geneva were seeking to address Britain's problems both domestically and as an empire. Charles Stanhope, then Lord Mahon (from 1786 3rd earl of Stanhope), and William Petty, then 2nd earl of Shelburne (from 1784 1st marquess of Lansdowne), each hoped that the Genevans would introduce cultures capable of palliating the excessive corruption or 'mercantile system' they saw in Britain's commercial society. The history of New Geneva underscored the perilous state of Europe's republics before 1789, the widespread extent of the view that Britain and Ireland were in crisis, and the fact that extreme and cosmopolitan reform projects were in the air before the French Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Revolution’ as a historical category has received continuous academic interest and scrutiny, whereas the regime invented by the French Revolution has received less sophisticated theoretical analysis and unpacking. The term ancien régime was created in the moment of its death. The subsequent restructuring and politicization of this concept during the post-Napoleonic era remains largely unstudied. It is the argument here that the world after 1815 created a number of ‘new old regimes’. These political systems, which made reference to ancien régime inheritances, were not straightforward reflections of a ‘real past’. They were malleable discourses that could be calibrated to corroborate the competing claims made by conservatives, radicals and liberals about how post-Napoleonic Europe was to be organized. The ‘new old regime’ of the nineteenth century, though historically grounded, was instrumental in design and made little effort to resurrect the ‘real past’ to which it purportedly made constant reference. The battle to define the ‘new old regime’ was not a rear-guard action but lay at the very heart of European politics after 1815. The forces of nationhood, constitutionalism, parliamentarianism, liberalism and democracy unfurled by the twin titans of revolution and Napoleonic conquest were not guaranteed to win the day. Dynasticism, aristocratic hierarchy, military glory, religious revival, village communalism and regionalism continued to prosper during the first half of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The argument of this article is that a source critical methodology and a linear concept of history arose in Japan before the 'modern moment' of the Meiji Restoration. This article thus advocates against the idea of a delayed appropriation of Western historical concepts in Japan, still strongly determining the history of historical writing. During the seventeenth century, the increased import of foreign books led Japanese historians to collect and critically compare foreign and native sources. At the turn of the nineteenth century, under foreign and domestic crisis there occurred a shift from history as a model to virtuous conduct to the belief in the irreversibility and systematic progress of history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To better understand the relationship between race and partisan politics in the early American republic, this article examines the democratic ideology espoused by William Duane-editor of Philadelphia's Aurora-as it concerned multiracial independence movements in the Western Hemisphere. While Duanes views appear to be wholly contradictory, this paper argues that Anglophobia and antimonarchism consistently animated his ideology, undergirding both the prejudice in his attacks on Saint-Dominguans loyal to Britain and the universalism in his defense of Latin Americans hostile to Spain. Duane's willingness to incorporate slaves, free blacks, and Amerindians into his democratic worldview was at all times dependent upon the demographic group's politics, not the political group's demographics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the 1806 military expedition mounted and led by Venezuelan revolutionary Francisco de Miranda which sailed from New York City to Venezuela with the purpose of overthrowing its Spanish colonial rule. Topics include the administration of U.S. President Thomas Jefferson, foreign relations between the U.S. and Spain following the 1803 Louisiana Purchase, Miranda's friendship with American politician William Stephens Smith. Details of Miranda's involvement in international affairs including the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and the Nootka Sound controversy are provided.

This essay argues that the British Empire played a key role in the "gentry resurgence" of the late Georgian and Regency periods. It shows how colonial salaries and service helped transform the finances, reputation, and sociopolitical purpose of the aristocracy, ensuring its survival as a ruling class for another century. This essay also shows how "aristocratic imperialists" remade the culture of imperial governance by instituting aristocratic forms of sociability and ceremony, a process referred to here as the "aristocratization" of colonial power. Rather than attempting a comprehensive account, this essay focuses on case studies: Francis Rawdon Hastings and George Nugent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]