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Le budget programme est le résultat de la budgétisation par programmes. Selon la loi N°11/011 du 13 juillet 2011 relative aux finances publiques, un programme est un ensemble cohérent d’actions qui regroupe les crédits destinés à un même ministère. La nouvelle conception du budget axée sur la performance voudrait que les ressources soient allouées selon les objectifs poursuivis et sur base des principes de transparence et de redevabilité. Cependant, notre apport dans cet article consiste à expliquer les possibilités d’intégrer la dimension de genre dans le processus du budget-programme au parlement congolais. La Planification et Budgétisation Sensible au Genre (PBSG) est une approche politique stratégique visant à intégrer systématiquement les objectifs en matière d’égalité liée au genre dans les politiques gouvernementales, la planification, la budgétisation, le suivi et l’évaluation. Elle met en évidence les effets distributifs du budget (recettes et dépenses) sur les femmes et les hommes et ajuste ou réaffecte les ressources pour garantir que les deux bénéficient équitablement des ressources gouvernementales.1 Visant à la fois l’égalité liée au genre et la justice fiscale, la PBSG analyse l’impact des budgets gouvernementaux sur les différents groupes de personnes pour permettre la transformation de ces budgets afin qu’ils puissent contribuer à la réalisation des engagements en matière d’égalité liée au genre. Son but ultime est d’appliquer une approche sensible au genre à toutes les étapes du processus budgétaire afin d’intégrer l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes.

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La présente étude porte sur l'administration publique, comprise comme l'ensemble des organes par lesquels l'Etat passe pour réaliser les différentes activités qui répondent aux besoins d'intérêt général dans le but de son développement tous azimuts. En Afrique comme ailleurs, il est consacré un certain nombre de principes dont l'application effective peut mesurer le degré d'une bonne administration publique. Le premier point a relevé le contenu de chacun de ces principes avant d'indiquer leurs fondements juridiques africains. Par ailleurs, le second point a soulevé et démontré les difficultés que rencontre le continent africain dans la mise en œuvre desdits principes à l'image, d'une part, de la politisation et bien d'autres anti valeurs qui minent les administrations publiques, et d'autre part, leurs caractères dépassé et inadapté qui les plongent dans une forte crise de légitimité. Pour remédier à ces tares, il est proposé entre autres, d’instituer un serment d'ingratitude et de favoriser la numérisation des procédures administratives.

In Africa, particularly in Senegal, the issue of gender in land governance remains an equation when it comes to access to land. In a number of West African countries, the issue of gender and land tenure is an ongoing one, insofar as the same obstacles have been identified for vulnerable groups, women in particular. In reality, access to land resources remains very limited for women for several reasons. As far as legislation is concerned, equal access is enshrined both at national level in constitutional and legislative provisions and at international level in conventions and charters. In practice, however, it comes up against traditional beliefs. These realities mean that women occupy a secondary position in terms of access and therefore have limited property rights. In Senegal, the 2001 Constitution enshrines equality between men and women, as does the Family Code, which governs inheritance and reserves an important place for women in this respect. In the north of the country, in the river valley, access is also a problem, as most of the women confirmed in the study carried out in the area. It's a problem that highlights the gap between legislation and practice, which is justified by socio-economic factors. However, efforts are being made to re-establish equality in practice through the creation of women's groups that organize themselves around consensual arrangements for the use and exploitation of land resources. The livelihoods of many people depend on equitable and secure access to the land resources of land, fisheries and forests. Secure access to these resources is essential to eradicate hunger and poverty, support sustainable development and improve the environment. Strong, open and transparent partnerships have been established with countries, civil society, the private sector, academia, international organizations and other UN agencies. These partnerships are the starting point for implementing changes in land governance on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the feminization of the medical profession, the academic world remains largely male-dominated. Several studies conducted in the English-speaking world have shown that women are published less than men. Our goal is to define the evolution of the role of women in five French medical journals. The articles from five French journals (Revue du Praticien, Bulletin du Cancer, Exercer, Presse Médicale, Cancer/Radiothérapie) published in February between 1983 and 2019 were included. We selected twelve years from that period of time. The analysis was completed using Cochran-Armitage tests with a significance level of < 0,05. Among the authors, 4397 were included in total and we were able to determine the gender of 4309 of them. The percentage of female authors went from 16% in 1983 to 36.4% in 2019 (p < 0.001). This rise is more significant for those specializing in surgery than for those specializing in medicine, with a percentage going from 14% to 38.5% (p < 0.001) against 16.8% to 35.4% (p < 0.001) respectively. In 2019, women still only represent 30.2% of the last authors, 27.6% of editorial authors and 30.6% of corresponding authors. Our study underlines a significant increase in the number of female authors and highlights that their position as authors remains on the margins of the most prestigious authorial positions. While we can celebrate this increase, we nevertheless notice that there are fewer female authors than female practitioners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of African Human Rights Yearbook / Annuaire Africain des Droits de l'Homme is the property of University of Pretoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The Cholera and the Social Issue in Horace by George Sand ABSTRACT: George Sand lived through two epidemics, cholera in 1832 in Paris and smallpox in 1870 in Nohant. Just as she addresses this theme of the epidemic in Histoire de ma vie, she also speaks about it in her literary work, including Horace. Within this text, Sand recounts the drama of cholera which will shake a Paris which is already at the mercy of social misery. In addition to being an opportunity to talk about this poverty of the masses that cholera will further amplify, the epidemic will be an opportunity to showcase this solidarity that France will experience and whose heroes will be especially part of the noble class where some members find themselves gifted with great freedom of mind. It is to the character of Theophilus that the author gives the honor of representing this caste and the values that she has just adopted and that she wishes to implement while profiting from the epidemic. In addition, Sand points to the positive role that the female character will play during these hard times. Like the nobility, the woman will be the friend of the people who will stretch out their hand to her, trying to help her to bring her to salvation. RÉSUMÉ : George Sand a vécu deux épidémies, le choléra en 1832 à Paris et la variole en 1870 à Nohant. De même qu’elle aborde cette thématique de l’épidémie dans Histoire de ma vie, elle en parle également dans son œuvre littéraire dont Horace. Au sein de ce texte, Sand relate le drame du choléra qui va secouer un Paris se trouvant déjà à la merci de la misère sociale. En plus d’être une occasion de parler de cette indigence des masses que le choléra va encore amplifier, l’épidémie sera l’occasion de mettre en scène cette solidarité de la France dont les héros feront surtout partie de la classe noble où certains membres se trouvent doués d’une grande liberté d’esprit. C’est au personnage de Théophile que l’auteure donne l’honneur de représenter cette caste ainsi que les valeurs qu’elle vient d’adopter et qu’elle désire mettre en œuvre tout en tirant profit de l’épidémie. En plus, Sand pointe du doigt le rôle positif que va jouer le personnage féminin durant ces temps durs. Tout comme la noblesse, la femme sera l’amie du peuple qui lui tendra la main en essayant de le secourir pour l’amener vers le salut.

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In Germany, equality between men and women in mathematics, particularly in scientific leadership positions, is far from being achieved. This is despite to different equality measures implemented over the last few decades. Grounded in sociology of knowledge, interaction theory, and field theory, this article analyzes possible causes and mechanisms that maintain gender differences in a mathematical cluster of excellence in which gender equality is formulated as a goal and implemented in various measures. Based on 65 semi-structured interviews, the focus is on the self-perceptions of female early career researchers as mathematicians, as well as the (gendered) attributions they have to deal with by (male and female) scientists in leadership positions against the background of the specific culture in a mathematical cluster of excellence. We highlight the tensions that female early career researchers identify in being regarded as women when they want to be perceived and recognized first as mathematicians. We shed light on how this tension is connected to the discipline and (re)produced by scientists in leadership positions in their patterns of interpretation about equality (measures). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the creation of the 1857 Security Pact (ʿAhd al-amān) in the Regency of Tunis. This law is commonly viewed as having been drafted and imposed by the European powers as a replication of the Ottoman Tanẓīmāt and as having inaugurated an era of modernizing reforms that led to a secularized nation-state, notably due to the notions of equality it introduced. I show instead that this new law aimed to solve concrete problems in a context of severe fiscal crisis and that its creation was more a story of hard-fought diplomatic negotiations than of modernization and secularization. While the Security Pact was imposed by European pressures, and while the Ottoman Tanẓīmāt were invoked during the negotiations, Tunisian political elites shaped its content from the start, in an effort to defend the beylical state's legal sovereignty and affirm its Muslim character. It was these elites who introduced, against the wishes of the French government, equality for all inhabitants of the Regency (including foreigners) and the principle of a common jurisdiction for the bey's subjects and for foreigners. These legal changes must not be analyzed as an exceptional rupture (a claim made by those who view the nineteenth century reforms as having initiated a "modern" Tunisia) but as part of a long series of transformations. Although not everyone agreed about their legitimacy, these transformations were understood by reformers within the framework of a long-standing Islamic theory of the practice of change that was based, not on ijtihād , but on the widening of custom (ʿurf) and of the discretionary power of the ruler (siyāsa). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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De manière générale, la référence à l’âge dans notre société est à la fois admise et sujette au débat. A l’instar d’autres pays, la pandémie COVID-19 en France a ébranlé la cohérence de notre système de santé. La peur engendrée a modifié les repères : la notion de triage est apparue et a succédé à celle de priorisation commune en médecine. Dans cette situation de crise sanitaire, est-ce que le recours éventuel au critère de l’âge est pertinent et peut-il remettre en cause le principe de justice entre les générations? Nous tenterons d’y répondre grâce aux éléments apportés par Axel Gosseries et Véronique Fournier lors d’une discussion organisée par l’association EthicA durant le congrès, les “Questions d’éthiques” à Nantes en novembre 2020.

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In France, secularism is celebrated in the public sphere. The paper makes general arguments about France's changing identity and specific arguments about the burqa and niqab ban. It explains how French history shaped the ideology of secularism and of public civil religion, and how colonial legacy, immigration, fear of terrorism and security needs have led France to adopt the trinity of indivisibilité, sécurité, laïcité while paying homage to the traditional trinity of liberté, égalité, fraternité. While the motto of the French Revolution is still symbolically and politically important, its practical significance as it has been translated to policy implementation has been eroded. The emergence of the new trinity at the expense of the old one is evident when analyzing the debates concerning cultural policies in France in the face of the Islamic garb, the burqa and the niqab, which are perceived as a challenge to France's national secular raison d'être. The French Republic has attempted to keep public space secular. Is the burqa and niqab ban socially just? Does it reasonably balance the preservation of societal values and freedom of conscience? It is argued that the burqa and niqab ban is neither just nor reasonable in the eyes of the women and girls who wish to wear the Muslim garb, their families and community, and that paternalism that holds that the ban is for the women's own good is a poor, coercive excuse. Claims for paternalistic coercion to protect adult women from their own culture when they do not ask for protection are not sufficiently reasonable to receive vindication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this critical commentary, we address the egalitarian critique according to which the use of a vaccine passport is unethical because it conflicts with the principle of equality, understood as requiring that citizens ought to be treated in the same way. We argue that this criticism is vulnerable to the levelling-down objection often addressed to some egalitarian theories. We add that the vaccine passport is morally justified if two minimal ethical conditions are satisfied: 1) it must be designed as a temporary and transitory public health restriction, and 2) the disparities of treatment it introduces ought to infringe as little as possible upon fundamental rights and should not negate access to essential public services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The study aimed to explore associations between division of parental leave and perceived quality of coparenting in parents of infants and to compare parents' work-family balance in terms of satisfaction with time on parental leave and time spent at work. Using survey data from 280 Swedish parents at 18 months after childbirth, we compared parents who shared parental leave equally with those who did not share equally. The primary outcome was parents' perceived quality of coparenting, operationalised as parenting alliance and satisfaction with their partner's involvement in caregiving. Satisfaction with time on parental leave and time spent at work was also measured. Both mothers and fathers who shared parental leave equally reported higher coparenting quality than those who did not share leave equally. Mothers who shared parental leave equally reported higher satisfaction with their partner's involvement in caregiving than those who did not share equally. Our findings suggest that equal division of parental leave is associated with higher perceived quality of coparenting for both mothers and fathers, and higher satisfaction with their work-family balance at 18 months after childbirth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Romanian Review of Private Law / Revista Română de Drept Privat is the property of Universul Juridic Publishing House and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article s’intéresse à une campagne de communication hybride qui fait la promotion du « volet parité » la politique « diversité » de l’entreprise Accenture intitulée Equals. Son objectif, à la fois institutionnel et promotionnel, est d’attirer les talents en montrant l’entreprise énonciatrice comme un espace de travail où il fait bon travailler. Diffusés dans l’espace public comme en interne de l’organisation, les affiches et leurs messages sont les objets analysés ici. Notre analyse critique du discours de campagne montre la manière dont il reproduit une bicatégorisation genrée normative en soulignant que l’engagement égalitariste déclaré est conditionné à une égalité préalable. Il souligne que les efforts consentis par l’entreprise en vue d’un traitement plus égalitaire sont arrimés à la démonstration des compétences et des performances professionnelles des femmes. Cette posture discursive renvoie implicitement au fait que celles-ci sont elles-mêmes responsables des phénomènes inégalitaires qu’elles subissent dans le monde du travail. Les inégalités sources de discriminations ne sont ici ni montrées ni prises en compte. Ce discours de campagne qui présente l’implication de l’entreprise pour davantage d’égalité constitue dès lors, paradoxalement, un discours à caractère euphémique et aux effets dépolitisants.

Face à la diversité des publics de l’éducation, la thématique de l’égalité constitue un objet d’attention dans les recherches en éducation. La persistance des inégalités et le difficile équilibre à trouver entre prise en compte des besoins particuliers et non-discrimination sont au cœur des débats, pour tenter de mettre en lumière les défis théoriques et pratiques de la diversité dans l’éducation. Cette contribution propose une revue systématique du champ de recherche traitant des questions de diversité et d’égalité en éducation, tel qu’il se dessine dans la principale revue du domaine des sciences de l’éducation en Suisse, durant les vingt dernières années (2000-2019). Les évolutions, points de rupture et continuités sont mis en lumière de même que les thématiques transversales les plus prégnantes, à partir de la description des enjeux sur lesquels travaillent les chercheuses et chercheurs en sciences de l’éducation.

L’article proposé est constitué d’une revue de littérature générale et quelques études spécifiques et originales sur la question de l’égalité filles-garçons à l’école en France. Il propose une délimitation théorique des concepts de genre et de sexe au travers notamment des rôles sexués. Ensuite, après un parcours historique assez rapide, il montre comment la mixité mise en place en 1976 dans tous les établissements scolaires français, ne correspond pas du tout à l’égalité des chances ni à l’égalité de traitement des élèves filles et des élèves garçons. Les préjugés et stéréotypes de genre reste très nombreux dans les écoles de ce pays. L’article en montre de manière résumé toutes les facettes à différents niveaux de la scolarité et dans la plupart des matières mais aussi au travers de question par exemple, de la transgresion des règles scolaires et des punitions.

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L’article, concentré sur l’ouvrage « De la démocratie en Amérique» d’Alexis de Tocqueville, se consacre à présenter l’essentiel de sa démonstration qui, à partir de son observation de l’organisation politique et sociale des Etats Unis, dresse un diagnostic: l’irrésistibilité de l’avènement de la démocratie et de l’égalité en établissant un bilan des avantages et des risques de cette promotion, puis présente les remèdes à apporter pour que les menaces ne se réalisent pas et que coexistent harmonieusement égalité et liberté.

Gender equality has long been at the heart of Swedish political, social and educational concerns. In a way, it is at the heart of the Swedish social contract. However, the situation is different in the field of language, because the Swedish language includes asymmetries that lead to discrimination. This article proposes to study different initiatives aimed at modifying linguistic practices in order to simplify the use of the Swedish language and to promote equality among citizens. It analyzes more particularly the various claims in favor of the pronoun hen, a pronoun that designates the third person singular without indicating the sex of the designated person, until its widespread use in 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Historique (0035-3264) is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Canada's Assisted Human Reproduction Act justifies its noncommercialization approach to surrogacy on the grounds that commercial payments for surrogacy commodify women and are exploitative. However, empirical evidence suggests that payments in surrogacy are not exploitative, at least not to an extent that would warrant criminalizing payments. Given skepticism about the connection between exploitation and commodification, I explore whether commodification critiques can ground an alternative justification for the noncommercialization of surrogacy. First, I examine Vida Panitch's argument that commodification critiques are flawed for being absolutist, that is, they cannot identify what makes some surrogacy transactions better or worse than others. Second, I examine Anne Phillips' rearticulation of a commodification critique: Commercial surrogacy is problematic because it undermines equality in a democratic society. I argue that Phillips' revision can escape absolutism and provide a better justification for Canada's non-commercialization stance. However, it also entails that the preference for criminalizing payments is weakened, as other policy solutions might be effectively implemented to protect equality. As a result, I propose a shift in how commodification is appealed to: Less attention should be paid to abstract values and more attention should be given to how those values are enacted relationally between members of a political community. I also tentatively suggest that commodification critiques might provide a normative basis in Canadian policy for a self-sufficiency regulatory framework, which centres on values such as solidarity and the public good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Trinity Western University's Community Covenant has been the subject of public and legal attention with specific reference to a proposed law school. At the heart of much of the contention about the law school, opponents have expressed concern about the provisions in the Covenant that restrict the rights of LGBTQI+ students—their identities and relationships. While much of the focus has been on the potential harm for LGBTQI+ students, and the expectation that law schools uphold Charter values—the voices of queer students and allies have largely been sidelined. This article offers space for LGBTQI+ students, staff and allies to discuss their lived experiences of sexual diversity and the harm facing the queer community at Trinity Western University. As they state, the Covenant is only a part of the issue; the culture it supports is what needs to change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La conception de Rousseau sur l’éducation a fait l’objet d’une réception très controversée. Au-delà des débats sur les postures pédagogiques, l’originalité de son approche est de proposer une vision intégrée des droits de l’homme en articulant les principes de liberté, d’égalité et de dignité. En cela il préfigure l’architecture moderne des droits de l’homme. De plus l’articulation proposée par Rousseau – certes de manière implicite – des droits civils et politiques et des droits économiques sociaux et culturels, annonce les notions d’indivisibilité et d’universalité fondatrices de la vision contemporaine des droits de l’homme.

Cette proposition repose sur une étude théorique qui trouve une justification dans la nécessité de développer les arguments qui alternent entre la conception essentialiste d’un genre et l’anti-essentialisme radical de coupe poststructuraliste. Elle inclut comme présupposé la thèse de l’égalité, de la reconnaissance et de la distribution ; des référents de l’identité dans la différence, un support qui s’offre comme principe de l’identité de genre avec un caractère inclusif et cela constitue la contribution principale de cet article. Parmi les méthodes principales, la logique historique et comparative ont été utilisées. Sur cette base, on a révisé diverses sources de l’histoire de la philosophie et de la pensée féministe par rapport à la justice distributive et l’identité. Plusieurs arguments sous-tendus par des supports théoriques afin d’argumenter l’identité dans la différence en tant qu’aspects conceptuels de l’identité de genre, sont exposés. Cela constitue l’objectif central de cet article.

Through three capital questions, this short essay tries to offer a general panorama and a better understanding of the proteiform complex body or Masonry. Through by a multi-level hermeneutic, this study get the ambition to be comprehensible both to Readers who are not used to this kind of literature and to the ones advanced and skilled in symbolic thought. The main important conclusion owes the quality of the symbolic level, which is the property to refuse a single interpretation: notwithstanding, this does not prevent from a clear historical and political evaluation of the phenomena under analysis, according the methodologies of social sciences. This political evaluability drives to the main valuable output of the essay, which concerns the anthropological statement that the logical label of Masonry, with this name or many others, it exists since always. Under the category of initiatory institution, we may consider the step between individual and society, and a society inside a larger one. Evolving from the needs of the individuals to the ones of social groups, the matter joins to the land of political sciences. The sociological meaning can be posed under analytic view in reason of the functionalist meaning emerging from the alternative couples status-quo/emancipation and conservatism/progressivism. Through by this perspective, anyway the theme seems not to reveal much more, because this “proteiform complex body” manifest itself as something too much complex in its inner core to be considered in a way or in another. What remains is strictly symbolic, with some theological and eschatological points that refuse to be posed under restrain.