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Although different aspects of the 9/11 terrorist attacks have been widely studied, few researchers have attempted to understand both its religious and social aspects. In this context, considering the declining trend of social capital in the United States, whether 9/11 has become a window of opportunity for civic renewal and whether such renewal has been short-lived or long-lived become highly important to examine. To address these questions, this study examines whether the level of social capital in the American society changed from 2000 to 2006 and whether religious traditions had different effects on their members' social capital levels following 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores significant factors influencing the process of Arab American racial formation. I bring into conversation theories of racial formation and ‘political shock’ in social movement scholarship to develop the notion of ‘racialized political shock’ as an important factor in how racial and ethnic groups mobilize and organize. Many moments of political shock are highly racialized and have the potential to reorder the racial and ethnic landscape in ways that can open opportunities or introduce constraints to mobilizations around racial formation. Drawing on existing studies of Arab Americans, this paper highlights how Arab American racial formation has been galvanized during moments of racialized political shock. In the Arab American case, these moments have led to a call for recognition outside the category of white. I conclude by outlining ways forward in the study of Arab Americans, who have been overlooked in studies of race and ethnicity in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 9/11 terror attacks are likely to have induced an increase in anti-immigrant and anti-foreigner sentiments, not only among US residents but also beyond US borders. Using unique longitudinal data from the German Socio-Economic Panel and exploiting exogenous variation in interview timing throughout 2001, I find that the 9/11 events caused an immediate shift of around 40 percent of one within-standard deviation to more negative attitudes toward immigration and resulted in a considerable decrease in concerns over xenophobic hostility among the German population. The quasi-experiment 9/11 provides evidence on the relevance of non-economic factors in attitude formation and the role of education in moderating the negative terrorism shock. Additional descriptive analysis suggests that the effects have also been persistent in the years after the attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the coverage of Saudi Arabia in 'introduction to sociology' textbooks in the context of two variables - the September 11, 2001 attack, and globalization. The study covers 24 major textbooks, all published between 2001 and 2015. The textbooks were chosen with the help and consultation of many colleagues in numerous sociology departments throughout various parts of the United States. Also, the publishers of sociology textbooks were consulted throughout the process of selection. The method of investigation was content analysis which relied heavily upon studying the content of the text. The findings were organized in the following subsections: Islam; the Wahhabi version of Islam; Politics; September 11th and Bin Laden; Women in Saudi Arabia; Human Rights and Civil Rights Abuses; Social Media; Miscellaneous Positive or neutral comments on Saudi Arabia; Visual Sociology; and closing remarks. The finding of the article is more or less negative, as textbooks rarely mentioned positive things about Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines whether media portrayals of Islam and Muslims are overwhelmingly negative, whether they have evolved over time, and what factors most consistently affect their tone. We analyse every fourth New York Times headline about Islam or Muslims between 1985 and 2013. We find that headlines have not been predominantly negative. In addition, New York Times headlines about Islam and Muslims have become more positive over the long term, even after the 9/11 attacks. Most counter-intuitively, we find that terrorist attacks have had a systematic positive effect on headline tone. During the first four weeks after each Islamist terrorist attack on an American target, the tone of New York Times headlines became significantly more positive compared to the four weeks prior to the attack. However, over the subsequent few months, coverage reverted back toward the tone that prevailed during the weeks before the event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Cold War the USA has articulated and implemented explicit strategies of democracy promotion. One interesting target of such efforts is Latin America, in part because of the region’s geographic proximity to the USA and of the mixed record of US support for democracy there. This paper examines the impact of the end of the Cold War and the 9/11 episode on the nature, purposes, targets and consequences of US democracy assistance to Latin America. Examining democracy aid allocations, social and political factors and other variables, it traces changes in aid strategies, purposes and recipients generated by these paradigm shifts, and assesses the impact of such assistance on the politics of the region. It concludes with implications of these findings for US democracy promotion policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, a rally effect led to a precipitous rise in political trust. However, the increase in political trust concealed a simultaneous decline among a smaller portion of the population. This article examines the psychological mechanisms underlying these heterogeneous attitudes towards government and shows that a biosocial model best explains the observed patterns of response. The interplay of genetic and environmental factors of political trust reveals the stable but dynamic nature of heritability: genetic influences of political trust increased immediately following 9/11 but quickly decayed to pre-9/11 levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the 9/11 attacks the American film industry took a while to react to the Islamist threat at home and abroad. From 2005, however, Hollywood responded to the threat to the homeland and the War on Terror “over there” in Iraq and Afghanistan in a variety of ways. This article examines the nature of that response and whether it evinces, as critics allege, that the American film industry reflects and shapes a capitalist and imperialist agenda. More particularly, by evaluating the cinematic treatment of both the Iraq war and the problem of surveillance, rendition, and homeland security, the analysis explores what this distinctive on-screen genre tells about how the U.S. cultural mainstream has dealt with the challenge global jihadism poses to American values. The analysis suggests that post-9/11 movie making, while sometimes bleak and often clichéd, is cognizant of the gray area morality inherent in fighting the “War on Terror,” and is still thus able to offer some possibilities for sophisticated reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Once a legal abnormality that was criticised on human rights grounds, the closed material procedure ( CMP) has now become the main mechanism for dealing with allegedly sensitive security information in the UK. This article considers the role of European human rights law in that process. It argues that the CMP can be conceptualised as the product of human rights law, which has developed so as to legalise and normalise its use, and that this process is symptomatic of a deeper inter-relationship between human rights law and the preservation of states' security interests, which renders the former inherently unsuitable for dealing with security phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a significant, well-established if somewhat invisible Muslim population in Ireland since the 1950s. An increase in immigration during the Celtic tiger years along with the hysteria of 9/11 caused a rapid visibilization of this population. Muslims became synonymous with extremism and terrorism, but also fell victim to racist constructions emerging from the economic decline. The experience of Muslim youth since 9/11 has been well researched in the UK and Europe, however there has been little empirical work conducted with Ireland’s Muslim communities. In the literature, it is assumed that the British experience is replicated for Muslim youth in Ireland – this is not the case. This paper examines the lived experience of Irish Muslim youth given the visibilization of Islam after 9/11 and their ensuing experiences of Irishness. An analysis of ethnographic data reveals the idiosyncratic experiences of these youth growing up in the shadow of a discriminatory and Islamophobic narrative on extremism and terrorism and an evolving immigrant landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article evaluates the 9/11 Memorial Museum at Ground Zero of the World Trade Center Site in Manhattan, New York City, New York, commenting on September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attacks on the U.S.

The state secrets doctrine provides both an evidentiary privilege and a categorical bar against litigation that implicates national security concerns. The U.S. government has invoked the state secrets doctrine to insulate certain programs, including rendition and surveillance operations, from oversight by the courts. Despite a surge of interest in the state secrets doctrine after September 11, 2001, few scholars have used statistical analysis to evaluate courts' treatment of the issue. This Note employs a dataset containing over 300 state secrets cases--larger and more complete than in any previous statistical study--to explore state secrets jurisprudence. I find that the state secrets doctrine has been asserted much more frequently after September 11 than it was before. However, in cases to which the government is a party, courts tend to uphold and deny those assertions at roughly the same rate. In litigation between private parties, courts have mostly avoided ruling on state secrets issues since September 11, a dramatic change from the pre-September 11 era. I also identify and analyze two other important trends: First, courts appear to be more skeptical of state secrets claims in Fourth Amendment cases than in most other types of cases. Second, criminal defendants have particular difficulty in overcoming state secrets privilege claims, especially after September 11. Through case analysis, I conclude that the data alone reveal no obvious abuse of the state secrets doctrine by either the executive or the judiciary. Nonetheless, the frequency with which courts uphold the government's invocation of the state secrets privilege, and the circumstances under which they do so, suggest that the state secrets doctrine often conflicts with some of our most fundamental democratic principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates Arab and Muslim students’ social relationships on 21 community college campuses in the USA (N = 753), with comparison groups of African Americans, Latinos, Asians, and Whites (N = 567). Survey findings revealed a positive relationship between campus friendships and sense of belonging, controlling for ethnic and religious identities, and perceived discrimination on campus. Individual group differences were found among Arab Christians, Arab Muslims, and non-Arab Muslims, and the comparison group. As an earlier publication based on the same study revealed, 75% of Arab and Muslim students’ campus friendships were either same ethnic and/or same faith, with only a quarter of campus friendships being of different ethnicity and different religion. Although such results suggest the existence of ethno-religious enclaves, this paper concludes that Arab and Muslim students are not purposely enacting their own ethno-religious balkanization, but—like other ethnic groups—forging their own campus communities within the larger campus community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the post-9/11 era, claims can repeatedly be heard that counterterrorism and related surveillance practices involve illegitimate invasions of privacy, free speech, and other violations of civil liberties. This puzzling theme of a fear of surveillance is echoed in both the relevant scholarly literature and civil liberties activism. We analyze the contemporary discourse on surveillance and civil liberties in confrontation with reports on empirical cases of claims of abuse that are made against surveillance and intelligence activities. We argue that these civil liberties claims are not only a function of the incidence of actual violations, but are also a reflection of a civil liberties culture and an accompanying fear of counterterrorism and surveillance. Allegations of civil liberties violations in the post-9/11 era, therefore, do not have a wholly justified basis in the reality of surveillance practices, but should instead also be viewed as a manifestation of certain cultural sensitivities related to privacy rights and personal liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses discourse analysis to examine the arc of cable news media coverage of the so-called “Ground Zero Mosque”, a proposed Islamic community center in lower Manhattan that sparked widespread controversy. This article analyzes both the nature and duration of mainstream cable news coverage of the controversy and the major arguments put forth by those both supporting and opposing the center in the politically charged post-September 11 media environment. Google Trends data were employed to examine the duration of the controversy both in terms of broader media coverage and search volume for the term “Ground Zero Mosque” online. This study found several consistent trends in terms of the sources present in cable coverage opposing the center, as well as a very narrow set of talking points that underline the presence of what other researchers have identified as an Islamophobic network of individuals and organizations present in American mass media discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 2011, al-Qaeda leader, Osama Bin Laden, was killed in Pakistan and the US president, Barack Obama, concluded a decade of global ‘war against terror’. In light of this, it seems only sensible to explore what implications the post-9/11 international developments have had on a local basis in specific national contexts. With this in mind, this article focuses on Denmark and discusses how the critical event of 9/11 motivated a security/integration response, including various pre-emptive measures that have cast the Muslim population asthe usual suspects. It will discuss how these changes have affected the everyday lives of ordinary Danish Muslims over the last ten years and changed the relationship between majorities and minorities. Finally, it will also examine how and why recent national and international events have created the potential for another shift in majority–minority relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This Commentary recognizes a policy shift across nations of favoring national security over human rights and argues that smaller states were influenced by the key international decision makers, the Permanent Five Members (P5) of the United Nations Security Council, via norm diffusion. In doing so, it offers an alternative theory for how and why human rights norms have consistently been violated in the pursuit of security. Oppressive regimes have used the term "counterterrorism" or "national security" to justify rights violations because they see larger powers allowing these violations. This Commentary contends that the P5 are responsible for beginning this phenomenon and in doing so created a paradigm shift in the types of norms that are diffused globally, resulting in "negative norm diffusion." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on bias in the analysis and study of international and domestic terrorism in 2014. Topics include the terrorist attacks that occurred in New York City on September 11, 2001, the assassination of terrorist leader Osama bin Laden, and the development of terrorism and terrorist response between 1914 and 2014.

Court opinions in the terrorism context are often distinguished by fact-finding that relates to risk assessment. These risk assessments--inherently policy decisions--are influenced by cultural cognition and by cognitive errors common to probability determinations, particularly those made regarding highly dangerous and emotional events. In a post-9/11 world, in which prevention and intelligence are prioritized over prosecution, courts are more likely to overstate the potential harm, neglect the probability, and presume the imminence of terrorist attacks. As a result, courts are apt to defer to the government and require less evidence in support of measures that curtail civil liberties. This Article explores the body of behavioral applied science on biases and cognitive errors and examines post-9/11 case law through that discipline's lens. The Article offers solutions for how courts should reach decisions that are less susceptible to psychological and cultural biases. In particular, courts should require the government to provide specific evidence supporting restrictions on civil liberties rather than accept speculative justifications. In addition, courts should disclose their anxiety and uncertainty over their own risk assessments, rather than cloaking them in empirical facts, the objectivity of which is always contested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how lives have been valued (or not) in the US federal compensation programs set up in the wake of 9/11. The Victim Compensation Fund (VCF), implemented within days of the attacks, provided unlimited funds to the victims. In contrast, many first responders who developed illnesses later have had access to limited support. Only in 2011 was the Zadroga Act signed into place, which extends compensation to these workers and others. This paper compares and contrasts the two programs to make two points. One, the debates around compensation lay bare the differential values that are ascribed to life, and how biopower not only fosters life but abandons some to the point of death. Two, despite the controversies around extending compensation, the Zadroga Act was eventually enacted. Our second point is thus that war is not just destructive, but can be used to reconstitute the social and political in unanticipated ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last 6 years have seen an unprecedented level of activity in the field of international aviation law, with the adoption of three new conventions and one new protocol. This is a testament to ICAO's leadership role and its ongoing relevance, particularly in the field of aviation security. The tragic events of 9/11 highlighted some weaknesses in the international law regime and were the impetus behind the nine-year process that led to the adoption of the 2010 Beijing Convention and Protocol. This Article reviews the historical background to the new treaties, including the journey taken through the ICAO process. It also analyzes in detail the provisions of the new treaties, assesses the views expressed in support as well as in opposition of their adoption, and considers the important perspective of the airline industry. Finally, the key question of whether or not the Beijing instruments will lead to improvements in aviation security is addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long recognized that a Federal Bureau of Investigation wielding robust domestic intelligence-collection powers poses a threat to civil liberties. Yet the FBI's post-9/11 mandate to prevent terrorist attacks (not merely investigate completed attacks) demands that the agency engage in broad intelligence-collection activities within the United States--activities that can threaten fundamental freedoms. This Article argues that strategies derived from administrative law principles can help alleviate the tendency of threat-prevention efforts to erode civil liberties. The fundamental problem this Article tackles is that the traditional governance mechanisms we rely upon to protect individual rights are ineffective in the domestic intelligence-collection realm. This failure of traditional checks stems from, first, the absence of practical constraints to channel the enormous discretion that the Justice Department and the FBI enjoy in determining the scope and nature of the FBI's domestic 6intelligence-collection activities; second, the lack of judicial or political checks on these activities, resulting in a deficit of democratic legitimacy and accountability; and third, the risk that the FBI's singular focus on terrorism prevention will overwhelm rights-protection concerns. Drawing on principles of administrative law, this Article explains how regulatory strategies can be employed to improve governance of domestic intelligence gathering. It recommends imposing procedural requirements on the exercise of discretion, facilitating meaningful pluralist input into relevant decision making processes, and augmenting the attention given to civil liberties concerns by requiring the Justice Department to prepare Civil Liberties Impact Statements and by including in the process an entity whose primary goal is the protection of civil liberties. These governance reforms will prompt domestic intelligence regulation to take account of civil liberties while preserving the ability of law enforcement to pursue security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The domestic manifestation of the War on Terror has produced the most difficult and sustained set of controversies regarding the limits on First Amendment protections for political speech and association since the anti-Communist crusades of the Red Scare and McCarthy eras. An examination of the types of domestic terrorism prosecutions that have become common since the September 11 attacks reveals continuing, unresolved conflicts between national security needs and traditional protections for speech and (especially) associational freedoms. Yet the courts have barely begun to acknowledge, much less address, these serious issues. In the Supreme Court's only sustained engagement with these problems, the 2010 decision in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, the majority largely avoided the hard questions by simply asserting that 18 U.S.C. § 2339B, the federal statute forbidding the provision of material support to foreign terrorist organizations, does not directly burden either the freedom of speech or freedom of association. Lower courts have performed even more poorly, generally rejecting powerful speech and association claims with bare assertions that "there is no First Amendment right . . . to support terrorists." This Article has taken as its major goal identifying and analyzing the First Amendment issues raised by the domestic War on Terror, focusing especially on the role of freedom of association in this context. Freedom of association has historically been a critical and basic First Amendment right, central to the process of democratic self-governance that the First Amendment protects. The right of association is also deeply implicated in many domestic terrorism prosecutions, since the essence of those prosecutions is an act of association, often combined with speech. Finally, the judiciary's bare assertions that "material support" or financial contributions do not constitute association cannot be sustained given both first principles and well-developed law outside the context of terrorism. In short, in this area the courts have failed in their basic job of honestly engaging with the law. Ultimately, however, I conclude here that there does exist a clear, textually and historically justifiable basis for limiting constitutional protections for terrorist and other violent groups. The principle derives from the textual roots of the freedom of association, which lies in the Assembly Clause of the First Amendment. The Assembly Clause, unlike the Free Speech Clause, explicitly protects only a right "peaceably to assemble," and so excludes violent groups. This simple principle, completely missed by the courts, serves to reconcile most terrorism prosecutions with the First Amendment. It cannot, of course, resolve all issues, especially when a prosecution is based primarily on speech, not association, but it does much of the work. There also remain some difficult and complicated issues of definition and implementation, on which I provide some thoughts. But the basic argument advanced here is quite simple: the freedom of association and assembly protects only peaceable association and assembly; and terrorists are not peaceable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author examines Australia’s growing religious pluralism and change within religious communities, including Muslim communities. The meaning of those developments for the concepts of social cohesion and citizenship is considered, as are the possible effects on social cohesion deriving from the lack of a federal bill of rights protecting minority individuals and groups in Australia. Also discussed are the aftereffects of the destruction of the World Trade Center in New York, with the attendant focusing of attention on Muslim communities in Australia and around the world. The passage of dozens of anti-terrorism laws in Australia, and the implications of those laws for limiting the personal and group freedoms of religious minorities, especially Muslims, are examined in terms of concerns about social cohesion. Finally, the debate over whether to allow the development of Shari’a law in Australia and its potential impact on social cohesion are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By the end of the first post-9/11 decade, the legal architecture associated with the U.S. government's use of military detention and lethal force in the counterterrorism setting had come to seem relatively stable, supported by a remarkable degree of cross-branch and cross-party consensus (manifested by legislation, judicial decisions, and consistency of policy across two very different presidential administrations). That stability is certain to collapse during the second post-9/11 decade, however, thanks to the rapid erosion of two factors that have played a critical role in generating the recent appearance of consensus: the existence of an undisputed armed conflict in Afghanistan, as to which the law of armed conflict clearly applies, and the existence of a relatively identifiable enemy in the form of the original al Qaeda organization. Several long-term trends contribute to the erosion of these stabilizing factors. Most obviously, the overt phase of the war in Afghanistan is ending. At the same time, the U.S. government for a host of reasons places ever more emphasis on what we might call the "shadow war" model (i.e., the use of low-visibility or even deniable means to capture, disrupt, or kill terrorism-related targets in an array of locations around the world). The original al Qaeda organization, meanwhile, is undergoing an extraordinary process of simultaneous decimation, diffusion, and fragmentation; one upshot of this transformation has been the proliferation of loosely related regional groups that have varying degrees of connection to the remaining core al Qaeda leadership. These shifts in the strategic posture of both the United States and al Qaeda profoundly disrupt the stability of the current legal architecture on which military detention and lethal force rest. Specifically, these developments make it far more difficult (though not impossible) to establish the relevance of the law of armed conflict to U.S. counterterrorism activities, and they raise exceedingly difficult questions regarding whom these activities lawfully may be directed against. Critically, they also all but guarantee that there will be a new wave of judicial intervention to consider those very questions. Bearing that in mind, I conclude this Article by outlining steps that could be taken now to better align the legal architecture with the trends described above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the September 11th attacks, local law enforcement agencies in major metropolitan areas have become increasingly involved in counterterrorism and intelligence activities. Unfortunately, this development has not yet spurred a comparable increase in intelligence oversight. Indeed, at the local level, intelligence activities are conducted largely in a "formal governance vacuum." This situation is unsustainable. Local formal oversight mechanisms are desperately needed. Whether local actors are actually up to the intelligence oversight task is another question. And it is a question that has yet to be answered in a satisfactory manner. Skeptics have written off local overseers with little explanation, while advocates of local intelligence oversight have endorsed local overseers without apparent consideration of their viability. This Note seeks to provide a comprehensive answer. Drawing upon lessons from oversight of the federal intelligence community, this Note demonstrates that the federal intelligence oversight apparatus is a workable model for the local context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does the killing and burial of bin Laden tell us about the sites, sources, and nature of law's authority in a post-'9/11' world?1 If law is constituted by "acts of language [that] are actions in the world,"2 then the law embodied by these events is discernible through an analysis of Obama's announcement on the killing of bin Laden. Obama's announcement avoids the term 'law' yet makes present the relationship between 'law,' 'justice,' legitimacy, and violence. Through critical theory on language, translation, and political myth, this paper explores the translations at work in constructing law's authority for a post-9/11 world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Studies of minority representation customarily focus on groups whose social position remains steady over the time period in question. We consider whether and how Arab-American representation shifted following September 11th as the group's social status changed rapidly. Methods We analyze the determinants of Senate voting alongside the Arab-American Institute from 2000 to 2008. We employ ordinary least square (OLS) regression models that account for the time series cross-sectional (TSCS) nature of our panel data. Results Our findings suggest that Arab-American representation significantly declined in the wake of September 11th, both among Democratic and Republican senators. As the political environment improved over time, representation slowly rose in subsequent years. Conclusions We show that the quality of Arab-American representation declined after September 11th despite no significant change in either their size or in electoral outcomes. We also show that broad theories of minority representation apply to even small ethnic groups, as the determinants of Arab-American representation parallel those of African Americans and Latinos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the sociological, economic and political challenges faced in a global contemporary society, and the need to redefine how mainstream sociology is approached. The author refers to major events that have occurred since the 1980s which have had both global social and political impacts, including the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the global financial crisis of 2008 and global warming. The author asserts that theory relating to the philosophical and political concept of universalism is outdated because it excludes what can be observed empirically, which is required in a changing, modern global society. The author refers to the 21st century as the era of the ideology of cosmopolitanism, while contending that it is a collateral effect of global capitalism.

The article discusses obstacles that Coast Salish Native Americans face in trying to cross the border of Washing State and Vancouver, British Columbia following an increase in border security caused by the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States. The author argues that intimidation strategies and personal bias by Homeland Security boarder officers cause problems for Aboriginal people who otherwise should be allowed to cross under national law and international agreements. Other topics include a change in the attitude of the U.S. towards Canada following 9/11, the implications of the "Federal, Washington State, County and Tribal Justice Summit," of 2003, and the removal of Coast Salish dentist Peter Roberts' green card following his attempt to cross into the U.S. in 2007.

The article discusses the efforts of the U.S. to heighten U.S.-Mexico border security since the 1990s in order to reduce illegal immigration. An overview of the U.S. Border Patrol agency, including its impact on the rate of Mexican immigration in the 1980s, 1990s, and following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, is provided. The author contends that the U.S. should reconsider associating border control with national security and maintains that an open U.S.-Mexican border would allow for greater economic development.

America's domestic reaction post 9/11 was laudable. President George W. Bush drew a clear distinction between the terrorists and Islam as such. Religious communities called upon the devout to avoid religious hatred and acrimony. As a result, there were few attacks on American Muslims. Nonetheless, many Americans support the "war on terror" against militant Islamists, and feel disquiet over those elements of Islamic teaching that appear to deny civic values such as the right to religious liberty and the right to convert. The publication of the statement "What We're Fighting For" in 2002 expressed some of these concerns and led to a difficult but fruitful ongoing dialogue between intellectuals in America and the Arab Middle East. The major differences that exist between Islam, Christianity, and Judaism require "deep toleration": the capacity to live with and among those with whom one profoundly disagrees on some vital matters. A civic Islam must be allowed to prevail that avoids the extremes of theocracy or religious indifference. To achieve this, the lead must come from within Islam itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers a key counter-terror strategy in the UK post-9/11 – the shift from a criminal justice response to the creation of a parallel preventive system running in tandem with the continuing criminal justice one. The preventive response does not rely on the commission of criminal offences or adherence to ordinary criminal justice safeguards. This preventive strategy relies on targeting terrorist suspects – those who, it is thought, may in future commit terrorist acts – and curtailing their liberty with the aim of preventing terrorist activity before it occurs. Since 2005 the preventive strategy has partly relied on the imposition of control orders on certain terrorist suspects; such orders are about to be replaced by Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Orders (TPIMs) at the end of 2011. Both types of order create a means of controlling or curbing the liberty of such suspects without a criminal trial. The paper evaluates the responses of the courts to control orders, and the reasons for their abandonment in favour of TPIMs. It argues that the human rights' issues raised in court in relation to control orders over the last six years are likely to be re-raised – albeit to a somewhat lesser extent – in relation to TPIMs. In considering this issue, the paper touches on the question of the use of technology in relation to both control orders and TPIMs as measures allowing interferences with liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Visual surveillance has become a key technological tool in the prevention of terrorism and other serious crimes. From a human rights perspective, however, its use requires proper checks and balances, especially because there is a risk that – quoting Mathiesen on Foucault – panoptic surveillance, where the few view the many, develops. Furthermore, when public authorities use visual surveillance in an excessive or arbitrary fashion, they alienate citizens and reduce opportunities for effective co-operation. Henceforth, the need for proper checks and balances for visual surveillance is maintained in this article, which focuses on the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, as both countries have experience with preventing ‘home grown’ terrorism and with visual surveillance in public spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research conducted in the aftermath of the September 11th terrorist attacks (9/11) suggests that, except for those who directly witnessed or suffered loss from the attacks, for most children the emotional impact was relatively transitory. We review this literature as well as consider other ways in which the attacks may have played a role in the development of adolescents and young adults as they came of age in the shadow of 9/11 in the United States. Specifically, we discuss the potential impact of the collective trauma of 9/11 on children's coping and emotional regulation, their sociopolitical attitudes, and their general beliefs about the world. Developmental issues and the role of parents in shaping their children `s responses to 9/11 are also addressed. Researchers interested in children's social, emotional, and psychological development have much to learn about children's reactions to events like 9/11 and factors that might mitigate the negative consequences of such events on children's development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interfaith dialogue garnered considerable positive attention and derision after September 11, 2001. This article critically examines expectations of interfaith dialogue by clarifying explicit and implicit suppositions of how and why things will change because of dialogue. Three broad approaches to dialogue are identified: theological, political, and peacebuilding. Hypotheses about change within each approach are identified and explored through case examples. The article argues that while interfaith dialogue can contribute to personal, relational, and structural change, each of the three approaches does not do so equally. The article concludes that proactive reflection on theories of change within dialogue is necessary for interfaith dialogue to achieve its potential to build peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article profiles Muslim American scholar, educator, and principal Debbi Almontaser. It examines her work in New York City schools with Arab American students following the September 11, 2001, attacks on the U.S. and her work with the New York City Police Department in promoting cultural understanding. It also discusses her work in the formation of the Khalil Gibran International Academy (KGIA) in New York City. The author argues that KGIA and Almontaser became the focus of criticism from people he calls Islamophobes, such as New York University professor Diane Ravitch, Middle East Forum director Daniel Pipes, and an organization called Stop the Madrassa Coalition. The author examines the media and public pressure on the New York City Education Department to dismiss Almontaser.

This research addresses the strength of the homeland security policy regime that was constructed after the terrorist attacks of September 2001. We argue that homeland security provides a preeminent example of the challenges of developing policy regimes that focus policymaking on a common goal across diverse subsystems. All the ingredients for fashioning a powerful regime were in place after the terrorist attacks of September 2001-a common purpose, engaged stakeholders, and institutional redesign. But for a variety of reasons that we discuss, the results are far from cohesive. The lessons we draw are more general ones regarding factors that influence the strength of boundary-spanning policy regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of public discourse about the September 11, 2011 Terrorist Attacks on the U.S. judicial branch, with a focus on habeas corpus litigation. The article uses terminology in the book "Archaeology of Knowledge" by Michel Foucault to discuss the ways in which discursive practices have influenced the judicial role in habeas corpus legislation such as Hamdi v. Rumsfeld and Boumediene v. Bush.

This three-part article describes the early years of one of the mother-baby-children groups of the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001. The goal of the group was to help prevent the effects of trauma and loss from disrupting the relationships among the mothers, their infants, and growing children. View I by Anni Bergman describes the mothers' states of minds as the group began, when they felt that their worlds had collapsed under them. View II by Sally Moskowitz focuses on the clinical experience of working in the group, transference and countertransference themes, helping the mothers and children with their mourning process, and helping the mothers' relationships to each other, their babies, older children, family, and friends. The evolution of a casual, familial-type atmosphere and format came to be seen by the therapists as very important. The therapists wanted to provide whatever small feeling of normality and comfort possible in the context of the mothers' anguish. This routine atmosphere provided the backdrop against which the mothers could talk about what seemed like unspeakable events, thoughts, and feelings, and process the horrific events, in their magnitude and details. View III by Donna Demetri Friedman describes the play therapy treatment of two preschool-aged siblings in the context of the support group. The children's father had been killed in the World Trade Center attacks. This section describes the themes of the children's play and how they worked through the experience of the loss of their father, the birth of their sibling, and their mother's grief. It also describes their progress a decade later. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This case study presents a microanalysis of interactions of one mother-infant dyad videotaped at four and fourteen months, in the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001. It provides an intriguing window into the infant's experience within the context of loss and trauma. The observational method utilizes the D.A.N.C.E. tool developed by this author and the Laban movement analysis system. The integrated rhythms of the actions, the timing of gestures and the spatial shifts of posture comprise each individual's core choreography in the dance of relating. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article describes how a mother, shortly after the loss of her husband on September 11, 2001, keeps the father in mind, conveying his essence to her children and to the therapists and mothers' group, in the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001. A particular bird, a cardinal, that appeared and disappeared from her yard, became a symbol that gave shape and meaning to her mourning for her and for her children. Over time, as one of the therapists, I came to know the lost husband through the accounts of the mother. I gradually held a place in the discourse for him and his point of view. In this way I helped to facilitate the process of incremental mourning, filling a similar role to that of the cardinal, a fleeting symbol of the lost husband and father. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]