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We find firm-level evidence that removing labor market rigidities can harm productivity growth. This holds, in particular, in industries with a high 'cumulativeness' of knowledge, i.e. when accumulation of worker-embodied (and often 'tacit') knowledge from experience is important for innovative competencies. We conclude that there is a trade-off between the efficient allocation of scarce resources in a static neoclassical perspective and dynamic Schumpeterian efficiency, the latter requiring rigidities in labor markets that are valuable for innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hosting the FIFA World Cup was a pivotal moment for Qatar and the broader Arab region, attracting attention, tourism, and economic benefits. However, it also intensified global scrutiny of Qatar's labor laws that govern the lives of migrant workers. In response, Qatar implemented significant labor reforms to address criticisms and enhance the business environment. Despite these efforts, ongoing evaluation is crucial for assessing reforms' effectiveness. To understand public attitudes, a 2021 nationally-representative telephone survey targeted Qatari nationals and migrant workers. The survey explored how recent employment system changes affected their lives, perceptions, and attitudes. Findings reveal the potential for substantial change, driven partly by international pressure promoting reform. Continuous research and monitoring are vital for sustaining these changes and navigating challenges. This comprehensive approach is essential for grasping the intricate dynamics shaping Qatar's evolving socio-economic landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes the book "El camino obrero. Historia del sindicalismo mexicano, 1907-2017" by Saúl Escobar Toledo, highlighting the importance of unionism in Mexico and the need to understand its history in order to understand the present. It mentions the absence of the labor movement in national recovery projects and how improvements in wages and labor legislation have not been the result of pressure from organized workers. The book covers different periods in the history of the labor movement in Mexico, from 1915 to 1982, and analyzes corporatism, repression, and violence imposed on workers. It also addresses the arrival of neoliberalism, labor reforms, and union resistance. The author emphasizes the importance of building a unionism that responds to the country's needs. [Extracted from the article]

We evaluate the quantity–quality trade‐off on the labor market by estimating an augmented matching function weighting the matches by quality measures. We use the approach to evaluate the German labor market reforms conducted between 2003 and 2005. Indeed, we find a significant quantity–quality trade‐off. However, even after controlling for job quality, a good half of the positive effect of the reforms on matching efficiency remains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Introduction of flexible (or non-regular) work has a negative impact on productivity. • This negative impact is strongest under innovation regimes that rely on highly cumulative knowledge. • Supply-side deregulation of labor markets is likely to have contributed to a productivity growth slowdown in major OECD countries after 2004. Due to labor market reforms around 2003–4, Japan has a growing group of 'non-regular' workers who are easy to fire, and have poor carrier perspectives. This marks a break with the traditional Japanese model of life-time employment that allowed for intensive in-company training and commitment of personnel. Drawing from a national wage structure survey, we find indications that employment of non-regular workers has a negative impact on productivity (proxied by wages), this negative impact being largest under innovation regimes that require a high cumulativeness of knowledge. Our findings are consistent with neo-Schumpeterian research in Europe which concluded that certain labor market rigidities, while being un desirable from a neoclassical perspective, can be useful to innovation. Our paper confirms the impression from earlier research that structural reforms of labor markets along supply-side lines are likely to be one of the reasons for a substantial decline of productivity growth in major OECD countries since about 2004/05. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the programmatic evolution of social democratic parties in Italy, Portugal, and Spain, three countries in which the center-left has governed in the last decade. To do so, the article develops an analytical framework for mapping social and labor market policy reforms and assessing their liberalizing, regularizing, or recalibrating character. In explanatory terms, the article studies the coalitional politics behind social democratic reforms as being conditional upon the relationships between organized interests, electoral social blocs, and party system dynamics. The comparative analysis shows both commonalities and differences: the cases range from postindustrial recalibration (Italy) to inclusive egalitarianism (Spain), with Portugal taking a middling path, closer to that of Spain. Overall, in these countries a move away from both traditional "social protectionism" and crisis-era internal devaluation has taken place, but it has taken different forms depending on country-specific coalitional dynamics within the left and trade union camps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia e Sociologia Rural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since regaining its independence in 1991, Lithuania has undergone a process of chaotic privatization in which labor was systematically disempowered, above all, by the targeted erosion of labor rights formally endorsed in the pre-existing Soviet labor code. In the newly legitimized and aggressive pro-business environment of the post-Soviet era, organized labor's residual power was seen as an anachronistic impediment to the power of capital in reshaping society and the economy. This article investigates the political dynamics of disembedded labor law reform in Lithuania, which enabled neoliberal reformers to legislate while disregarding broader societal interests and imposing unilateral changes in labor relations. A content analysis of 852 news media reports on labor law reforms published in 2014–2016 was used to demonstrate how discursive and institutional exclusion and sequencing were employed by the neoliberal government to circumvent the interests of major social and economic groups, resulting in the passage of pro-business legislation. The implications of resorting to disembedded politics in the labor reform process are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic History Research / Investigaciones de Historia Económica is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Historia Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims highlighting the importance of maintaining long-term sustainability of public finances through the continuation of measures for economic recovery, accelerating economic growth, and maintaining and supporting a new framework for sustainable development that leads to the elimination of vulnerabilities in the economy and ensures a decent standard of living. The main objectives for creating and consolidating public finances aim at improving the quality of public spending by improving budget planning, implementing reforms in the labor, pension, and SME support sectors, prioritizing sectoral policies, ensuring real competition between proposed projects for funding, and supporting performance by using the best practices at the European level and avoiding wastage of public funds. The paper analyzes the degree of fiscal consolidation achieved, contributing to reducing inflation, interest rates, the trade deficit, and the current account deficit of the balance of payments, as well as the stability of the leu exchange rate, taking into account the fragility of the domestic and external environment, the budgetary effort required for the new pension system law, and the implementation of reforms from the PNRR, which must be completed by 2026. Considering the issues mentioned above, Romania has set several objectives to ensure the sustainability of the gross financing needs, such as reducing the budget deficit by supporting and adapting the business environment to the challenges posed by economic crises, simplifying taxation, and improving legislation to address tax evasion, to create the conditions for healthy and sustainable economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Contabilidade & Controladoria is the property of Revista de Contabilidade & Controladoria RC & C and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Born to a free Black family, Jack Hodges (ca. 1763–1842) was arrested for the murder of a white man in 1819 and served a term at New York's Auburn State Prison, the world-famous prototype of industrial prison discipline, where he experienced a life-altering Christian conversion. Also known as Jacob Hodges, he became one of the nineteenth century's most famous incarcerated African Americans, appearing in popular crime writing, children's books, reform society reports, and spiritual biographies. Today, however, Hodges is unacknowledged, even among scholars of race and prison studies. My interdisciplinary essay advances both historical and interpretive claims. I reconstruct Hodges's life in the crucible of evangelical Protestantism, racial assimilation, and industrial market capitalism, which worked together, I argue, to shape the ideology of the modern prison system. I also analyze the vivid fantasies about Hodges that circulated in reformist literature. Unlike the majority of captives, whose struggles left only faint traces in the archives, Hodges was neither the object of dehumanizing violence nor the subject of coldly rational surveillance; he was listened to, admired, and treated with sympathy. As a case study in evangelical reformism's sentimental, possessive style of love, the literature about Hodges poses special challenges and opportunities for abolitionist reading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the economic relationship between Japan and India, with a focus on India's growing economy and its potential for further growth. India has experienced significant economic growth and is expected to become the world's third-largest economy in the near future. The article highlights India's efforts to boost its manufacturing sector through initiatives like "Make in India 2.0" and the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) scheme. It also discusses the rapid growth of India's electronics industry, particularly in mobile phone production, and its efforts to develop the semiconductor industry. The article acknowledges the geopolitical risks and challenges that India faces in its economic growth. It further explores the strengthening relationship between Japan and India, particularly in the areas of national security, economy, and infrastructure development. Specific initiatives include collaboration in building resilient semiconductor supply chains, investment by Japanese companies in India's manufacturing sector, and Japan's contribution to India's infrastructure development through official development assistance. The article emphasizes the potential for further expansion of the bilateral relationship and the importance of fostering mutual understanding through people-to-people exchanges. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Relaciones de Trabajo, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Under what conditions do dictators enact pro-worker legislation? Conventional wisdom suggests that heightened mass discontent motivates dictators to make policy concessions to defuse revolutionary threats. However, a more protective labor law may decrease elites' economic benefits--and thus loyalty to the regime. I argue that limited judicial independence helps dictators control the distributional outcomes of the law and therefore better respond to the twin challenges magnified by labor reforms. To test this argument, I conduct a cross-national analysis of sixty-eight autocracies from 1970 to 2008. I then examine an illustrative case--China's 2008 Labor Contract Law--to illuminate how a non-independent judiciary gives autocrats more leeway to balance the interests of elites and the masses. This article contributes to our understanding of authoritarian survival strategies amid distributive tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the recent rise in labor activism in the United States and focuses on the achievements of UNITE HERE Local 11, a union representing hospitality workers in Southern California. The union's success is attributed to their grassroots organizing approach, which involves close collaboration with community organizations and elected officials. The article highlights the significance of worker-led organizing committees and the involvement of immigrant and Black workers in building a strong labor movement. The experiences of Local 11 in Santa Monica are seen as a model for revitalizing the labor movement and achieving sustainable improvements for workers. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Pauta Geral is the property of Revista Pauta Geral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologia & Antropologia is the property of Sociologia & Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho de la Seguridad Social, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho de la Seguridad Social, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is not to relitigate Qatar's human rights record but to assess the effectiveness of its labor reforms: the principal concern is dispute resolution and enforceability. While Qatar instituted a broad suite of labor law reforms in the years preceding the World Cup, questions remain about whether they have improved access to justice for migrant workers. More attention needs to be given to the dispute settlement system established by Law No. 13 of 2017 to assess if new legal norms translate into enforceable rights. It is argued that the labor dispute system has largely failed by not taking into account the circumstances that define the employer-employee relationship in Qatar, especially the stark imbalance in power. While reforms might endure at the level of formal law, the dispute system will fail to deliver genuine justice to workers unless it is refashioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One year ago, the Qatar World Cup was in full swing, and Qatar was omnipresent in our public and private spheres. For many, the Qatar 2022 World Cup will forever be intimately connected with the plight of migrant workers. This Article dives into the confluence of spectacle, counter-marketing, international—labor and human rights—law, and local reforms, which came together in the long decade which followed FIFA's fateful decision in December 2010 to give the 2022 World Cup to Qatar. It starts by situating the FIFA World Cup 2022 within Qatar's drive for soft power and nation branding, before turning to re-counting how the 2022 World Cup was "ambushed" in the name of Qatar's migrant workers and their rights, putting the issue on the global agenda and triggering the involvement of the ILO. Thereafter, the Article discusses the effects of this ambush counter-marketing by engaging with the labor reforms introduced by the Qatari government, while highlighting their limits in terms of scope and implementation. The Article concludes with a general discussion on the blind spots and shortcomings of the turn to counter-marketing as a strategy to vindicate international human rights or labor rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the many human rights and corruption concerns surrounding the Qatar 2022 FIFA Men's World Cup, two ultimately rose to the fore: labor and LGBTQ+ rights. A careful look at Qatar's response to these issues reveals a sharp and provocative contrast. Though the World Cup organizers and the Qatari Government generally resisted Western criticism of its LGBTQ+ laws and practices, both bodies adopted systemic labor reforms. To the extent these reforms remain in place several years after the event, they can be said to constitute a human rights legacy. This Article explores one angle from which to understand this contrast. It distinguishes between principles, which are deeply rooted in a country's political, cultural, or religious belief system, and practices, which find their support in convenience, profit, and the self-interest of entrenched powers but which lack a deeper cultural, philosophical, or religious grounding. It further argues that sexual morality is best understood in the context of Qatari law and culture as a principle, while the labor abuses are mere practices. This distinction helps explain the disparate levels of reform and legacy: to the extent human rights violations are rooted in principles, the likelihood of reform and therefore of legacy is relatively low; where these violations are rooted merely in practices, the likelihood may be substantially higher. This distinction can also help to predict how future host countries/cities will respond to the human rights standards that megasport governing bodies increasingly enforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"For Labor to Build Upon: Wars, Depression and Pandemic" by William B. Gould IV is a timely book that explores the history, challenges, and potential future of the labor movement. The author emphasizes the importance of contingency and the choices made by labor, employers, and government in shaping the decline of union representation. Gould also examines historical precedents, such as racial discrimination within the labor movement and the relationship between unions and antitrust legislation. The book addresses modern concerns, including the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on workers and the exploitation of gig workers and college athletes. Gould calls for unions to be more proactive in organizing and recruiting new members, while also suggesting specific labor law reforms. Overall, the book provides a thought-provoking analysis of labor's past, present, and uncertain future. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Boletín Económico de ICE is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates how cultural workers from the 1950s to the 1970s served China's hydraulic engineering campaign in artworks depicting human resource extraction. Focusing on Tian Han's drama The Caprice of the Ming Tombs Reservoir (1958) and Jiang Yunchuan's documentary Red Flag Canal (1970), the article tells two tales of Chinese hydraulic construction to analyze the theatrical and cinematic aesthetics of socialist labor reform and rural industrialization. In China's history of transforming water from a natural threat to a natural resource, Tian Han and Jiang Yunchuan represent the Chinese cultural workers who used their works to mobilize the masses to navigate the hostile natural environment and overcome technological insufficiency, portraying the body as corporeal machine. This mode of cultural representation went beyond revolutionary culture's conventional task of reinforcing class consciousness. Instead, it aimed to generate and maintain the energy of the infrastructure builders to change the nature of labor in socialist industrial planning. The Chinese cultural works on hydraulic engineering draw attention to the materiality of the laboring bodies often ignored in current infrastructure scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to analyze the effects of the set of measures adopted by the labor reform of 2017 on the generation of employment and income in Brazil. The study is based on the literature that highlights the importance of structural change in employment as a key element for economic growth and development, emphasizing that in Brazil, there is still a view that the labor market should take on more flexible work relationships to advance in the improvement of jobs, levels of employment, productivity and income. Subsequently, the article summarizes and critically comments on the main measures of the labor law reforms adopted in post-2017 Brazil. Finally, it presents an analysis of the behavior of the labor market in Brazil between 2012 and 2022 based on data from the PNADC/IBGE survey. The main results of the survey confirm that the labor reform of 2017 has not shown advances in labor market indicators or in the main macroeconomic aggregates of the country. In contrast, the data suggest deterioration in the indicators of employment, income and allocation of workers in occupations with low productivity and income characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this work is to analyze the effects of Brazilian Labor Market Reform (BLMR) in the short run and, based on identified changes in the economy in recent decades, to verify how these changes have affected the labor market. Four methods were used in a complementary way: (i) employment quality index; (ii) panel data estimation method; (iii) synthetic control method and (iv) microdata analysis. We observed that there was no considerable increase in the quality of employment and formal employment and the rate of unemployment did not decrease after the implementation of these changes. Part of this dynamic is cyclical and related to exogenous shocks, such as the COVID pandemic on the Brazilian economy. Finally, according to econometric analysis, the rate of unemployment in Brazil is more responsive to investment rates and the business environment than to unit labor cost and changes in labor legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the study of the legal regulation of dismissal of employees for improper performance of labour duties is due to the fundamental changes and reforms in labour legislation which require a more detailed study of the social and legal aspects of labour relations. The purpose of this study is to get acquainted with the procedure for dismissing employees, especially in the form of disciplinary proceedings for improper performance of duties. The study used a theoretical methodological approach, the method of legal hermeneutics, a formal legal, methodological approach, the method of deduction, the method of induction. In the course of the study, the characteristic aspects of labour relations in general, the specific features of the employment contract, and the procedures for dismissal for violation of relevant labour obligations in the framework of disciplinary proceedings were analysed. Modern judicial practice was considered, which provides an opportunity to analyse theoretical provisions in their reflection in the real practice of law enforcement in Ukraine to describe this particular procedure for dismissing an employee more thoroughly. The results of the study also identified certain problems in this area that may interfere with its effective functioning. These problems are related to the contradictory interpretation of legal norms regulating the procedure for dismissing an employee for improper performance of official duties. Therefore, to resolve this conflict of laws issue, the practice of the Supreme Court was considered, and the current legislation was analysed, which helps to provide explanations on all the features of the procedure for dismissing an employee legally. The study provides practical guidance for Ukrainian employers on how to properly dismiss employees for non-performance, ensuring compliance with the law, clear criteria for decision-making and the necessary documentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Relaciones de Trabajo, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The changes in Mexican economic policy within neoliberalism implied serious transformations in labor relations and forms of labor organization. Based on this, the aim of this paper is to analyze the implications that practices such as protection contracts and subcontracting had on the organization of workers, and the subsequent labor reforms, still limited, which make possible new schemes of dynamization within unions, through new demands framed within the rights of labor citizenship. Methodologically, a brief description is made of the main changes in the Mexican economy and the labor context since the last decade of the last century and the first two of the present Century. This is linked to the conceptual elements of the centrality of labor and labor citizenship. It concludes by pointing out that labor reforms make possible new scenarios of opportunity for Mexican trade unionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the RLA was invoked to prevent a rail strike last year, there were only twenty-three major work stoppages (events that involved at least one thousand workers each) in which a total of one hundred twenty-six thousand workers participated. The Origins and Evolution of the RLA Regime Throughout the years leading up to the passage of the RLA in 1926, railroad worker militancy was the main spur toward the enactment of federal laws regulating labor relations. Over the last decade, PSR, a version of the notorious "stretch out" that textile employers once inflicted on workers (by running looms faster and pushing two workers to tend the same number of looms that three once tended), has seen rail carriers try to run trains continuously with as little down time and as few crew members and maintenance workers as possible. Keywords: labor; collective bargaining; law; collective action; strikes EN labor collective bargaining law collective action strikes 34 41 8 09/11/23 20230901 NES 230901 Graph: A Long Island Rail Road train conductor, October 6, 2022.Marc A. Hermann/MTA During the past year, we have been reminded of the fact that a law now almost a century old - the Railway Labor Act (RLA) - continues to prevent some of our most essential workers from using their most basic power, their ability to engage in collective action to improve their wages and working conditions or defend the common good. [Extracted from the article]

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editor discusses various topics within the issue, including labor law reform, the system of employment discrimination litigation, and the feasibility of arbitration as appropriate relief for employment disputes.

Copyright of Revista da Micro e Pequena Empresa is the property of Faculdade Campo Limpo Paulista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By systemizing a typology from John R. Commons and John B. Andrews' discussion about collective bargaining and the attitudes of governments towards labor unions, we present in this article the use of this categorization to investigate the vicissitudes of unionism in Brazil. We do so by analyzing the interaction between the government and labor unions in two different inflection points in Brazil's labor law history: (i) the Vargas Era (1930--1945) and (ii) the Labor Reform of 2017. Our conclusions relate these periods to the attitudes of "intervention" and "tolerance," respectively, pointing now to aspects of increasing opposition towards collective action as the economic crisis and unemployment deepen, and new reforms take place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To respond to my critics I concentrate on three systematic problems they have brought up in their articles: First, there are repeated concerns that my proposal for determining what we should regard as social labor may be too narrow, too conventionalist, or simply misleading (I); second, a number of contributions raise the question of whether I am right to discard the idea of "alienated" or "meaningless" labor as the standard of critique of contemporary labor relations and replace it with the weaker standard of democratic compatibility (II); and third, some of the contributors reproach me for being too moderate in my proposals for reforming labor relations and for conceptually excluding more radical alternatives from the outset (III). I will try to defend my own approach on all three counts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1994–1998 housing reform in China allowed state employees to buy their rented public houses at considerably subsidized prices. By exploiting housing reform as an exogenous change in homeownership and employing a differences-in-differences framework, this paper examines the effect of housing reform on labor market participation. Using the data from China Health and Nutrition Survey, we find that individuals who are affected by the housing reform are 15.1 percentage points less likely to participate in labor market after controlling for observables. We further find that married women are 18.9 percentage points more likely to drop out of labor market after the housing reform, while their male counterparts are only 10.0 percentage points less likely to participate in labor market after the reform. We also explore mechanisms through which the housing reform may affect married women more greatly. Family division of labor hypothesis suggests that, in an efficient family husband should act as the "breadwinners" and wife be a caregiver and responsible for raising the family. We test this hypothesis and find strong evidence that married women in fact spend more time in family chores after the housing reform. Our findings are robust to alternative estimations and functional misspecifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines migrant workers' subjective views of their rights and wellbeing in the Gulf Arab state of Qatar. Since the announcement of the World Cup, Qatar has been roundly criticized for the living and working conditions of the low-wage migrant workers responsible for building the country's social and economic infrastructure. These critiques, however, either emphasize individual migrant experiences of mistreatment or the kafala migration regime that regulates migration and employment. Few quantitative and representative studies ask migrants how they understand and experience their rights and wellbeing, or how these views have changed as the country has embarked on key labor law reforms in response to international pressure. Therefore, we present results from a large-scale, nationally representative survey of low-wage migrant workers conducted in labor accommodations over four years, supplemented by a separate phone survey. The analysis emphasizes the views of migrants—including satisfaction with rights, awareness of rights, fulfillment of contracts, and quality of life—which are critical to successful policy implementation. We examine the objective factors that best explain these views and study the interaction between subjective and objective wellbeing dimensions. The results inform scholarly understandings of the living and working conditions of migrants and provide essential context for questions surrounding migrant rights and global justice in temporary labor migration regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]