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This study examines the interaction effects of police collective bargaining authorization and police pay on racial differences in police-related fatalities. Using data from Fatal Encounters, the Bureau of Justice Statistics, and other publicly available databases, we applied entropy-weighted regressions to a balanced panel of 282 local police departments from 2000 to 2013 in the United States. We found that collective bargaining authorization is not directly associated with police-caused deaths. However, results indicate that higher median salaries for city police officers directly and meaningfully contribute to fewer people killed by police actions. When considering interactive effects, our findings suggest that police unionization offsets the life-saving benefits of higher relative pay, leading to more Black citizens dying from police intervention as salaries increase in agencies with collective bargaining authorization. Our findings demonstrate authorities should consider the potentially fatal and inequitable consequences for citizens during collective bargaining and salary-setting negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Screen Actors Guild-American Federation of Television and Radio Artists (SAG-AFTRA) went on strike in 2023, which was the largest strike in a year with over 400 strikes. The strike was a response to changes in the entertainment industry, including the rise of AI and the dominance of big tech companies. The strike resulted in a new three-year contract that included pay increases, improved streaming residuals, and some protections around the use of AI. The strike received support from the public, including President Joe Biden and Senator Bernie Sanders. The strike focused on streaming residuals and the use of AI, and while some compromises were made, there were concerns about the contract's language on AI. However, the strike has inspired non-union workers to seek representation and raised awareness about the economic struggles of actors and writers. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the connection between queer advocacy and the labor movement in the United States. It highlights the efforts of queer Starbucks baristas who organized to address low wages and workplace discrimination. The article argues that unions can be more effective than civil rights laws or corporations in delivering LGBTQ+ protections and benefits. It also discusses the historical ties between queer workers and the labor movement, as well as the role of unions in combating anti-LGBTQ+ agendas. Additionally, the article examines how conflicts over anti-discrimination laws in certain towns were influenced by socioeconomic factors and conservative politicians. It concludes by emphasizing the need for a queer working-class politics that addresses the shared interests of LGBTQ+ and all other workers. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an account of the six-week strike by the United Auto Workers (UAW) at the Big Three automakers in 2023. The strike resulted in significant gains for UAW members and has inspired further organizing efforts in the auto industry. The article includes an interview with Patrick Lozeau, a warehouse worker and UAW Local 422's financial secretary, who discusses the physical toll of the job, lack of training, injuries, and the impact of the strike on workers' wages and benefits. While there were some improvements in the new contract, Lozeau believes that more could have been achieved. The text also highlights the importance of defined benefit pensions and healthcare in retirement, as well as the challenges faced by newer hires without access to these benefits. The worker expresses frustration with the shift to electric vehicles and potential job loss, emphasizing the need for solidarity and unionization to ensure fair treatment and better working conditions for all workers. [Extracted from the article]

The CIRIGHTS Data Project scores a representative sample of all internationally recognized human rights. In this article, we use CIRIGHTS scores to discover global patterns in government respect for human rights. The findings show that worker rights, including the right to form a trade union and bargain collectively, are among the least protected human rights. The right to be protected from torture is also among the least protected rights, but, on average, other physical integrity rights—protection from extrajudicial killing, political imprisonment, and disappearance—are among the most protected rights. We introduce an Overall Human Rights Protection Index for all countries, which shows that nearly two-thirds of the world's countries score less than 65 on the 100-point scale. A heat map shows that countries tend to have similar index scores if they share an international border. We discuss the implications of these patterns for future research and policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to a confounding decision by the Supreme Court in the 1920s, the sport of professional baseball was permitted to grow for over a century unconstrained by federal antitrust laws. As a result of this antitrust exemption, professional baseball players were forced to endure unique hardships in the area of labor relations, as compared to athletes in other professional sports. After decades of confusing litigation results and calls for legislation, Congress finally responded in 1998 through passage of the Curt Flood Act. However, despite broadly claiming to apply federal antitrust laws to the sport of professional baseball, the effect of the Act was far more limited. Therefore, Major League Baseball players have been forced to look elsewhere when seeking external influences to force concessions at the bargaining table. Unlike Major League Baseball players, Minor League Baseball players were unable to even approach the bargaining table until very recently. Thus, while Major League Baseball players spent decades achieving small victories to cumulatively improve their labor conditions, such opportunities were unavailable to Minor League Baseball players. However, recent years have seen this trend come to an end. Today, Minor League Baseball players possess union representation and a seat at the bargaining table. In light of these advances, legitimate questions have been raised as to the modern need for an antitrust exemption that places labor relations in baseball on an uneven playing field compared to other professional sports. Although the future of the exemption is unclear, recent history suggests that both the Supreme Court and Congress have taken note of these developments and are beginning to reexamine the modern justifications of an antitrust exemption for professional baseball. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article demonstrates for the first time how civil servants check and restrain presidential power through collective bargaining. The executive branch is typically depicted as a top-down hierarchy. The President, as chief executive, issues policy directives, and the tenured bureaucracy of civil servants below him follow them. This presumed top-down structure shapes many influential critiques of the modern administrative state. Proponents of a strong President decry civil servants as an unelected "deep state" usurping popular will. Skeptics of presidential power fear the growth of an imperial presidency, held in check by an impartial bureaucracy. Federal sector labor rights, which play an increasingly central role in structuring the modern executive branch, complicate each of these critiques. Under federal law, civil servants have the right to enter into binding contracts with administrative agencies governing the conditions of their employment. These agreements restrain and reshape the President's power to manage the federal bureaucracy and impact nearly every area of executive branch policymaking, from how administrative law judges decide cases to how immigration agents and prison guards enforce federal law. Bureaucratic power arrangements are neither imposed from above by an "imperial" presidency nor subverted from below by an "unaccountable" bureaucracy. Rather, the President and the civil service bargain over the contours of executive authority and litigate their disputes before arbitrators and courts. Bargaining thus encourages a form of government-wide civil servant "resistance" that is legalistic rather than lawless, and highly structured and transparent rather than opaque and inchoate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital labour platforms transform work and employment relations in many ways. Crucially, they renounce the role of the employer, leading to a redefinition of traditional categories of actors and their roles in social policy and dialogue. Using the example of the EU proposal for a directive on improving working conditions in platform work, this article examines how this redefinition is materialising in practice among social partners in order to understand its implications for the future of social dialogue and legislation. While previous research focused on the status of workers, this study takes a complementary view by considering the employer side as a key counterpart in a functioning employment relationship. The actor‐approach is used to analyse the views and positions of EU social partners and how their prerogatives are affected by the blurring of the role of the employer and the redefinition of traditional categories of actors in social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although charter schools are frequently afforded flexibility from many state laws that govern traditional public schools, a growing number of charter school teachers have now unionized and introduced collective bargaining to the charter sector. Using data from a detailed content analysis of teacher CBAs from California, we compare the restrictiveness of CBAs in 75 unionized charter bargaining units to the restrictiveness of CBAs in 31 nearest neighbor traditional public school district bargaining units. We find that independent charter CBAs are much more flexible than the CBAs of traditional public school districts, but charter school CBAs of bargaining units combined with traditional public school districts are comparably restrictive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communicating effectively, including the ability to negotiate, has been claimed to be key competencies in interprofessional practice. However, these day-to-day contributions to interprofessional teamwork are not yet sufficiently understood. The aim of this article is to explore the day-to-day interprofessional negotiations in biopsychosocial pain rehabilitation. A qualitative design with an ethnographic approach was applied to the overall study. Participant observation of interprofessional encounters and clinical encounters in a pain rehabilitation ward was undertaken in 2016 for a period of 19 weeks. Intermittent interviews with 12 professionals were conducted. Data were analyzed in an abductive process using thematic analysis. We present the results as two themes: 1) Silent conflicting interests in the office, and 2) Silent dissatisfaction with meetings. The study showed that the team members had opportunities to negotiate in interprofessional offices and meetings, while they perceived insufficient time for discussion, and their individual work being interrupted by each other in the offices. They did not discuss their dissatisfaction, but silently bargained on how to spend time together. Professionals can contribute to teamwork through silent bargains that can promote a low level of conflict and thereby preserve a good workflow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should we regulate social media platforms to prevent harmful treatment of users? Regulators, advocates, and scholars have grappled with this problem for years. Many proposed solutions, ranging from improving privacy disclosures, to promoting competition between platforms, to requiring platforms to pay users for their data, are at best incomplete. This Article begins from the premise that platform problems are collective problems and proposes a collective solution: empowering users to organize platform unions. Much like labor unions give employees a say in in their working conditions even when they lack individual bargaining power, platform unions would facilitate collective bargaining over platform policies. They would turn social media “users” into collective participants who have a say in determining platform policies. After making the case for platform unions, the Article turns to implementation, discussing how labor law informs key questions about the design of platform unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The amount of distress and disengagement among many nurses and physicians has reached concerning levels in recent years. The result has been acute nurse shortages, significant increases in travel nursing, more physicians working fewer hours and retiring early, and urgent calls for change and reform. This analysis surveys many of the leading systemic contributors to nurse and physician demoralization. As the healthcare sector continues to experience more consolidation and increased investment by private equity and other corporate interests, physicians are increasingly becoming employees with similar forms of employment arrangements and pressures that nurses have had for decades. They are also becoming employees of the same larger health systems, hospitals, and corporate employers. These trends are leading to a convergence in the kind and intensity of pressures and problems that nurses and physicians face. As more medical residents and fellows increasingly turn to unionization and as growing numbers of nurses have gone on strike, both professions should consider the potential benefits of joining forces for the purposes of maintaining the autonomy they have left and to push for better conditions both for themselves and the patients for whom they care. Key points: Nurse shortages and physician burnout in the United States predated the pandemic, but have worsened over time.Physicians are increasingly becoming employed in contractual arrangements that nurses have worked under for many decades. Their conditions of employment, work environments, professional pressures, as well as health and well‐being concerns are becoming more similar and shared.With more nurses going on strike and medical residents unionizing, it is time for physicians and nurses to consider forming an alliance and considering collective bargaining to maintain the autonomy they have left and to advocate for both themselves and their patients for whom they care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the application of the nonstatutory labor exemption to age and draft eligibility rules in professional sports leagues, using legal cases such as Clarett v. NFL and Moultrie v. NWSL for analysis. Topics include collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) between players unions and leagues, the legality of age requirements for draft eligibility, and the interpretation of the nonstatutory labor exemption in labor disputes within the context of professional sports.

Purpose: This study aims to identify effective behaviors in labor-management negotiation (LMN) and, on that basis, derive overarching psychological principles of successful negotiation in this important context. These empirical findings are used to develop and test a comprehensive negotiation training program. Design/methodology/approach: Twenty-seven practitioners from one of the world's largest labor unions were interviewed to identify the requirements of effective LMN, resulting in 796 descriptions of single behaviors from 41 negotiation cases. Findings: The analyses revealed 13 categories of behaviors critical to negotiation success. The findings highlight the pivotal role of the union negotiator by illustrating how they lead the negotiations with the other party while also ensuring that their own team and the workforce stand united. To provide guidance for effective LMN, six psychological principles were derived from these behavioral categories. The paper describes a six-day training program developed for LMN based on the empirical findings of this study and the related six principles. Originality/value: This paper has three unique features: first, it examines the requirements for effective LMN based on a systematic needs assessment. Second, by teaching not only knowledge and skills but also general psychological principles of successful negotiation, the training intervention is aimed at promoting long-term behavioral change. Third, the research presents a comprehensive and empirically-based training program for LMN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public-private partnerships (PPPs) have been widely applied in infrastructure development around the world. However, reasonable concessionary items are critical to compromise interest conflicts between government agencies and sponsors to ensure project success. A broad literature review centering on PPP transaction structuring revealed two significant research gaps: (1) a lack of attention to the 'availability payment only' (APO) funding method and (2) negligence of the public side's perspective in determining concessionary items. The research objective was to develop a methodological framework for determining concessionary items in APO PPP projects while considering the interests of the public side. This study proposed a value-for-money (VFM) and social values integrated framework which accommodates discounted cash flow (DCF) analysis, bargaining game modeling, and multi-objectives decision-making (MODM). This framework enables a decision-making process based on both an indifferent feasible interval of concessionary items under a discount rate agreed upon by both parties and an optimal set of concessionary items. Additionally, results of a sensitivity analysis indicated that project construction profit can significantly affect feasible and optimal concession items, and the optimal concession period is less sensitive to changes in risk allocation. The application of proposed model indicated that this paper successfully provides a methodology for determining a feasible interval and an optimal concession items group tailored to APO PPP projects. This study paves the way towards a platform for the public and private partners to jointly and quickly come up with sound PPP concessional items in light of the win-win principle, particularly under the APO funding mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The name, image, and likeness (NIL) changes and shifting landscape obscure more existential threats to the student-athlete model on the horizon. The television money that Power Five conference teams receive still comprises much of the budget of athletic departments. The football and basketball players--the revenue sport athletes--may have a claim to a greater share of this revenue. Some athletes argue that they are employees of their universities, which would entitle them not only to additional benefits but also to other tools, such as collective bargaining. All of these advantages could make universities responsible for increasing the amount of remuneration available to revenue sport athletes. Other athletes are advancing antitrust lawsuits in an attempt to remove the barriers to a free market in order to eviscerate the grant-in-aid limit on remuneration a university can pay to its athletes. The consequence often ignored in conversations surrounding a future where either or both efforts are successful relates to non-revenue sports--sports that do not generate enough money to cover their expenses. While Title IX protects women's sports to a degree, the overall consequence of increased compensation for revenue sport athletes will be the diminishment and even loss of many non-revenue sports. This is because revenue sports such as football and basketball largely cover all the costs of non-revenue sports. This Article maps the current landscape without adopting a normative view. Certainly, a college sports future decided by university administrators and athletic directors remains preferable to one mandated by courts. To that end, this Article offers several different paths to a new status quo in light of the imminent threats of litigation grounded in employment and antitrust law. Part II of this Article describes the effect of NIL on the pay-forplay conversation. Part III assesses the current litigation in employment and antitrust law. Lastly, Part IV maps some possible responses of universities to this changing landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role of public participation in constitution-making processes, focusing on the Afghan experience. It provides an overview of public involvement in constitutional reform, emphasizing its increasing prominence globally. It explores challenges and considerations surrounding public involvement in constitution-making, including timing, elite bargaining, and the potential for conflict.

The article takes a look at the direction of the British Labour Party under the leadership of Keir Starmer. The commodified version of national identity had become central to self-image of the Labour Party. The success of Starmer in smoothing the path to a Labour government is attributed to his ruthless style of party management. He has required his members of parliament to vote against a motion calling for a ceasefire in Gaza and has also articulated a productivist, corporatist brand of social democracy. The Labour Party has pledged a Green Prosperity Plan that includes annual public investments such as in energy transition, improvement in bargaining power of labor, and regional economic planning. It has committed to fiscal rules, innovation and entrepreneurship to spur economic growth.

The Union of Southern Service Workers (USSW) is a labor union that was established in 2022 to address the challenges faced by low-wage service workers in the U.S. South. These challenges include state laws that are against unions, lack of federal labor protections, and the exploitation of Black Southern labor. USSW aims to transform low-paying service jobs into jobs with dignity by using direct action, forming alliances with the community, and organizing across different industries. The union draws on the experiences of previous worker organizing efforts in the South and aims to build a strong organization of workers to achieve long-term changes and immediate victories. USSW uses tactics like strikes and worker speak-outs to address issues and demand better working conditions. They also recognize the connection between workplace and community issues and engage in community unionism. USSW focuses on popular education, cultural organizing, and community-building to empower workers and sustain their commitment to fighting for justice. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the author's personal experiences with strikes and their impact on their career and life choices. The author shares their involvement in strikes as a graduate student at Yale University and as a teaching assistant, highlighting the differing consequences they faced in each situation. This led the author to fully embrace the labor movement and work for a hospitality workers' union. The article also discusses the successful Marriott strike in 2018 led by UNITE HERE Local 26, emphasizing the importance of consensus, organization, and a representative worker committee in building a successful and militant union. [Extracted from the article]

Nearly five billion people around the world now use social media, and this number continues to grow. One of the primary goals of social media platforms is to capture and monetize human attention. One means by which individuals and groups can capture attention and drive engagement on these platforms is by sharing morally and emotionally evocative content. We review a growing body of research on the interrelationship of social media and morality as well its consequences for individuals and society. Moral content often goes viral on social media, and social media makes moral behavior (such as punishment) less costly. Thus, social media often acts as an accelerant for existing moral dynamics, amplifying outrage, status seeking, and intergroup conflict while also potentially amplifying more constructive facets of morality, such as social support, prosociality, and collective action. We discuss trends, heated debates, and future directions in this emerging literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the rise and fall of the International Union of Timberworkers, 1913–1915, a labor union that formed in 1901 as the International Union of Shingle Weavers of America. It mentions that its history undermines the popular belief that only the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) embraced industrial unionism and was capable of being an inclusive labor organization in the Pacific Northwest timber industry during the 1910s.

While the term "class" has largely vanished from China's public discourse, class discourse has endured within the country's labor struggles over the last four decades. Nevertheless, class discourse has been articulated in distinct ways across three instances of labor activism: state workers' opposition to industrial restructuring, worker-initiated collective bargaining, and Marxist-inspired agitation, manifesting as nostalgia, collective rights, and labor emancipation, respectively. This article delves into the origins of these distinct articulations of class discourse by delineating three modes of their emergence: endogenous, exogenous, and symbiotic. It further elucidates how these modes materialize through the interplay of workers' experiences and the roles undertaken by labor activists from both shopfloors and civil society. The article's objective extends to evaluating the degree to which these three discursive expressions encapsulate class consciousness, while also delving into their underlying ideological implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the history of new labor localism, city-level living wage ordinances--emerging in the 1990s with Los Angeles leading the way--have generally been understood as a second-best, limited antipoverty device designed to raise wage floors, with only indirect effects on organized labor. Drawing upon original archival materials, this Article offers an alternative reading of the history of the living wage in Los Angeles, showing how it was designed and operationalized as a proactive tool to rebuild union density and reshape city politics. Doing so makes four key contributions. First, the Article theorizes and empirically examines the living wage as a pioneering form of mobilizable labor law: a local legal reform with pro-labor potential unlocked through collective action by unions, in this case, enabling union organizing by addressing regulatory weaknesses in the National Labor Relations Act. Second, the Article deepens labor history by reframing the LA living wage movement as a key inflection point connecting the seminal Justice for Janitors campaign, considered the launching pad for new labor efforts to organize low-wage immigrant workers, to new labor organizing building toward the Fight for $15. Third, contrary to the standard critique of lawyers demobilizing movements through legalization, the LA campaign reveals the creative role of lawyers behind the scenes in developing new understandings of labor law that established conditions of possibility for successful union organizing. Finally, by illuminating how labor actors mapped local government power to identify opportunities for mobilization--particularly in publicly held assets such as airports--the Article sheds new light on the dynamic relation between social movements and local government. Specifically, in the case of labor, strategic localism has catalyzed an iterative cycle of union organizing by helping build a power base for organized labor in big cities and promoting diffusion of pro-labor policymaking across political boundaries. Recovering this history of the living wage serves as a means to unlock law's transformative potential in labor campaigns that rise to meet contemporary challenges of economic and racial inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Increased automation shows a positive association with unemployment. • The association varies across collective bargaining systems. • Coordinated collective bargaining mutes the positive association. • Strong labor unions do not enhance the positive association for outsiders. • Results indicate the importance of organized labor in shaping the societal effects of structural change. The stock of robots used in industrial production in the OECD more than doubled over the last two decades. Empirically, the direction of the association between automation and (un-)employment varies across countries. Which factors explain this cross-country variation? We argue that differences in collective bargaining systems play a role. We structure the collective bargaining systems of 37 OECD and EU countries by the degree of coordination of their collective bargaining on the one hand, and by the strength of labor unions on the other hand. These results in four types of collective bargaining systems: highly coordinated with strong unions; highly coordinated with weak unions; weakly coordinated with strong unions and weakly coordinated with weak unions. We use a dynamic panel data approach to investigate whether the association between increased automation and the unemployment rates of different societal groups differs across collective bargaining systems. Our findings are consistent with the view that increased automation is positively associated with unemployment in countries where collective bargaining is weak. In coordinated systems the association is muted, notably for workers with medium skill levels, that is, for the group of workers which is frequently seen to be especially prone to be "automated away". We cannot unveil indications of insider-outsider behavior of labor unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The significance of the study lies in its exploration of the intricate relationship between training and development needs and productivity within the context of maritime shipping companies in Jordan. This investigation holds particular relevance due to the critical role played by the maritime sector in the country's industrial landscape. This research uses a quantitative approach. The quantitative adopts the self-administered survey which uses simple random sampling. This study will focus on the maritime shipping sector, which is critical in Jordan, and will be conducted on 10 companies in the sector. the study proposes that in order to boost productivity, organisations hire highly experienced and competent people who create financial information and have adequate academic credentials. As a result, providers of training and development should follow the code of ethics and be able to meet the needs of the laws, rules, policies, and standards that govern the compilation and presentation of information connected to the productivity of these businesses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the relation between new public management (NPM) reforms and changing patterns of industrial relations (IRs) and social dialogue in the Italian education system. Drawing on data from the research project 'Social dialogue and industrial relations in education: The challenges of multi-level governance and privatisation in Europe' (IR-EDUREFORM), it uses cultural political economy to explore the effects of autonomy, evaluation, and management as policy technologies on teacher unions' collective bargaining, workplace representation and industrial action. Through the Italian case, the study analyses how NPM reforms operated three distinctive transformations: decentralisation of bargaining to school level, juridification and individualisation of industrial action and a shift from collective to professional unions. Beyond critically exploring the implications of NPM reforms and the processes of decollectivation and individualisation of IRs and social dialogue in education, the study also highlights some potential for the emergence of novel sites for collective representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I develop a model of majority-rule collective bargaining between a sports league and its players when delay costs incurred by players are wealth-dependent. I propose a refinement of subgame perfect equilibrium that requires equilibrium strategies to be immune to deviations by any majority subgroup. I show this is equivalent to giving the player with median bargaining power the unilateral ability to negotiate with the league. Using this model, I demonstrate that policies reallocating surplus from high-talent to moderate-talent players, such as maximum contracts in professional sports, can improve the welfare of all players. Redistribution of surplus harmonizes players' interests, giving a majority of them a greater stake in the bargaining outcome. The model highlights the gains to be had if a heterogeneous group agrees to concessions that increase the alignment of their individual interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After federal reforms in the 1930s protected the right to organize, the Tobacco Workers International Union made quick work of mobilizing the American South. Its unions, though segregated, made strides. Yet Black unions' collective bargaining gains could not transcend one of the South's most oppressive employment practices: segregated systems for worker seniority. One Black union, Local 208 at Liggett & Myers Tobacco Company in Durham, North Carolina, fought for seniority rights for more than three decades. During this time, the federal government increasingly pressured Southern industry and labor to desegregate. Steadfast, Local 208 refused to merge with any white union until its members attained a more equitable seniority system. This start-to-finish history of Local 208 demonstrates how federal desegregation initiatives both encouraged and interfered with Black workers' fight against discrimination. Embodying the post--Civil War, pre--Civil Rights Act era of Black Southern tobacco labor, Local 208's decades-long fight presents a precise illustration of the need for the landmark Title VII remedies soon to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Directive on Adequate Minimum Wages represents a watershed initiative adding substance to the EU's social dimension. It contains two ambitious objectives: establishing the minimum level of statutory minimum wages at 60% of the gross median wage, and increasing collective bargaining coverage (CBC) to at least 80% of workers. In this article, we assess how statutory minimum wages and collective bargaining coverage are associated with the likelihood of low pay. Using a time series cross-section of EU-SILC for income years 2004–2019, we identify and assess the absolute and relative size of 'effective wage floors' for full-time employees in 30 countries. We specify multilevel, random effects within-between regression models to assess the individual and joint associations of SMW and collective bargaining coverage with wage floors. Our results indicate that SMWs and CBC both have distinct roles in establishing the effective wage floor. First, higher collective bargaining coverage is on average associated with a lower share of workers earning below 60% gross median wages. Second, higher SMWs are strongly associated with higher effective wage floors. Third, both collective bargaining coverage and union density are strongly associated with higher wage floors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the determinants of the growing political salience of minimum wages in European party manifestos. By using multilingual quantitative text analysis, I show that the electoral salience of minimum wages has increased in the past decades. Although left-wing parties emphasize minimum wages more than right-wing parties, I find that the electoral salience of this policy follows a U-shaped relationship: right-wing populist parties dedicate greater attention to minimum wages than centre-right parties do. A sentiment analysis finds that compared to other policies designed to supplement the income of low-wage workers, such as strengthening collective bargaining institutions and in-work benefits/wage subsidies, there do not seem to be specific party-political characteristics, which determine the sentiment with which discussions on minimum wages are framed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the evolving landscape of labor unions in the U.S. during the Biden era, highlighting the potential for a resurgence in collective bargaining and class consciousness among workers. Topics include the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on workers' perceptions of collective power, challenges faced by unions in organizing the unorganized workforce, and the role of new leaders in driving labor movement initiatives.

Climate change poses fundamental challenges to Australian employment law, with increasingly extreme weather events disrupting workplaces across the country. Drawing on climate change adaptation literature, this article suggests that, in responding to these challenges, law and policymakers must pay attention to three aspects of adaptation: (1) the role of employment law in minimising climate change impacts on parties; (2) the capacity of employment law to adapt to changing circumstances; and (3) the resources, institutions, or mechanisms needed to promote adaptation. These aspects of adaptation are examined in relation to unfair dismissal, enterprise bargaining and collective action, and work health and safety. This analysis highlights how both impacts and responses are likely to shift the baselines for workplace power. Law and policymakers must seek to maintain positive power relations between employers and employees, to ensure employment law can fulfil its primary function, prevent maladaptation and transform the world of work for a climatechanged future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including worker power in collective bargaining, wage theft criminalization laws, and the workplace gender equality act.

After federal reforms in the 1930s protected the right to organize, the Tobacco Workers International Union made quick work of mobilizing the American South. Its unions, though segregated, made strides. Yet Black unions’ collective bargaining gains could not transcend one of the South’s most oppressive employment practices: segregated systems for worker seniority. One Black union, Local 208 at Liggett & Myers Tobacco Company in Durham, North Carolina, fought for seniority rights for more than three decades. During this time, the federal government increasingly pressured Southern industry and labor to desegregate. Steadfast, Local 208 refused to merge with any white union until its members attained a more equitable seniority system. This start-to-finish history of Local 208 demonstrates how federal desegregation initiatives both encouraged and interfered with Black workers’ fight against discrimination. Embodying the post– Civil War, pre–Civil Rights Act era of Black Southern tobacco labor, Local 208’s decades-long fight presents a precise illustration of the need for the landmark Title VII remedies soon to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the platform economy is the most recent model of outsourcing practices and the flexibilization of the organisation of production supported by the development of information and communication technologies. The spread of this business model has led to the expansion of different precarious forms of employment, the most common being the bogus self-employed. The business model based on digital platforms also has the effect of limiting the capacity of trade unions to represent and defend workers, preventing or limiting, for example, resource to collective bargaining. This article compares the trade union revitalisation strategies deployed in Spain and Portugal in the rider sector by traditional trade unions and associations of delivery workers and precarious workers. The article shows how, in both countries, unions have combined organising and mobilisation strategies with actions aimed at influencing political and regulatory expectations. However, there is evidence of a greater experimentation of practices in the Spanish case, as well as a greater impact and influence of their strategies in political terms. The article also reveals important differences between the two countries regarding the relationship between traditional trade unions and delivery workers' associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his Rose Garden remarks, Reagan carefully distinguished the government workers' illegal strike he was smashing from strikes waged by workers in the private sector. Keywords: strikes; trade unions; labor; organizing; labor history; collective bargaining; CWA; NYNEX strike; mobile picketing; PATCO EN strikes trade unions labor organizing labor history collective bargaining CWA NYNEX strike mobile picketing PATCO 6 15 10 09/11/23 20230901 NES 230901 Graph: Teachers, members of the Oakland Education Association, strike the city's schools and march through downtown Oakland, CA, on February 21, 2019, with supporting students and parents. In the thirty-one years prior to the controllers' strike, from 1950 to 1980, American trade unionists waged an average of 304 large strikes, involving more than 1.4 million workers, each year. B I We should... be humble about prescribing what it will take to revive the strike on anywhere near the scale that prevailed during the four decades from the CIO upsurge until PATCO. i b A brief review of the factors that allowed CWA members to strike in an era when strikes nearly vanished from labor's repertoire reveals both the opportunities and challenges that lie ahead for unionists seeking to revive the strike. [Extracted from the article]

He is a member of the PTLFC-AAUP-AFT (Part-Time Lecturer Faculty, American Association of University Professors, American Federation of Teachers), and vice president of the PTLFC executive board of the union at the New Brunswick, New Jersey campus. Faculty teaching in the Philosophy department at Rutgers-New Brunswick, considered to be one of the top philosophy departments nationally, receive a certain wage. Keywords: collective bargaining; contingent workers; democracy; education; equality; union democracy; unorganized workers EN collective bargaining contingent workers democracy education equality union democracy unorganized workers 89 93 5 09/11/23 20230901 NES 230901 Graph B Editor's Note b For this article, I New Labor Forum i 's "Working-Class Voices" columnist Kressent Pottenger interviewed Hank Kalet, a part-time lecturer in the School of Communications and Information at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey. [Extracted from the article]

As the RLA was invoked to prevent a rail strike last year, there were only twenty-three major work stoppages (events that involved at least one thousand workers each) in which a total of one hundred twenty-six thousand workers participated. The Origins and Evolution of the RLA Regime Throughout the years leading up to the passage of the RLA in 1926, railroad worker militancy was the main spur toward the enactment of federal laws regulating labor relations. Over the last decade, PSR, a version of the notorious "stretch out" that textile employers once inflicted on workers (by running looms faster and pushing two workers to tend the same number of looms that three once tended), has seen rail carriers try to run trains continuously with as little down time and as few crew members and maintenance workers as possible. Keywords: labor; collective bargaining; law; collective action; strikes EN labor collective bargaining law collective action strikes 34 41 8 09/11/23 20230901 NES 230901 Graph: A Long Island Rail Road train conductor, October 6, 2022.Marc A. Hermann/MTA During the past year, we have been reminded of the fact that a law now almost a century old - the Railway Labor Act (RLA) - continues to prevent some of our most essential workers from using their most basic power, their ability to engage in collective action to improve their wages and working conditions or defend the common good. [Extracted from the article]

Resumen: La incidencia de las huelgas en Chile ha aumentado sustancialmente desde finales de la década de 2000. En este artículo analizamos la actividad huelguista centrándonos en un aspecto clave del modelo de relaciones laborales chileno: el pluralismo sindical. A partir de una encuesta representativa de las empresas del sector privado, estimamos modelos de regresión logística que indican que el pluralismo sindical incrementa significativamente la probabilidad de huelgas en las empresas. Sin embargo, nuestro análisis no permite concluir que el efecto positivo del pluralismo sindical se explique por la competencia entre sindicatos, tal como sugiere parte de la bibliografía internacional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen: La negociación colectiva del trabajo doméstico es un fenómeno infrecuente y poco estudiado, pese a su importancia para la regulación y formalización del sector. Italia es uno de los países europeos con mayor número de trabajadores domésticos y uno de los pocos con convenio colectivo nacional. Los sindicatos y las asociaciones de familias empleadoras negocian convenios desde 1974. Los resultados de este estudio cualitativo basado en entrevistas a expertos ponen de manifiesto retos y limitaciones, pero también una formalización en curso del trabajo atípico en este sector pujante, dominado por trabajadoras migrantes, gracias a la negociación colectiva y al compromiso de los interlocutores sociales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This address, the Doug Purvis Memorial Lecture presented at the 56th Annual Meetings of the Canadian Economics Association in June 2022, discusses the evolution of the use of lethal force over the past century and the waves of protest in response to this violence. It focuses on underlying causal factors behind rapid increases in civilian deaths in the 1960s–1970s and post-2008. In the earlier period, major causal factors include collective bargaining, militarization, and likely the increasing federal role in law enforcement, whereas increasing diversity helps to mitigate these factors. For the spike in police violence post-2008, potential causes include militarization, increasing civilian engagement, and polarization, and a broad range of mitigating policies are considered. With respect to the role of protest, the uprisings against police violence in the 1960s and 1970s result in large community costs, decreasing political support for police reform, and increasing levels of police violence against civilians. In contrast, modern Black Lives Matter protests maintain strong public support and drive meaningful declines in the use of lethal force. The address concludes with a discussion of policy options and recommendations for governments, police departments, and protestors to reduce the use of lethal force for the United States and Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under Australian law, the requirement that parties to a contract must co-operate with each other manifests in at least four distinct duties or standards: (i) each party must co-operate in performing acts reasonably necessary to achieve contractual objectives; (ii) each party must not prevent or delay the other party in performing the contract; (iii) each party must do what is reasonably necessary to ensure that the other party enjoys the benefit of the contract; and (iv) each party must not undermine the purpose of any express promise that it has made. These duties and standards exist as default rules given effect, in most cases, as terms implied in law into all contracts. They are justified by the need to protect the bargain or exchange embodied by the contract — the performance interests of the parties. Hence, the scope of each duty or standard is defined through a normative assessment of what is necessary and appropriate in terms of protecting the bargain; the court strikes a balance between maintenance of the bargain and respect for the freedom of each party to act in self-interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: To communicate trends in nurse licence revocation in Finland and examine policies and legislation that have implications for future nursing responses to workplace hazards. Background: The causes of the shortage of nurses working in Finland are multifactorial and complex. Nurses are joining trade unions and taking industrial action in response to the devaluation of their profession and the underpayment of nurses during the pandemic. The Health Care Professions Act in Finland allows nurses to apply voluntarily to withdraw or revoke their licence using online digital tools – and many are doing so as a last resort. Discussion: A declining nursing workforce is anticipated, with retiree trends increasing while nurse recruitment decreases over the next few decades. Nurses' remuneration and working conditions have suffered during the pandemic, and industrial actions organised by trade unions that include nurses have advocated for the policy and decision‐making process to improve, but with mixed results. The process of how legislation enables licence revocation in Finland is essential to understanding this new phenomenon. Conclusion: Advocacy for nurses, who are disadvantaged within the current pandemic emergency response policy environment, is needed across every nursing context and every career stage. Without support, nurses confronted with precarious working conditions are more likely to draw attention to their plight by using recent legislation to revoke their nursing licences voluntarily. A revocation may be temporary or permanent. Nurses need advocates and mentors to address attrition issues around the voluntary withdrawal of licences. The situation in Finland offers trade unions and nursing associations an opportunity to validate their existence in society. Implications for Nursing Practice: Public displays of distress about the political undervaluing of the nursing profession discourage applications to study nursing and pursue a nursing career or remain in the nursing profession. International experience tells us that when proficient nurses exit the profession, the level of patient safety and health benefits and national productivity suffer. Implications for Nursing Policy: Finland's Nursing Act is an aspect of policy that needs exploring and the basis for amending policies to enable collective bargaining agreements to protect the rights and future of nurses. Reactive policies for recruiting foreign nurses to bolster a failed domestic nursing workforce policy have their own problems. These policy issues reflect the problems facing nurses worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the history of, and legal precedent set by, Four B Manufacturing v. United Garment Workers of America , a 1980 Supreme Court of Canada case involving an Indigenous-owned manufacturing firm that resisted the efforts of its Indigenous and non-Indigenous workers to form a union on the Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory, a reserve in southeastern Ontario. The employer, Four B, contested the jurisdiction of the Ontario Labour Relations Board and argued, unsuccessfully, that as an "Indian enterprise," its own operations were a matter of federal jurisdiction. We return to the case of Four B for three interrelated reasons. First, we argue that Four B remains relevant because of the ways that the political economy of settler-colonial Canada continues to structure Indigenous enterprises, labour, and employment as ongoing sites of tension. Second, as the inaugural case dealing with the "core of Indianness" – a contested legal concept used by the courts to determine federal jurisdiction over Indigenous labour – this case both set the legal precedent and shaped the subsequent political terrain of Indigenous labour relations. Third, the issues addressed in Four B contextualize recent jurisdictional struggles over Indigenous enterprises, labour, and employment in what we term the "Indigenous public sector" – namely, health care, social services, and First Nations government administration. The article reviews the case history of Four B , setting this against the backdrop of deindustrialization in southeastern Ontario during the period, before tracing how the case influenced the juridical and political landscape of Indigenous labour relations. We close by considering the potential tensions between Indigenous self-determination and the exercise of collective bargaining rights by Indigenous workers. Cet article examine l'histoire et le précédent juridique établi par Four B Manufacturing c. United Garment Workers of America , une affaire de la Cour suprême du Canada de 1980 impliquant une entreprise de fabrication appartenant à des Autochtones qui a résisté aux efforts de ses travailleurs autochtones et non autochtones dans le but de former un syndicat sur le territoire mohawk de Tyendinaga, une réserve du sud-est de l'Ontario. L'employeur, Four B, a contesté la compétence de la Commission des relations de travail de l'Ontario et soutenu, sans succès, qu'en tant qu'« entreprise indienne », ses propres activités relevaient de la compétence fédérale. Nous revenons au cas de Four B pour trois raisons interdépendantes. Premièrement, nous soutenons que Four B demeure pertinent en raison de la façon dont l'économie politique du Canada colonial continue de structurer les entreprises, la main-d'œuvre et l'emploi autochtones en tant que sites de tension permanents. Deuxièmement, en tant que première affaire portant sur le « cœur de l'indianité » – un concept juridique contesté utilisé par les tribunaux pour déterminer la compétence fédérale sur le travail autochtone – cette affaire a à la fois établi un précédent juridique et façonné le terrain politique ultérieur des relations de travail autochtones. Troisièmement, les questions abordées dans Four B contextualisent les récentes luttes juridictionnelles sur les entreprises, le travail et l'emploi autochtones dans ce que nous appelons le « secteur public autochtone » – à savoir les soins de santé, les services sociaux et l'administration gouvernementale des Premières Nations. L'article passe en revue l'histoire de l'affaire Four B , dans le contexte de la désindustrialisation dans le sud-est de l'Ontario au cours de la période, avant de retracer comment l'affaire a influencé le paysage juridique et politique des relations de travail autochtones. Nous terminons en examinant les tensions potentielles entre l'autodétermination autochtone et l'exercice des droits de négociation collective par les travailleurs autochtones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When self-employed persons work side by side with employees in the same enterprise, the question may arise as to why there is a difference in working conditions between these categories and whether this difference is justified. When they do not work side by side, but are to a large degree economically dependent on one or more counterparties, differences in remuneration and other working conditions are questionable as well. In recent years more room has been created for collective bargaining and collective agreements for categories of self-employed persons in order to reduce unjustified differences between self-employed persons and employees. This development is the topic of this article. We will not only discuss the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the recent guidelines of the European Commission on this issue, but also - as a case study -collective labour agreements with provisions on solo self-employed persons that have been adopted in the Netherlands, as experiences with these may be relevant to making actual use of the increased room for collective bargaining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resistance is a concept understudied in the context of health and healthcare. This is in part because visible forms of social protest are sometimes understood as incongruent with professional identity, leading healthcare workers to separate their visible actions from their working life. Resistance takes many forms, however, and focusing exclusively on the visible means more subtle forms of everyday resistance are likely to be missed. The overarching aim of this study was to explore how resistance was enacted within the workplace amongst a sample of twelve healthcare workers, based in the United Kingdom; exploring the forms that such action took and how this intersected with health and healthcare. In depth-interviews were conducted and results were analysed utilizing Lilja's framework (2022). Our findings suggest that resistance took a number of forms, from more direct confrontational acts, to those which sought to avoid power or which sought to create alternative or prefigurative practices or norms. These findings speak to the complexities, ambiguities, and contradictions of resistance, as carried out by healthcare workers in the workplace. While many acts had clear political motives, with issues like climate change in mind for example, participants also described how the act of providing care itself could be an act of resistance. While saying something about our participants, this also said something about the healthcare systems in which they worked. These findings also raise a range of normative issues. Perhaps needless to say, there appears to be substantial scope to expand and interrogate our findings and apply the idea of resistance to health and healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health promoters recognize the social determinants of health (SDOH) shape health outcomes yet generally neglect how unionization and collective agreements (CAs) shape these SDOH. This is surprising since extensive evidence indicates unions and CAs influence wages and benefits, job security, working conditions and income inequality, which go on to affect additional SDOH of food and housing security, child development and social exclusion. We argue unions and CAs should be a health promotion focus by examining how they influence the SDOH and health outcomes in wealthy developed nations in four ways. First, we consider how union density (UD) and CA coverage (CAC) are associated with differences between wealthy western nations in percentage of low-waged workers, extent of income inequality, and low birthweight and infant mortality rates. Second, we bring together literature that shows greater UD and CAC within national sub-jurisdictions are associated over time with more equitable distribution of the SDOH and better health outcomes. Third, we document—also using available literature—how within nations, union membership and working under a CA shape the SDOH one experiences. Fourth, we carry out a Canadian case study—applying a political economy lens—to examine how power relations, working through economic and political systems, determine extent of unionization and CAC and the inclination of health promoters to consider these issues. Implications for health promoters are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]