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AbstractThe relationship between liberalism and militarism continues to spark debate, especially regarding the impact of neoliberalism. While ­militarism is often seen as a threat to democracy, it can paradoxically enhance state capacity when strategically employed within radical political projects. This paper presents a comparative analysis of Argentina, Costa Rica, Venezuela and Colombia from 1982 to 2004, examining the interplay of political, military and economic networks of power. Using the concept of ‘civilian militarism’, this study reveals how neoliberal adjustments allowed the rise of civilian authorities that promoted militaristic values, using military actions and norms to pursue political goals in response to crises. It explores how neoliberal policies and transformations, sometimes compounded by contradictions surrounding the illegalisation of hard drugs, opened space for the emergence of radical political projects. This deterioration, coupled with weak political or civil society activism allowed militaristic leaders to rise with the intention of addressing the troubled times in some countries more than others. By offering a macro-historical comparative perspective, this paper demonstrates how neoliberalism, and the limitations of civilian and political actors, in some countries pave the way for the emergence of civilian militarism, which, if not contained, can lead to authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds new light on Alexander von Humboldt’s political position in the revolutionary decade between 1789 and 1799. The young naturalist interacted with both supporters and opponents of the revolution. In July 1790, he even participated in the preparations for the Festival of the Federation in Paris together with Georg Forster. However, Humboldt remained detached from Europe’s polarized politics. He avoided taking a firm stance and distanced himself from revolutionary violence. Continuous emotional and physical crises, in addition to his immersion into scientific studies, fuelled this retreat. While steeped in Enlightenment ideas and committed to a cosmopolitan understanding of liberty, Humboldt absorbed the critique of the French Revolution and the skeptical take on rationalism that the philosophers Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi and Wilhelm von Humboldt, Alexander’s brother, articulated.By recognizing these influences and reexamining autobiographical sources, we can identify the various intellectual and political contexts in which Alexander von Humboldt operated during the 1790s. This polycentric approach leads to a nuanced understanding of Humboldt’s political thinking in revolutionary Europe. It explains his caution in political matters and revises the conventional image of Humboldt as a fervent supporter of the French Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the criteria for classification of liberal legal ideas. The author proposes to classify legal liberalism into: State liberalism, when the principle of freedom primarily concerns the relationship between an individual and the State, his/her independence from it, and limited State interference in the private life of citizens; social liberalism, when the principle of freedom requires coordination with other fundamental principles of law, primarily equality, justice and humanism, which requires solving the problem of social class stratification; personal liberalism, when the principle of freedom establishes the sphere of privacy, opportunities for personal development and tolerance. The author establishes that legal libertarianism is a type of legal liberalism which interprets the relationship between the principles of equality and freedom as equality of opportunity rather than social equality. The state should not interfere in personal and economic life, as freedom is capable of selfregulation and the formation of the legal order of a free society. Law should be 'living', based on independence and maximum freedom. The author advocates the priority of negative rights as those that correspond to human nature. It is argued that modern liberalism is largely dependent on technology, in particular, the Internet, which is complexly regulated and the centre of the deployment of human freedom. The liberal doctrine of negative freedom, state restrictions, human rights, social equality and justice, private property and competition has moved to the global level, where any sphere of life is tested for expanding the boundaries of freedom: behaviour, worldview, self-identification, language, appearance, etc. Such liberalism can no longer be simply referred to by the preposition 'neo', it is global liberalism, the boundaries of which are constantly expanding. The author proposes to classify legal liberalism according to the criterion of approaches to the organisation of democratic processes. 1) Organisational, based on the focus on governmental and nongovernmental democratic institutions and institutions which, by their functional purpose, should ensure the processes of democracy and the implementation of the principle of individual and collective freedom. 2. Competitive, based on the position that individual and collective freedom develops through equal human opportunities, which in turn imposes the necessary instit utions of democracy and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explored how emerging adults processed the COVID-19 pandemic based on their identity, mental well-being, and political ideology. Participants (N = 231; Mage = 20.3; SD = 1.36) completed an online survey with five ordered measures: Dimensions of Identity Development Scale, pandemic processing narratives, pandemic experience questionnaire, the Patient Health Questionnaire-8, and political ideology and demographic questionnaire. Analyses revealed that individuals with poorer mental well-being and/or more liberal political ideology self-reported more negative effects of the pandemic on their lives. Yet, aspects of emerging adults' identity development were associated with positive interpretation of experiences during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic: Greater 'exploration in breadth' and 'identification with commitment' positively predicted redemptive arcs (finding the positive) in narratives about the pandemic. Finally, political ideology was an important factor in emerging adults' experience of the pandemic. Notably, conservative participants self-reported better mental well-being, fewer negative effects of the pandemic, and higher levels of identity commitment. Yet, conservative participants with high levels of 'commitment making' were less likely to find the positive when writing about negative events. Whereas, greater 'commitment making' reduced the likelihood of redemptive arcs when writing about a negative event, but only for those with a conservative political ideology. Together these results suggest that aspects of identity development may be protective when emerging adults face challenges and individual factors (e.g., well-being and political ideology) can also exert effects on emerging adults' ability to navigate global and political crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role played by a reconfigured version of the modern social in the genesis of contemporary digital computational technological systems. It argues that the latter are not generically shaped by social forces (as in the notion of the sociotechnical), nor do they simply shape them (as in technological determinism), but that there is an ongoing process of mutual constitution and entanglement of the social and the technological – producing new modes of the social that can be described as 'technosocial'. While there are different types of technosocial in circulation (including those enacted by the state), this article focuses on one particular inflection – that is, the network social – which it sees as implicated in the formation of a variation of liberalism as a political rationality that it calls technoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Caring relationships bring to the fore two competing ethical impulses in liberal societies: to protect people and to leave them alone, to respect their vulnerability and to respect their freedom. Nowhere is this more true than in the contemporary care of people with intellectual disabilities in the British context this article focuses on. These individuals are in care because they have been classified as lacking the mental ability to look after themselves. Yet contemporary care aspires to treat these people as having an equal right to choice and independence. This contradiction would seem to be the most compelling evidence of just how ill suited liberal ideals are to handling the depths of care and dependence. I challenge this received wisdom by demonstrating how carers, mandated to live this paradox day to day, innovate a relationship of care that renders such individuals liberally free, even as they remain extensively dependent. Understanding the work involved in actually living liberalism and care on the ground requires moving beyond a conceptual opposition between dependence and freedom that dominates our thinking. Doing so shows us the unexplored possibilities of living with dependence that lie dormant within care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poland made international news with the unbelievable outpouring of support to Ukrainian refugees from both the government and the local population after the Russian invasion in 2022. As scholars, we travelled to Poland to understand more of this dynamic. Our research with activists and humanitarian workers, however, revealed a more complicated dynamic. We discovered a situation where Poland is both one of the most welcoming countries to those coming from Ukraine and one of the most restrictive on its border with Belarus with migrants coming primarily from nations such as Syria and Afghanistan. Our analysis examines this 'paradox' and how it relates to the larger double-standard and inequity in migration policies throughout the world. Of particular importance is the relevance of Poland to the work of immigration activists and educators as they examine the complicated nature of migration and asylum in the modern world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If we can agree that American democracy is backsliding, the question arises: How do we fix it, or at a minimum, reverse the most deleterious trends that pervade our current political milieu? The American Founders knew that citizens were not naturally imbued with the sensibilities on which democratic republics are based. In particular, the Founders recognized that "the people" could quickly devolve into "the mob," that demagogues could come to power by exploiting a democratic society's internal tensions, and that democratic citizens could be fickle and easily distracted. The system of checks and balances was constructed with these challenges in mind. Separating powers across the different branches of government was a deliberate attempt to thwart the worst impulses of demagogues and would-be authoritarians. Their political system is famously slow, messy, and often frustrating, but the Founders hoped these safeguards would prevent American democracy from derailing. The trouble now, however, is that these carefully curated institutions have turned on their host and are empowering and expanding the immoderate and illiberal forces they were intended to sideline. Given the extent of the decay, the kinds of modest institutional changes that generate considerable enthusiasm among democracy advocates and reformers—for instance, ending the Senate filibuster, adding more states to the Union, increasing the size of Congress and the Supreme Court, or term-limiting their members—are unlikely to meet the problem. Tinkering with our institutions distracts from a larger, more fundamental challenge that students of popular regimes have recognized for centuries: without a degree of civic virtue in both the masses and the elites, democracy will not be sustainable. Instead of grasping for institutional tweaks, we first should seek ways to build trust among our fellow citizens and within the political institutions we share. Without a revival of civic virtue to serve as a foundation, institutional reforms are unlikely to relieve what is troubling democracy in America; they may even exacerbate the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of writing this article is to provoke different thoughts about the ways of building the world in which we live. For the past few years, have already shared some of the ideas that develop here by writing it down in opinions and speaking at symposia, but did not clearly relate the need for a change in the Muslim world, which begins with creating an equidistance towards the Eastern and Western powers like am doing in this text. would like to point out that the multitude of common interests of the countries of the Fertile Crescent should determine the concept of their regional cooperation as well as cooperation with others based on their respect for that very concept. t simply means that article deals positively with emergence of multipolarity advocating in the same time for centralized regional cooperation in Middle East and Nort Africa - for the beginning. As we witness the end of the hegemony of liberalism as a global enterprise, there is a need for a different kind of hegemony in areas that are integral parts of Muslim geography [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cultural Evolution Society was established in 2015 to "catalyze a theoretical synthesis" in the scientific study of human culture. As a field of research, cultural evolution took shape in the 1970s and 1980s around the aim of incorporating culture into biology's modern evolutionary synthesis. Cultural evolution grew around the turn of the twenty-first century at the interface of population genetics and cognitive psychology. This article locates the origins of research on cultural evolution in projects of postwar scientific antiracism and U.S.-based debates about race and intelligence in the 1960s. Charting the development of prominent approaches to studying cultural evolution, I show how population geneticists and cognitive psychologists worked to redefine culture in statistical, populational, and geographic terms to politically neutralize the study of human difference. I situate the forms of genetic and cognitive culturalism that emerged as a result in a longer history of twentieth-century scientific antiracism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to theorising colonialism and capitalism within the same analytic frame through a critical engagement with the uses of colonial history in new institutional economics (NIE). The 'colonial turn' in NIE holds significant diagnostic value because although it incorporates colonialism into its account of the 'great divergence', it maintains a liberal conception of capitalism predicated on private property, competitive markets, and the rule of law. It is argued that NIE achieves this effect by admitting colonialism into its history of capitalism while excluding it from its theory of capitalism. By filtering colonialism through the dichotomy between 'inclusive' and 'extractive' institutions, NIE upholds the categorical association of capitalist growth with inclusive institutions. Drawing on critical theories of political economy, the article shows the limits of the NIE framework by identifying forms of colonial capitalism that do not resolve into a stylised opposition between inclusion and extraction. Colonial slavery, commercial imperialism, and settler colonialism strain the inclusive/extractive binary by highlighting (1) the interdependence of inclusive and extractive institutions in imperial networks accumulation, and (2) the violent expropriations at the origins of inclusive institutions, above all private property. Proposing to view NIE's critique of colonialism as a 'liberal critique of capitalist unevenness', the article concludes on broader questions about inclusion and exclusion under 'actually existing capitalism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The colonial relationship between Indigenous people and people of European origin has been characterized by conflicts, economic exclusions, and epistemological discriminations as well as the mutual sharing of knowledge, practices, and technologies. In many cases, the industrial development of space technologies such as telescopes and rocket test sites has continued the exploitative nature of colonialism. This article, however, offers a different story and concept of Indigenous decolonization that is not antagonistic but complementary to the space industry and Western liberalism more generally. The case is Space Enterprises, a company and Earth station owned by the Center for Appropriate Technologies in Alice Springs, Northern Territories, Australia and conceived by its Aboriginal owners, workers, and board of directors as representing a beneficial integration of their Indigenous self-determination and the space industry. This essay offers synthetic decolonization as an example of this integration with Western liberalism. Understanding the flows between the Indigenous-owned Earth station and satellites, as well as the connections between Indigenous and Western liberal planetary imaginaries, requires a theory of mediation. Towards that goal, planetary media is offered as a way of conceptualizing the flows of information between local Indigenous and planetary spaces and imaginaries. This essay argues that another decolonization is possible, one based on mediation between Indigenous and Western liberal systems of thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I am intrigued by the use of the words 'embedded' and 'capacity' as they appear in what I take to be the strategy of Sovereignty Across Generations where these words are used to make what is evidently implicit within John Rawls's political liberalism explicit, that is, a normative account of 'the justice and legitimacy of political orders'. If I am correct about this strategy, my question is quite simple: is something lost in translation in this transition from Rawls's more historical to this normative orientation? I conclude with a positive comment on the potential that a theory of temporality has for the development of a notion of political self-constitution as it pertains to the transition from ethnos to demos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper comprehensively responds to critical comments by F. Michelman, D. Rasmussen, J. van der Walt, S. Winter, P. Niesen, and B. Schupmann on Sovereignty Across Generations. Constituent Power and Political Liberalism. The themes debated include: whether Rawls's dualist view of democracy, including his idea of legitimation by constitution, intimates or calls for a concretistic view of a subject of constituent power as creator of the constitutional order (Michelman); the relation of the normative to the historical in political liberalism and whether Plato's allegory of the cave is helpful for elucidating the meaning of the 'most reasonable for us' (Rasmussen); Rawls's stance vis-à-vis the unbridgeable divisiveness of pluralism, the virtuality of overlapping consensus, and the dissolution of constituent power into a panoply of constituent powers (Van der Walt); democratic sequential sovereignty contrasted with serial sovereignty, the sensibleness of distinguishing legal principles from the cognitive assumptions undergirding their application, the justification of sequential sovereignty, and the nexus of vertical reciprocity and freedom across generations (Winter); the implications of the gap between 'the people' and the population for constitutional legitimacy, and the distinct prospects for a Habermasian and a political liberal conception of constituent power to be applicable at a supranational level (Niesen); the cogency and effectiveness of 'implicit unamendability' for safeguarding constitutional essentials compared with entrenching them via eternity clauses, the extent to which measures of militant democracy are compatible with political liberalism (Schupmann). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Rawlsian conception of constituent power in Alessandro Ferrara's Sovereignty Across Generations is burdened by a deep contradiction that renders the central argument in the book highly questionable. On the one hand, Rawls is (correctly in my view) presented as the thinker that confronted contemporary political theory with the problem of divisive pluralism. On the other hand, Rawls is also presented (incorrectly in my view) as the thinker who then suddenly found a solution for this divisive pluralism in the 'common values' that all the members of these divisively pluralist societies share 'unproblematically'. The combination of these two moves leaves one with the sense that Rawls rather frivolously put up the problem of divisive pluralism like a strawman that he could shoot down again without much ado. This article proposes a different reading of Rawls that considers him a serious thinker who did not amuse himself and his readers with strawman-problems. For this reading of Rawls, guidance is drawn from Hans Kelsen, the very thinker whom Sovereignty Across Generations casually dismisses for failing to grasp or appreciate the 'common values' that pluralist societies share so 'unproblematically'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Sovereignty across Generations, Ferrara attempts a dual feat. He demonstrates that political liberalism needs a nuanced doctrine of constituent power to be brought in line with traditional democratic concerns. At the same time, he argues that political liberalism is capable of making constituent power safe for democracy, in reining in its unruly and unbound character. By distinguishing between 'the people' and the electorate, Ferrara develops a transtemporal conception of the constituent subject, allowing moderate transformation but in effect binding all future time-slices of the people. In my comment, I address two issues with this. First, I ask how such accounts deal with the fact of immigration. It is not clear whether a historically indexed constituent subject has the normative power to bind new citizens arriving with quite distinct historical baggage. A second question is whether Ferrara's Rawlsian-Michelmanian take is different from, and superior to, the Habermasian account of constituent power, especially to Habermas's constructive views on supranational constitution-making. Both questions address whether Ferrara's historically indexed account is sufficiently open to future developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What recourse do democrats have if a present generation uses democratic legal procedures to abrogate constitutional essentials, dissolving past commitments and denying future generations the fundamental freedoms and equalities it currently enjoys? In Sovereignty across Generations, Alessandro Ferrara responds to this issue by re-examining key concepts related to democracy, including sovereignty, constituent power, liberalism and constitutionalism. This review analyses Ferrara's theory of 'sequential sovereignty', which reconceives 'the people' as a body spanning generations and grounds it in the ideal of vertical reciprocity. Ferrara provides a sound normative framework for understanding transgenerational obligations and the unamendability of constitutional essentials. However, this review also identifies some limits to Ferrara's approach: his focus on implied unamendability risks creating a dissonance between legality and legitimacy, and his reluctance to fully engage with 'containment' creates a blind spot in democracy's self-defence. The review concludes that explicit unamendability and containment are consistent with Ferrara's theory of sequential sovereignty and provide a better safeguard for democracy across generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alessandro Ferrara's argument in Sovereignty Across Generations takes shape within a broadly Rawlsian 'political liberal' framework of thought about moral underpinnings for a constitutional-democratic practice of politics. Where, exactly (I ask here), is the place within that thought for concern about occurrences in a country's past of popular constituent power? If the country's currently established constitutional regime is fully democratic (and is otherwise morally in order) by whatever operational measures you and I might think to apply, why should we or anyone care about how or by whose authority the regime got set up and running in the first place? By Ferrara's Rawls-inspired teaching in Sovereignty Across Generations, the answer to that question will come from a certain conception of political legitimacy. But then a potent objection comes from those who press the question of how to reconcile a democratic conception of legitimacy with a subjection of current (say) deliberative-majoritarian rule to antecedently imposed terms of constraint. Under Rawlsian and Ferrarian stimulus, I look into the possible relevance here of H.L.A. Hart's proposition of a complementarity or fusion, in our concept of law, of an 'internal' with an 'external' perspective that those involved may adopt toward the coercive social practice in question. Underlying the Rawlsian constitutional proposition on legitimacy, I end by suggesting, is the thought that, in order for a person to live in freedom under law, that person will have to sustain simultaneously an internal attitude of bonding to their society's own ongoing project of legality and an external attitude of critical judgemental of that project as reasonably and rationally acceptable to free and equal citizens in conditions of reasonable pluralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to present the value of recovering virtue ethics from the perspective of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas. To this end, the thought of Alasdair MacIntyre will be referenced, who expressed the importance of reclaiming virtue ethics and the value of the local community in contrast to the moral frameworks proposed in modern times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self-identified adherents of freedom and democracy (hereafter 'liberals') increasingly accuse each other as being harmful, illiberal actors. To explain, I argue that present day liberals adhere to different sets of rules on public discourse (discourse regimes), and that adherents of one regime frame those of another as false liberals, who allow or commit rights violations. I illustrate with diverging discourse regimes within and among advanced, OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the view of the Marxist philosopher Domenico Losurdo, liberalism is 'the most dogged enemy of freedom'. This surprising statement runs contrary to the received wisdom among liberal thinkers. Losurdo and other 'counter-historians' of liberalism are very effective at exposing the historical atrocities that liberal states have committed, and which have been supported by liberal philosophers – including slavery, racism, genocide, and the subjugation of the working class. But what implications, if any, does this have for contemporary theory? I will argue that there is an important contemporary variation of this 'counter-history'. Liberalism-in-practice is currently implicated in various forms of environmental degradation and resulting structural violence against disempowered groups. Moreover, divorcing these failings of liberalism-in-practice from liberalism-in-theory is a challenging philosophical endeavour, because even the philosophy of liberalism has difficulties adjusting to environmental issues. The contemporary version of the counter-history thus presents a powerful although not decisive challenge, one worthy of greater discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay engages with Jon Douglas Solomon's The Taiwan Consensus and the Ethos of Area Studies in Pax Americana, moving in two parts. It first provides an overview of the Solomon's critique of Pax Americana: the way American economic, military, and diplomatic power is projected throughout the world to consolidate the interests of the neo-liberal capitalist system. Pax Americana operates through "colonial governmentality under erasure" (5), in which post-colonial nations becoming willing participants in a subordinate relationship to the United States. Taiwan is one such client-state, and Solomon seeks to challenge the "Taiwan consensus" (120), which presents Taiwan in the terms of a successfully transitioned liberal democracy rather than as a "laboratory of engineered self-determination" and "colonial governmentality under erasure" (29). For Solomon, the only way to move beyond Pax Americana is to critique the "modern regime of translation" (6), which imagines the world as divided by civilizational and national units grounded in notions of anthropological essence. Solomon calls for a decolonization of Area Studies through a repudiation of the regime of translation, a move born out of a desire to build a social critique grounded in "revolutionary demands for justice in the present" (217). The second section of this essay presents a series of questions I have regarding Solomon's project, concerns which predominately revolve around the relationship between Marxism and the Chinese humanist tradition. These are questions that a Sinologist brings to their work, a field which is concerned with not just questions of revolutionary rupture but cultural continuity as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the UN Security Council's Prevention and Countering of Violent Extremism (P/CVE) as a Foucauldian dispositif of liberal government. Centred on early-detection, P/CVE tasks civil society with the prevention of extremism at a social level. In this sense, as the article illustrates, P/CVE displays features of liberal governmentality as it relies on civil society's liberty and self-regulation mechanisms. Furthermore, as the article shows, P/CVE also works as a liberal mechanism of subjectification as it sketches the '(undesirable) extremists' and the '(desirable) moderates'. These subjectivities emerge at the intersection of various global power structures (re)assembled by the same dispositif. Therefore, analysing P/CVE as a Foucauldian dispositif of liberal government allows us to grasp how power circulates in society in heterarchical, subtle ways. Moreover, it also uncovers how liberal government works through the (re)production of hierarchical, racialised, and gendered social structures in its differentiations of the (governed) freedom produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Korea, both conservatives and progressives restrict allegedly harmful speech, claiming to protect democracy and individual rights. Conservatives restrict "pro-communist" and pro-LGBT speech, while progressives target racist slurs and especially "far-right" speech supporting Japanese colonial (1910-1945) or anti-communist (1948-1987) regimes. These controversial restrictions contribute to a global debate among proponents of liberal-democratic values ("liberals" or "democrats") about the relationship between procedural and substantive rights and norms (PRN, SRN). Procedural refers to formal-legal rights (e.g., free speech) and non-legal norms (impartial reporting) associated with fair procedures. Substantive refers to rights and norms associated with fair substantive outcomes, such as nondiscrimination and equal dignity. Proponents of a zero-sum perspective, including victim-rights and militantdemocracy advocates, believe illiberal actors exploit PRN to harm vulnerable groups and/or democratic institutions. Therefore, liberal procedural rights (e.g., free speech) and norms (objectivity) should not be equally applied to harmful speakers. Conversely, positive-sum advocates argue that uniformly respecting procedural rights and norms for all persons (including allegedly illiberal ones) better protects everyone's overall rights (procedural and substantive). Despite South Korea's transition to civilian-led democracy, self-identified democrats, both conservative and progressive, continue to restrict PRN for certain speakers. Other democrats oppose such selective, and often arbitrary, restrictions. The ongoing contestation among zero- and positive-sum liberals shapes the meaning and direction of liberal democracy in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream assessments of the US–China relationship are undergoing profound changes. Whereas many assessments once suggested that Chinese economic liberalisation and increased bilateral trade would lead to Chinese political liberalisation and a warm peace, most US foreign-policy experts now assume that a US–China cold war is the most likely outcome. While a warm peace is unlikely, a cold peace could be achieved, and it would be preferable to a cold war. The 'cooperation spirals' model could yield a viable pathway for enhancing cooperation between Washington and Beijing, and restoring stability and predictability to the US–China relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the concept of dignity in Kazuo Ishiguro's The Remains of the Day, contrasting the universal, ontological notion of inherent dignity with the limited, class-based view held by the protagonist, Mr. Stevens. The study argues that Stevens' narrow understanding of dignity, rooted in his service to his employer (a Nazi sympathizer), leads him to engage in immoral actions. This analysis draws on Kant's focus on good will as the basis of moral behaviour, proposing that although Stevens demonstrates a significant sense of duty and follows rules closely, he lacks the essential moral consciousness necessary for genuinely ethical conduct. The protagonist's actions, though ethically sound within his specific social context, are ultimately driven by a desire to maintain a rigid, hierarchical order. The research also analyzes Stevens' actions through the lens of John Rawls' liberalism, which emphasizes the influence of social institutions on individual values. The study concludes that Stevens' flawed definition of dignity serves as a tool to justify his service and evade personal responsibility. His reliance on a narrow notion of dignity allows him to rationalize his actions, even as they contradict a broader understanding of morality and human worth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The early nineteenth-century radical press sparked an era of print culture that challenged the political economy of liberalism and created a counter-cultural, plebeian public sphere. TIle post-Napoleonic Wars economic crisis, the anti-New Poor Law movement, and the War of the Unstamped shaped an alternative anti-capitalist political economy and literature defined by working-class political identity and activism. This study examines working-class political economy popularized iii the radical press, how it created a counter public sphere antithetical to liberalism, and how it conceptualized a society based on social, economic, and political equality. Featured texts include Thomas Doubleday's 7he Political PilgrinYs Progress in relation to the political-economy theories popularized by James Bronterre O'Brien in 7lte Rise, Progress, and Phases of Human Slavery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There exists a widespread belief that England's economic achievements were based on its spectacular progress in agriculture, in which primitive peasant cultivation was replaced by far the economically more successful large-scale cultivation by farmers. History, however, has a different tale to tell. Agriculture in England did not achieve any particular efficiency before the Industrial Revolution of the late eighteenth century. No particular progress in agricultural techniques was observed before the eighteenth century, during which the entire English peasantry was uprooted to make way for 'farmers', employing wage labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates whether and how federal judge ideology affects firm‐specific stock price crash risk. Using a comprehensive sample of US firms, we find a decline in the likelihood of future stock price crashes for firms headquartered in more liberal circuits. In identifying potential mechanisms, we show that liberal judge ideology reduces information opacity, risk‐taking behaviours and overinvestment, and thus curbs stock price crash risk. Furthermore, the curbing effect is more salient for firms with poor monitoring quality and those in low social capital areas. Overall, this study elucidates how federal judge ideology affects capital markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Public interest litigation (PIL) with the public interest as the trial object is not only dispute settlement activity but also political activity via which the public participate in public affairs, whereby it is necessary to reflect particular political morality and ethics, and to obtain the jurisprudential support. The individualistic litigation mechanism is deeply influenced by liberalism, and the idea of self-determination of the parties and procedural guarantee contained in it has become the fetters on the development of the PIL system. The partially modified mode of paternalistic litigation still cannot solve the fundamental contradiction between public interest protection and public interest representation. The communitarianism represented by communalism and civic republicanism justifies the collective procedure from the perspective of community value and public space, especially the negotianism, which provides a brand new procedural idea, frame, and mode of judgment for PIL, but the abstractness of “public good” limits its theoretical value. The people-oriented philosophy on development and the thought of a human community with a shared future provide a value basis and political ethics for China’s PIL system in the new era. On this basis, reasonable absorbing of various political philosophies can help the PIL system to realize the values of litigation democracy, due process, litigation efficiency, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recreation is an important resource that can support residents' capacity to cope with stress and deal with community crisis, such as a pandemic. However, rural low-income families often experience inequitable access to recreation provisions. COVID-19 pandemic forced municipal recreation departments across Canada to re-evaluate and adapt their provisions, of particular importance for rural low-income families. Through the lens of social liberalism, this study examined the role of a municipal recreation department's response to community crisis and the implications of its provisions on rural low-income mothers and their families' capacity to facilitate leisure during the pandemic. Through 29 interviews with low-income mothers and a focus group with the recreation department, we illuminate how provisions were designed and delivered to address income inequality, geographic isolation, social exclusion and childcare. Considering these findings, we discuss the department's approach to redesigning and delivering provisions and the implications to supporting low-income families' access to recreation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In what ways are emerging powers affecting the liberal international order? This study examines the increasing influence of emerging powers in international affairs and how these powers may shape the new order that is emerging. We argue that the declining roles of existing international organizations and Western diplomatic interventions have paved the way for new actors, mostly emerging powers that are now leading various interventions. Yet research has not fully captured the implications of these new powers for the emerging order. Using Turkey as a case study, the authors demonstrate that shifts within the international system are likely to have far-reaching consequences to the liberal international order and may give rise to illiberal conservative trends. The study addresses how emerging powers are likely to change the international system and relates some contributing factors. The study concludes that the shift of emerging powers towards illiberal conservativism may have a volatile impact on the liberal international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the usage of different phrases naming "religious freedom" in international treaties and European Union member states constitutional texts in order to identify traces of contemporary ideological polarization in relation to the main political ideologies, socialism, liberalism and conservatism. Considering the methodological approach, I theorize the meaning of "religious freedom" as the right to believe or not in a higher power or divinity, while also discussing the positive and the negative aspects of religious freedom together with the three major political doctrines. The results present clusters on the way each phrase used to name "religious freedom" is tied up with each of the three major political doctrines: freedom from/within religion (socialism), freedom of religion or belief (liberalism), and religious freedom (conservatism). The main conclusion of the paper is that within the contemporary political and administrative democratic spectrum, the three different phrases used at international level to name "religious freedom" and corresponding to socialism, liberalism and conservatism are describing religious freedom in a polarized manner, from liability to asset: in socialism as liberation from the negative and discriminatory power of religion, in liberalism as an civic attitude, while for conservatives religious freedom stands is coined a political value within the nation building process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Rawls's political liberalism demands that reasonable citizens comply with the duty of civility, which limits the justification of state action to public reasons. However, many religious citizens in liberal democratic societies reject the exclusion of religious reasons from public debate. What can be done to encourage these citizens to endorse public reason? Rawls proposes the idea of reasoning from conjecture (RC), i.e. directly engaging with someone's comprehensive doctrine and showing them that such a doctrine actually supports public reason. In this article, we argue that reasoning from conjecture faces serious objections and that interfaith dialogue (ID) provides a better and more effective tool to encourage religious citizens to endorse public reason. More specifically, ID provides support to public reason by (i) relying on the principles of equality, sincerity and self-criticism, which are also central to public reason; (ii) leading participants to de-parochialize religion; and (iii) promoting tolerance. Moreover, ID avoids the main objections faced by RC, which undermine the latter's morality and effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the epistemological confusion in education, examining the philosophical underpinnings that shape educational practices and policies. Topics discussed include the influence of liberalism on education, the evolving ideas of freedom, autonomy, and rationality, and the contrasting educational philosophies of John Locke, Friedrich Froebel, and Mary Wollstonecraft.

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to shed light on Berlusconi's political strategy to reshape the state by examining some of the incentives for discretionary changes in the tax-benefit system during his administrations. We argue that by exploiting the typically categorical and fragmented nature of the Italian welfare system, Berlusconi's governments engaged in the 'art of manipulation' within the tax-benefit framework, reflecting his efforts in social engineering to forge new electoral alliances. It is well established that redistributive programmes are the outcome of intense political decision-making, as they create redistributive advantages among different social groups. This article contends that, under the guise of economic liberalism, the Berlusconi governments devised redistributive strategies aimed at constructing new social constituencies to bolster and legitimize his dominant position. Although his governments promised a pact of 'From Decline to Growth' for all through tax-benefit redistribution, they ultimately introduced only incremental changes rather than long-term structural reforms. In conclusion, Berlusconi's neoliberal 'revolution' was more rhetoric than reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Development Studies is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Development Studies is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Center-left parties in Western Europe and Japan have experienced a persistent decline in voter turnout. This study examines the factors contributing to this weakening support. Using data from the 2016 European Social Survey across 13 countries and the 2017–2018 Japanese General Social Surveys, we tested three hypotheses: labor market dualization between insiders and outsiders; divergence in policy preferences between social investment and social compensation; and a cultural divide between liberalism and authoritarianism. Our findings provide little support for the labor market dualization and policy preference divergence hypotheses in both Western Europe and Japan. The third hypothesis, concerning a cultural divide in attitudes toward immigration, is supported only in Western Europe. Conversely, Japan is an anomaly because of the absence of a substantial left-liberal constituency. The scarcity of liberal values among Japan's sociocultural professionals suggests that center-left parties have underdeveloped core constituencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The commentary looks at the two landmark judgements delivered by the Supreme Court in recent months on the electoral process in India which is the lifelines of liberal democracy. The judgements deal with the appointment of CEC and other election commissioners along with the funding of elections. In the Anoop Baranwal case, The Supreme Court has tried to insulate the election commission from control of the government of the day in order to make it a neutral institution. In the Electoral Bond case, the court has tried to create a level playing field among political contestants during the election. But the judgements have not been able to plug all holes in the electoral process as many lacunae remains. The judgements of the Supreme Court will go a long way in ensuring free and fair election in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the concept of dignity in Kazuo Ishiguro’s The Remains of the Day, contrasting the universal, ontological notion of inherent dignity with the limited, class-based view held by the protagonist, Mr. Stevens. The study argues that Stevens' narrow understanding of dignity, rooted in his service to his employer (a Nazi sympathizer), leads him to engage in immoral actions. This analysis draws on Kant's focus on good will as the basis of moral behaviour, proposing that although Stevens demonstrates a significant sense of duty and follows rules closely, he lacks the essential moral consciousness necessary for genuinely ethical conduct. The protagonist’s actions, though ethically sound within his specific social context, are ultimately driven by a desire to maintain a rigid, hierarchical order. The research also analyzes Stevens' actions through the lens of John Rawls' liberalism, which emphasizes the influence of social institutions on individual values. The study concludes that Stevens' flawed definition of dignity serves as a tool to justify his service and evade personal responsibility. His reliance on a narrow notion of dignity allows him to rationalize his actions, even as they contradict a broader understanding of morality and human worth.

The study presents the evolution of the Canadian party system in the period from 1993 to 2021. The author believes that the results of the general elections in Canada, from 1993 to 2021, had the most direct impact on the transformation of the party system of this state, forming its parliamentary multiparty system at the national level. According to the author, it is worth highlighting three immediate periods of evolution of the Canadian party system: from 1993 to 2006, from 2006 to 2015, and from 2015 to 2019. According to the author, this periodization reflected not only the evolution of the party system within the framework of Canadian parliamentarism, but also changes in political ideologies themselves. The author emphasizes that the 1993 parliamentary elections were the most important milestone in the entire transformation of the Canadian party system, forming new regional parties in the Canadian parliament. The study notes that the 2006 parliamentary elections were extremely important, since the Conservative Party won the elections for the first time, providing a significant alternative to the liberals. The results of the parliamentary elections were no less significant in terms of influence on the development of leading political ideologies in Canada. The author concludes that the results of the parliamentary elections had the most direct impact on the change of political leadership in the parties. This is indicative of the examples of S. Harper, who led the Conservatives to victory in the 2006 elections, as well as J. Trudeau, who overcame the crisis of liberalism and won the 2015 elections. From the author’s point of view, the elections changed the political landscape, contributed to the strengthening of some parties and the disappearance of others.

This essay contemplates generation and memory in the recent history of El Salvador. At its core are stories shared by a rising generation of young, middle-class activists with little or no direct memory of the 1980-1992 civil war — and their parents, who lived the war and celebrated the 1992 peace agreements. I contend that the way different generational memories took form, and the form their stories took, emerged from the liberal orientations that permeated the political trajectories of the activists and their parents. However, their stories diverged according to generation: the young activists felt the chill of the “generational shadows” of those who fought, or at least lived, the war.

The literature on Political Science education has already established the use of popular culture in teaching International Relations (IR) theories. However, the same recognition does not extend to anime despite its documented potential as an educational tool in the literature. This paper argues that anime contributes to IR and Political Science literature both as an object of study and as a tool in teaching and understanding major IR theories. Using the case of How a Realist Hero Rebuilt the Kingdom (Realist Hero), this paper demonstrates how major IR theories can also be illustrated through this series. Though earlier analyses of the series focused on realism, this paper builds on those analyses and, at the same time, utilizes other major theories, such as liberalism and constructivism. These three major IR theories were then used to analyze the international politics of the Realist Hero series by focusing on the significant events that transpired in the two-season anime series by J.C. Staff, Co., Ltd., as well as the continuation of its story in the light novel format, written by Dojyamaru.

This article examines the debates about passports during the Portuguese Constitutional Monarchy and explores why these documents continued to exist after the end of the Ancien Régime. The text discusses the obstacles to the abolition of passports for domestic movement and why passports were still needed for international travel in Portugal in the second half of the nineteenth century when the rest of Europe had already abolished them. Drawing on unpublished sources and analyzing parliamentary debates, this article concludes that the passport did not contradict nineteenth-century liberalism but instead was intended to guarantee principles such as property rights, the equal distribution of civic duties and the freedom of Portuguese citizens in Brazil. The passport requirement created a separation between legal and illegal emigration. However, the difficulties in repressing clandestinity show the limits of a fragile, emerging nation-state.