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The article discusses the serious security challenges faced by Somalia, particularly due to attacks carried out by the al-Shabaab militant group. The UN independent human rights expert on Somalia has called on authorities to take concrete action to address these challenges and prosecute state officials involved in human rights violations. The article also highlights concerns over restrictions on civic space and the harassment of journalists and media workers. Additionally, the article mentions military operations carried out by the Somali army and international partner forces against al-Shabaab militants, as well as clan violence and inter-clan clashes in different regions of Somalia. The article concludes with information about military operations in the Puntland regional state and the deployment of troops by Somaliland in a disputed region. [Extracted from the article]

Eight candidates, including incumbent Mohamed Ould Ghazouani and his jailed predecessor Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, have submitted their candidacies for Mauritania's upcoming presidential election. Aziz, who was previously ruled out of the race, surprised many by submitting his paperwork on the night of the deadline, despite lacking the necessary sponsorships. It remains uncertain if Aziz will be able to run even if he obtains the required sponsorships, as Mauritania's constitution states that the president can only be re-elected once. Other prospective candidates include the leader of the Islamist opposition party and a human rights activist. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the outcome of a national dialogue in Mali, where participants recommended extending military rule for several more years and promoting the junta chief, Colonel Assimi Goita, as a candidate for the presidency. The dialogue also suggested opening a dialogue with armed groups and was mainly boycotted by the opposition. However, a group of Malian parties and civil society organizations rejected the recommendations, accusing the military of wanting to stay in power indefinitely. The article also mentions the creation of a new coalition by separatist groups in northern Mali and the imprisonment of critics of the military regime. [Extracted from the article]

Nigeria's state petroleum authority has proposed that oil and gas giants divesting from the country take responsibility for the costs of environmental damage as a condition for quick approval of their divestment plans. Four multinational oil companies, including Shell and ExxonMobil, have announced plans to divest from 26 oil blocks in Nigeria, pending government approval. However, environmental and human rights activists are urging the Nigerian government to withhold approval unless Shell addresses pollution caused by its activities. President Bola Tinubu's government is also implementing measures to bolster the national oil and gas industry, including a new policy requiring oil producers to sell a share of their crude oil to local refiners before exporting. Additionally, Tinubu has approved $10 billion in new investments over three years in the oil and gas sector. [Extracted from the article]

Women and girls in contemporary Arab societies suffer from various and intersecting forms of discrimination that deny them their enjoyment of fundamental human rights. The right to freedom of expression is one of the essential areas that may expose this gender-based discrimination and patriarchal attitudes. In many contexts, freedom of expression has enabled women to speak out and organize in civil, political, social, economic and cultural spheres and contexts; participate in their own emancipation and improve their status. Women's exercise of freedom of expression has also provided them with new rights such as the right to vote, the right to control their own bodies, the right to join unions and the right to equality before the law and to participate in decision-making and hold governments to account. In the last decade, we have witnessed different attacks on women's rights particularly their right to the freedom of expression, as scholars, journalists, social media users, human rights defenders, politicians and activists. The aim of this article is to explore emerging challenges and to highlight the struggle of Arab women for freedom of expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sexuality, Gender & Policy Journal is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Argentina, irreconciliation is created through everyday practices of vigilance against closure and collective struggles against impunity. In this essay, I show how over several decades since the fall of the dictatorial regime (1976‐83), human rights activists and laypeople have devised ways to keep the past alive while attending to injustices through embodied collective engagements with the country's history and its legacies. By examining large protests, the everyday experiences of impunity, and a filmic exploration of kinship bonds and their entanglement with civilian complicity in the repression, the essay illustrates the ways in which irreconciliation is materialized and enacted as a form of social reconstruction many years after state terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we offer a novel approach to research on migration reporting by focusing on the argumentative substance prevalent in different online outlets. Taking German refugee policy as our case in point we map the role that moral, ethical–cultural, legal, and pragmatic argumentations play within journalistic, partisan, and activist outlets; and how these coincide with incivility and impoliteness. Using dictionary-based content analysis on a data set of 34,819 articles from thirty online news outlets published between April 10, 2017, and April 10, 2018, we find that legacy mainstream media, partisan media, and activist media perform vastly different functions for the larger public sphere. We observe that human rights activist media perform an advocatory function by making the moral case for refugees, whereas corrosive partisan media at the fringe—particularly within the contra-refugee camp—often present opponents as inherently illegitimate enemies. Implications for public sphere theory and directions for future research on emerging and legacy media are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Peace Movement has carried out various actions against Putin's war in Ukraine, such as peaceful gatherings and demonstrations. They have demanded an immediate ceasefire, safe humanitarian corridors, and the withdrawal of Russian military forces from Ukraine. Additionally, they have created an emergency fund to support Ukrainian refugees in Spain and have launched initiatives to support women victims of violence and provide training for professionals in the social field. They have also carried out projects in Colombia, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Havana. [Extracted from the article]

Amidst Venezuela's structural crisis, the government of Nicolás Maduro tried to diversify extractivist policies by promoting mining industries. The creation of the so-called National Strategic Development Zone, Orinoco Mining Arc (AMO), stands out. It is almost 112,000 km 2, equivalent to 12.2% of the national territory. The AMO is located in the south bank of the Orinoco River, with numerous indigenous communities and several tens of thousands of people belonging to various ethnic groups. The area is also characterized by its great biodiversity and strategic freshwater reserves. According to the decree, the AMO seeks the extraction and commercialization of bauxite, coltan, diamonds, gold, iron, copper, kaolin and dolomite, under the supervision of national, transnational and/or mixed capital. This project, nevertheless, ignores two fundamental requirements of the Venezuelan Constitution (1999): the evaluation of environmental and sociocultural impact and the consultation with the native peoples. For this reason, indigenous organizations, environmental and human rights groups, artists, academic and intellectuals have criticized the AMO, pointing out its devastating impact and the violation of constitutional provisions. The government's responses to criticisms ranges from criminalization to dilatory tactics in the Supreme Court; dismissals of civil servants, teachers and incarceration of journalists and Human Rights activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A famous rap singer and human rights activist on social media platforms, Richard Williams, also known by the nickname Prince Ea, is actually an anthropologist, and in 2016, he released a short, six-minute film called I Sued The School System, where he sues today’s education system. Seen by millions of people and still shared on numerous websites, the film draws attention to the fact that education should aim to freely develop different abilities and possibilities in people, help them grow as independent and autonomous thinkers, and invigorate their spirit. He claims, though, that today’s education is but a lifeless body, not fulfilling its duty and even misusing it, treating people as a means rather than an end. So, he accuses -and even suestoday’s educational understanding/system for robotization, killing students’ creativity and individuality. Reflecting his activism with this short film, Williams conveys some provocative messages about education. What is notable about his messages is that Williams invites millions of people to look at education and all that occurs within it from the perspective of human characteristics and potentials, seeing the often-forgotten or neglected ethical dimension of education, reflecting on its meaning, and questioning its nature and purpose. Responding to his invitation, this article discusses the meanings of the word education, considering the two different aspects based on its Latin roots: educare and educere. The present study also tackles the wide gap between the meanings of these two terms, exploring how it reflects on the purpose of education for students. In this context, this article questions the nature of such an education that helps people develop characteristics and potentials based on the structure of human nature, put their abilities into practice, achieve self-realization, protect their ethical values, and live decently, or as Williams puts it, one that invigorates the human soul. We also try to reveal the true nature of today’s education, which he deems no different from a ghost. In its conclusion, the article suggests that such education that invigorates the human soul should involve training in two meanings of the word: both educare and educere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nigeria-Biafra War occupied a prominent position among the brutal conflicts fought in the 1960 s. Some scholars have compared the war both in terms of human cost and material destruction to the Vietnam War. But despite that there is a growing literature on the humanitarian or human rights aspects of the conflict, some key actors have been left out from the narrative. Much of the available literature concentrate on the activities of the "giant voices," neglecting the vital roles of the individual humanitarian and human rights actors in the war. This paper examines the contributions of a humanitarian and human rights actor, Abie Nathan, in the Nigeria-Biafra War, and suggests that to avoid writing "ground history," there is a need for scholars to recognize the contributions of private actors in the historiography of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The poem "Letter to Bell Hooks" by Kevin Powell is presented. First Line: my dearest bell: Last Line: you had your freedom, at last.

A German court recently convicted a minor Syrian official of abuses committed in Syria's civil war. The case was announced with fanfare but has since stirred no interest. Nor should this be surprising. The world has been here before. There was intense excitement in 1998, when British authorities arrested Augusto Pinochet, the former president of Chile, for human rights abuses committed in Chile. It was taken at the time as vindicating the doctrine that the worst human rights abuses fall under "universal jurisdiction," allowing any state to prosecute, even for crimes against foreign nationals on foreign territory. As generally acknowledged today, this "watershed" produced barely a trickle of consequences. Notably, no former head of state has been prosecuted by another state under this rubric. Commentators have remarked upon the disappointing results but not offered much to account for them. This Article is the first to address this puzzle by situating "universal jurisdiction," as a technical doctrine, in the context of its broader impulse, sometimes called "transnational justice"--or previously, "cosmopolitan justice." The underlying claim is that otherwise rivalrous nation-states can and should affirm a broader commonality in prosecuting offenses universally acknowledged to be crimes against humanity. Although the idea has inspired human rights activists, it has failed to engage prosecutors. In analyzing the resulting pattern, this Article makes two central claims. First, the recurring failures of transnational justice cannot be explained by the project's novelty. Centuries ago, the most prominent Enlightenment thinkers endorsed a version of cosmopolitan justice. It was later advocated as a doctrine that might justify interstate prosecutions within the United States. Such doctrines have never been embraced, however, by courts or even by prosecutors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Haitian journalist and broadcaster Jean Dominique was widely known as a fiery and outspoken critic of corruption who used the airwaves of Radio Haïti-Inter to advocate for the country's working people. From 1957 until his untimely assassination in 2000, he broadcast thousands of interviews with political and literary figures as well as in-depth reporting on Haitian life and politics. This article utilizes the recently digitized materials from the Radio Haïti-Inter Collection at Duke University (over five thousand entries) to explore a set of conversations between Dominique and Argentine human rights activists Nora Cortiñas and Rodolfo Mattarollo. In taking into account the complexities of South-South solidarities and the differential systems of status and power that inform these exchanges, I consider the radio as a transnational, racialized, and gendered space of interaction, tracing the sonic dimension of these relations. The focus on transnational, South-South solidarities decenters US or Euro-centric scholarship on both radio and human rights activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with author and human rights activist Jacob Mchangama about his book "Free Speech: A History From Socrates to Social Media" is presented. Topics include several awards received by Mchangama, information on Justitia organization that he founded in Copenhagen, Denmark to focus on free speech and the rule of law, the stand of the U.S. on free speech compared to other countries as addressed in Mchangama's book, and the dilemmas of the internet and free speech as discussed in the book.

This book is about the story of dreams' failures for various groups from Palestinian video activists to the Israeli military. Chapter five elaborates on the efforts of the Israeli military to counterbalance the negative media coverage it received from Palestinian activists, Israeli human rights workers, and international journalists. Palestinian video activists and human rights workers failed when the results were more restrictions, repressive military policy, and an endless cycle of violence with different audiences' framing from what they expected. [Extracted from the article]

The article addresses changing gender roles and Muslim female activism in post-2014 Crimea. It focuses on the civil society organisation Crimean Solidarity (Krymskaia solidarnost'), which appeared in 2016 as a result of the Russian authorities' criminalisation of Hizb ut-Tahrir (The Party of Islamic Liberation). At the time the study was conducted, August–November 2019, 70 male members of Hizb ut-Tahrir were in prison. Crimean Solidarity unites the families of arrested men, their lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and other sympathisers. The article is based on interviews with the women of Crimean Solidarity and analysis of their public speeches during the organisation's monthly meetings. I argue that the 2014 'Crimean crisis' contributed to a change in gender roles in the families of arrested party members and opened up space for women activists of Hizb ut-Tahrir in public spheres previously occupied mainly by men. This study contributes to the ongoing academic discussions on gender roles, women's agency, and empowerment in conflict zones. It also sheds light on the contemporary situation of the Crimean Tatar people in post-2014 Crimea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diaspora mobilization to influence homeland conflicts has been explored extensively. What has been considered less is the role diasporas play as 'long distance human rights advocates' in mobilization for political prisoners. Adding to the increased attention on diasporas as human rights advocates, this inquiry conceptualizes and compares the mobilization of the American Jewish and Vietnamese diasporas during the Cold War to release political prisoners in the Soviet Union and in Vietnam. Jewish and Vietnamese diasporas created influential, special purpose human rights organizations, employed successful framing strategies and mobilized grassroots members through contentious action. The Jewish diaspora further utilized transnational advocacy coalitions and symbolic politics to great effect. This inquiry argues that diaspora human rights NGOs provide critical advantages to human rights advocacy, including through the provision of information about political prisoners, considerable resources for grassroots mobilization and by acting as legitimizing agents for external interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights advocates, particularly intergovernmental organizations (IGO), consider donors' interests when conducting human rights shaming. Allies of donors receive preferential treatment from IGOs. Do IGOs automatically treat allies of donors more leniently or do they consider the donors' interests in the specific area being reviewed? This article argues that donor interest considerations are policy‐area‐specific. I substantiate this argument by analysing the association between shaming and partnership with the US, using a new dataset which measures shaming under the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). I use several analysis methods and data matching. The results indicate that having a trade agreement with the US is associated with receiving more criticism under the ICESCR. Rather than giving automatic preferential treatment to allies and partners of the UN's main donor, the ICESCR committee adjusts its shaming to the US's interest vis‐à‐vis its partners in the policy‐areas affected by the treaty. The work of the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) does present significant donor interest patterns and these patterns are attuned towards the US's interest vis‐à‐vis its partners in the specific policy‐areas affected by the treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: High-quality forensic documentation can improve justice outcomes for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence, but there are limited tools to assess documentation data quality. This study aimed to develop and validate a data quality assessment index to objectively assess clinician documentation across the 26 key elements of the standardized forensic evidence forms used in Kenya. Methods: Informed by prior quality assessment tools, an initial draft of the index was developed. Feedback from Kenya- and U.S.-based clinicians and human rights experts was solicited and incorporated into the draft index in an iterative fashion. Two raters independently employed the finalized Physicians for Human Rights Data Quality Index to assess and score the quality of documentation across 31 clinician-completed forms. Inter-rater reliability was determined using Cohen kappa (к) coefficients. Results: The Index was found to have substantial overall reliability. Of the 26 documentation items, the Index had a perfect (к = 1.0) and almost perfect (к = 0.81–0.99) level of inter-rater agreement across 17 (65.4%) and 5 (19.2%) items, respectively. On a low-to-high documentation quality scale of 0 to 2, the majority of items (n = 19, 73.1%) had a mean documentation quality score >1.5–2. Conclusion: Quality assurance of forensic documentation is an essential component of post-sexual assault care. To our knowledge, this is the first validated quality-assessment tool in the peer-reviewed literature for sexual assault documentation and may be a promising strategy to enhance the quality of sexual assault documentation in other settings, locally, regionally, and internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As much as rising inequalities, extreme poverty, unemployment, terrorism, and the disastrous effects of climate change, corruption is a global phenomenon with widespread consequences. The impact that corruption has on the resources and development of countries has been well documented. Recently the effects of corruption on human rights have also been noted. Specifically, it has been demonstrated that corrupt acts or omissions can violate states' duties to respect, protect, and fulfil human rights. Direct and indirect violations of human rights can be identified. The traditional approaches that have been employed in the fight against corruption, particularly the criminal law approach, have been critiqued for their limitation in practice. Specifically, human rights advocates have emphasised the lack of focus on the victims of corruption and the harm caused by violations of their recognised rights. This article examines a people-centred human rights-based approach as a possible response to this caveat. It is argued that human rights provide a "normative framework and legally-binding imperative" for anticorruption strategies. In particular, the article analyses the principle of accountability as contained in the international human rights framework under which states, as duty bearers, are obliged to protect the rights of rights-holders in their jurisdiction from possible violations, either through their conduct or omission or those of third parties. In the event of an alleged violation of rights, the state must investigate, impose suitable punishment, and ensure equal access to remedies for holders of the violated rights. It is argued that this principle contributes several strengths to anti-corruption strategies. They include the empowerment of individual and collective rights-holders to hold states accountable for corrupt acts or omissions that have violated recognised and legally binding human rights. However, human rights procedures and enforcement mechanisms are not without their weaknesses, despite their accepted moral value. Their practical limitations are also examined to determine the actual efficacy of adopting this approach. The article concludes with some recommendations on how the human rightsbased principle of accountability can be employed to overcome these challenges and contribute to the global fight against corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the phenomenon of the social stigmatization of human rights defenders and social leaders in Colombia and its relationship with the persecution, threats, harassment, and homicides against this population, especially after the 2016 Peace Agreement. This relationship has been particularly ignored even though it explains much of the criminality directed against social defenders and leaders in the country, which tends to be normalized, even holding the victims themselves responsible for the violence they endure on account of their activities. The article highlights the responsibility of illegal armed groups and their illicit economies and the State’s criminal policy failures to control this stigmatization and criminality in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general objective of this article is to analyze the activities of the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba), a non-profit civil organization located in San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico, in terms of memory and archival practices. Information was gathered through interviews and documentary analysis. In particular, we endeavor to understand and discuss how Frayba workers document and analyze human rights violations (not just judicially), based on victims' testimonies and on how they classify and curate their archive. In our opinion, Frayba's human rights activists are "memory entrepreneurs" (E. Jelin) working in a violent context. A distinctive feature of their registry, collection, and archival practices is political activism, which underlies their political project that builds, and reconstructs, a troubled past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights defenders (HRD) are facing shrinking spaces. The United Nations Human Rights Council (Council) is one of these potentially shrinking spaces. At the Council, there exists significant contestation over HRD and their role in human rights protection. Resolutions on HRD are facing contestation including lengthy debates and record-setting numbers of amendments by opponents of HRD initiatives. This paper uses theories of contestation from international relations to examine how Member States both advocate for and against HRD at the Council. Case study analysis including participant observation and elite-level interviews are used to examine strategies used by Member States. The paper finds that both advocates and proponents use a multitude of strategies aimed at defending or defeating the validity and application of HRD resolutions. This type of contestation matters for HRD because it eventually impacts the ability of defenders to promote and protect human rights on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Darbai ir Dienos is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Soletras is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims at exploring the most long-debated issues regarding the Las Casas-Sepúlveda controversy at Valladolid (1550-1551). Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda and Bartolomé de Las Casas have two different approaches to the same Revelation and the same concept of "humanity". On the one side, Las Casas is an apostle of Christian softness. His ethic of responsibility brings about tolerance towards rituals involving cannibalism. But on the other side, Sepúlveda treats cannibalism rituals as mass atrocities; according to his ethics of conviction, as a matter of fact, he is a human rights defender. Those issues concern the responsibility-to-protect (R2P): it is the result of the Terentian humanism or the imperialistic attitude? The great debate of Valladolid proves to be a very current topic because, once again, we cannot detach one thing from another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Justicia (0124-7441) is the property of Universidad Simon Bolivar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo is the property of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The comparative analysis is very important for the understanding of both the holy Quran verses on guardianship and the status of women as it was tackled in Islamic gender and politico cultural circumstances under which the holy Quran verses came and permitted the husband to beat his disobedient wife. Finally, this study will further deal with the phenomenon of modern interpretative Islamic feminism which has appeared among the world feminists who provided divergent interpretations for the holy Quran verses that permitted wife beating. They attempted to come out with a solution that presented a progressive interpretation of the holy Quran verses. Based on this solution, an attempt was made to legislate an Islamic law that denies, in an absolute manner, the occurrence of beating of women and wives. This came as an affirmation of the Asian Islamic identity versus western orientalist accusations that accuse the Islamic culture of having holly verses that verify women inferiority. A strategic area of work to advance women's economic and social rights is the creation of alliances between women's rights advocates and human rights advocates. In addition, it is important to support linkages between women's groups and other social movements working in the field of economic and social justice. The work on these rights must show a natural alliance with unions, farmers' organizations, groups working for media and cultural freedom, environmental rights groups, and groups working for the rights of minorities and indigenous peoples; However, bringing a gender perspective into the work of these disparate groups remains a major challenge. And working to promote and protect women's economic, social and cultural rights offers a unique opportunity to link them to civil and political rights defense strategies, challenges many existing assumptions about the role of women in society, and can lead to objective changes in unequal power relations between man and woman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Via Inveniendi et Iudicandi is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper analyzes the opposition and adaptation of Russian patients, independent perinatal specialists, and professional human rights activists to normative regulation of obstetric care, medical authorities, and the practices of the Russian maternity hospital. During my ethnographic research, I have collected personal stories about the clashes of women in labor and their assistants (primarily doulas) with the medical system, stories of collective and individual appeals to authorities, and protest flash mobs. The article presents the history of the transformation of the Russian system of obstetrics and the development of grassroots movements by midwives and doulas. It outlines the features of human rights and perinatal protest discourses and identifies the tactics of legal and vernacular resistance and non-resistance to medical authorities encountered during fieldwork. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]