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Italian Fascist propaganda was compared with contemporary right-wing material to explore how political propaganda depicts specific target groups in different historical periods. Taking the theory of delegitimization as the theoretical framework, we analyzed visual images concerning despised social groups used by the Fascist regime and current images of contemporary targets of social resentment used by Lega Nord (currently part of the governing coalition). Images of Jewish and Black people published in the Fascist magazine La Difesa della Razza were classified according to eight delegitimizing strategies, as were images of immigrants used on Lega Nord propaganda posters. Although the target group has changed, six of the eight strategies of delegitimization were used in both periods. In most cases, overlap was found in the way target groups were portrayed in the past and in the present

Colonialism, that Loomba calls “the most complex and traumatic relationship in human history” (2005, 8), has left its mark on international relations, social relationships within nations, and the ideologies and imaginaries of virtually all the peoples of the world. Understanding colonialism and its con¬sequences is therefore essential to comprehending the dynamics and conflicts of the contemporary world. This special focus was born out of a desire to bring social psychological studies on colonialism to broader attention.

The present studies were carried out in 2002, as a part of a cross-cultural project (Glick et al. 2006) and, successively, in 2003 and 2005. The Stereotype Content Model and the Image Theory are the theoretical frameworks. The questionnaire administered measured stereotypical traits, emotions, perceptions of the status, and judgments concerning aims and motivations of the target group. Results emerging from the studies showed that the USA were perceived as arrogant, competent, lacking of warmth, and as willing to dominate other countries. In expressing their evaluations, participants differentiated between USA population and USA governement. Differences were significant though modest. Effects related to participants’ political orientation were also discussed, as the differences related to their geographical origin, and the attitude changes due to the military intervention in Iraq

The Protocols of the Elders of Zion is the most influential fake in contemporary history. The persuasive power of the Protocols comes from the combination of a particular series of stereotypes from secular anti-Semitism, enhanced with contents outlining the “conspiracy”. To understand the success of the Protocols, it is necessary to examine the content of the group images and stereotypes conveyed by the text. The text has been content analyzed using psychological theories and methods. Specifically, the Protocols are investigated within the framework of the stereotype content model (SCM; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002) and the theory of group images (Alexander, Brewer, & Herrmann, 1999). We expected to find an envious stereotype content of the Jewish group, which results from their being perceived as low in warmth but high in competence. Moreover, we expected that such a representation fit the image of the ‘enemy’. Results are in line with our predictions.

Il presente lavoro ha l’obiettivo di indagare l’autostereotipo proposto agli italiani dall’élite dominante del regime fascista, al fine di: a) mettere in luce i processi di costruzione e rafforzamento dell’identità sociale italiana; b) cogliere gli stereotipi dell’ingroup e degli outgroup più salienti, prendendo spunto dalla tassonomia di Glick e Fiske (2001); c) ricercare le strategie di «iper-legittimazione» dell’ingroup capovolgendo l’impianto teorico del modello di delegittimazione di Bar-Tal (1989). L’analisi del contenuto e l’analisi delle corrispondenze, condotte a partire da dati d’archivio (articoli della rivista La Difesa della Razza), hanno consentito di rilevare un processo di costruzione dell’identità sociale dell’ingroup che risponde ai lineamenti del pregiudizio di ammirazione; inoltre, sono state rilevate modalità di iper-legittimazione del gruppo nazionale.

Social role theory (Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000) predicts that traditional gender ideology is associated with preferences for qualities in a mate that reflect a conventional homemaker-provider division of labor. This study assessed traditional gender ideology using Glick and Fiske’s (1996, 1999) indexes of ambivalent attitudes toward women and men and related these attitudes to the sex-typed mate preferences of men for younger mates with homemaker skills and of women for older mates with breadwinning potential. Results from a nine-nation sample revealed that, to the extent that participants had a traditional gender ideology, they exhibited greater sex-typing of mate preferences. These relations were generally stable across the nine nations.

Perceptions of America as a powerful but malevolent nation decrease its security. On the basis of measures derived from the stereotype content model (SCM) and image theory (IT), 5,000 college students in I I nations indicated their perceptions of the personality traits of, intentions of, and emotional reactions to the United States as well as their reactions to relevant world events (e.g., 9/11). The United States was generally perceived as competent but cold and arrogant. Although participants distinguished between the United States' government and its citizens, differences were small. Consistent with the SCM and IT, viewing the United States as intent on domination predicted perceptions of lack of warmth and of arrogance but not of competence and status. The discussion addresses implications for terrorist recruitment and ally support.

Starting from the observation that women still represent a minority in the higher echelons of universities and scientific institutions, the article discusses a number of strategies used to 'keep them out'. Historically the main strategy was to refuse to admit women. This refusal was accompanied by discourses devaluing women's intellectual capacities, while stressing their domestic and motherly duties, and by the actual burdening of women with these duties. When women succeeded in entering universities, subsequent strategies have been the appropriation by men of women's scientific production, sexual harassment (going as far as physical elimination) and anti-feminist intellectual harassment. Notwithstanding this strong opposition, during the last 30 years scientific production by women and feminists has been extensive, of high quality and innovative. This knowledge has advanced our understanding of important scientific and social problems, benefited both men and women, and contributed in some cases to a limitation of traditional male privileges.

In this paper, we investigate the strategies that a minority uses to exert direct influence toward social change through the qualitative analysis of a document that has prompted people toward collective action and change, namely the Communist Manifesto. To inform and guide the qualitative analysis, a social psychological model of social influence was used (G. Mugny, The Power of Minorities, Academic Press, London, 1982). According to this model, in order for minorities to exert influence it is important to target those in the majority that, although perhaps numerous, are powerless. The minority needs to create and maintain an antagonism with the powerful majority while, simultaneously, it needs to boost the identity of the powerless majority and to invent itself as the group that can guide them to overthrow the powerful. The analysis suggests that the minority follows three strategies: (a) The declaration of a world vision suggesting a system of categorization that objectifies power relations and creates different targets for influence and for conflict; (b) The construction of the minority’s identity as a particular group that is part but prototypical of the target of influence–the population; (c) The creation and maintenance of relations of antagonism with that part of the majority that holds the power. This enables the minority to avoid being portrayed as deviants, enables them to stand as equals to the majority, and creates the impression that the minority has the potential to overthrow the powerful majority from its position.

A 16-nation study involving 8,360 participants revealed that hostile and benevolent attitudes toward men, assessed by the Ambivalence Toward Men Inventory (P. Click & S.T. Fiske, 1999), were (a) reliably measured across cultures, (b) positively correlated (for men and women, within samples and across nations) with each other and with hostile and benevolent sexism toward women (Ambivalent Sexism Inventory, P. Click & S.T. Fiske, 1996), and (c) negatively correlated with gender equality in cross-national comparisons. Stereotype measures indicated that men were viewed as having less positively valenced but more powerful traits than women. The authors argue that hostile as well as benevolent attitudes toward men reflect and support gender inequality by characterizing men as being designed for dominance.