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International audience; In super-ageing Japan, COVID-19 vaccinations were starting to reach older people as of June 2021, which raises the issue of vaccine literacy. This study focuses on family members who work and also care for their older parents, as they are at risk of COVID-19 and also risk transmitting COVID-19 to the parents they care for and potentially influencing their parents’ vaccine uptake. Such family carers are central to the approach in Japan to achieving a sustainable and resilient society in response to ageing. Contrasting family carers’ COVID-19 vaccine literacy with their overall health literacy provides insights into their preparedness for COVID-19 vaccinations. The purpose of this study is to understand how vaccine literacy, compared to health literacy, varies across family carers and the sources of information they use. Through a cross-sectional online survey, family carers’ vaccine literacy, health literacy and their sources of information, including mass media, social media, health and care professionals, family, colleagues, friends, and others, were assessed. The participants’ (n = 292) mean age was 53, with 44% women, and an average of 8.3 h per week caring for their parents. Notwithstanding the increased risks from COVID-19 with age, COVID-19 vaccine literacy relative to health literacy for older family carers is lower on average, higher with increased provision of care, and more variable, resulting in a substantial proportion of older family carers with relatively low vaccine literacy. At this stage of vaccine rollout in Japan, family carers’ sources of information to inform COVID-19 vaccine literacy is distinct, including more national and local mass media versus less health and care professionals and informal networks, which indicates the importance of tailored health communication strategies to enhance vaccine literacy

Sommée de se transformer, l’industrie publicitaire a engagé depuis quelques années une démarche – relativement nouvelle pour le secteur – de responsabilisation. L’impact sociétal de la publicité numérique se décline autour de plusieurs points de tension tels que les algorithmes, le concept de privacy, les formats de publicités digitales ou encore l’impact écologique de cette dernière. L’ampleur de ces enjeux questionne et souligne l’importance d’une pratique responsable de la publicité numérique. Une telle responsabilité émerge chez certains acteurs de la publicité numérique et la dynamique d’autorégulation du secteur peut désormais porter les initiatives existantes sur le devant de la scène pour leur permettre de jouer un rôle prépondérant dans la transformation des pratiques du secteur. L’objectif de ce rapport est de revenir sur les dynamiques de l’écosystème de la publicité numérique, de mettre à jour les controverses historiques et émergentes autour du rôle et de l’impact de la publicité mais également d’établir un panorama des pratiques responsables existantes et des recommandations à ce sujet. Une série d’une vingtaine d’interviews menées auprès des acteurs de la publicité numérique responsable (agences, régies publicitaires, entreprises AdTech, plateformes, acteurs de l’autorégulation, associations et chercheurs), nourrit ce rapport et nous permet également de soulever les enjeux émergents de la publicité numérique responsable pour en proposer une analyse plus approfondie.

This introductory article lays out the background of the inquiry proposed by the contributions of this special issue, while also presenting its main findings and adopting a forward-looking stance. To this end, it first briefly recalls what the origins of the identity clause are, before it discusses what meanings this clause could have. Subsequently, the main conclusions of the various articles are presented. The final part concludes by restating that national identity remains an undefined concept, which can only be defined on a case-by-case basis by means of dialogue between national and European courts. National identity – constitutional identity – constitutional courts – European Court of Justice – judicial dialogue

L’ouvrage met principalement en scène trois personnages dont les vies vont être amenées à se croiser : le narrateur, un écrivain, un criminel. Étudiant durant les années 1980, le narrateur vit dans un studio, que lui a acheté son père, situé passage de l’Union dans le VIIe arrondissement de Paris. Un soir, il se sent observé par quelqu’un dont on comprendra qu’il s’agit de Patrick Modiano. Il le croise à plusieurs reprises, lui parle et commence à lire ses livres. Sans se l’expliquer, il se reconnaît dans son imaginaire romanesque. Néanmoins les années passent, le narrateur devient avocat et les deux hommes se perdent de vue. Au cours d’un procès d’assises, le narrateur défend un homme dont le crime s’explique par un lointain passé : une sœur ayant disparu durant la seconde guerre mondiale dans les mêmes circonstances que la Dora Bruder de Modiano. Il se trouve que l’écrivain assiste au procès et accepte d’aider le narrateur à retrouver la trace de cette mystérieuse sœur… Cette quête commune amène les deux hommes à basculer dans le Paris les années 40. Ils sont reçus par des individus douteux dans un appartement situé près du studio du passage de l’Union, dont l’écrivain apprend au narrateur qu’il fut, durant la guerre, le siège des sombres trafics d’un ferrailleur de sinistre mémoire, le fameux « Monsieur Joseph »… Ce roman met en abîme la dette que nous contractons à l’égard d’un passé trouble et tu. Il constitue aussi un hommage à la littérature. Les écrivains ne sont-ils pas des passeurs dont les œuvres nous permettent de répondre aux questions les plus intimes, et parfois les plus douloureuses, que nous nous posons ?

En Europe, il est fréquent d'associer les socialistes à la puissance de l'État. Ce stéréotype d'une gauche «malade de l'État», s'il est commode, est pourtant historiquement faux, et c'est ce que démontrent les auteurs de cet essai. Proposant une mise en perspective du rapport des socialistes européens à la puissance publique dans la longue durée, ils retracent les grands moments d'une relation complexe et ambiguë, de la critique de l'État bourgeois avant 1914 à la montée des influences néolibérales depuis les années 1980. Une réflexion d'autant plus pertinente que la pandémie de Covid-19 semble annoncer le retour du Welfare State. Profondément divisés sur la question de l'État, les socialistes saisiront-ils cette opportunité ?

Objective Methods Results Conclusion We measure the prevalence of noncompliance with public health guidelines in the COVID‐19 pandemic and examine how it is shaped by political ideology across countries.A list experiment of noncompliance and a multi‐item scale of health‐related behaviors were embedded in a comparative survey of 11,000 respondents in nine OCED countries. We conduct a statistical analysis of the list experiment capturing degrees of noncompliance with social distancing rules and estimate ideological effect heterogeneity. A semiparametric analysis examines the functional form of the relationship between ideology and the propensity to violate public health guidelines.Our analyses reveal substantial heterogeneity between countries. Ideology plays an outsized role in the United States. No association of comparable magnitude is found in the majority of the other countries in our study. In many settings, the impact of ideology on health‐related behaviors is nonlinear.Our results highlight the importance of taking a comparative perspective. Extrapolating the role of ideology from the United States to other advanced industrialized societies might paint an erroneous picture of the scope of possible nonpharmaceutical interventions. Heterogeneity limits the extent to which policymakers can learn from experiences across borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Social Science Quarterly (Wiley-Blackwell) is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

International audience

International audience; Accentuated by the ongoing coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, the change in Japan to community-based health and care services for older adults indicates an urgent need to enhance and spread citizens’ understanding of care. This is a broader notion of care that incorporates conditions within the community to support the inclusion of older adults, involving not only those older adults receiving care and their direct providers of care, but also others in the community who are involved in the daily lives of these older adults. To underpin such a broader notion of care across citizens, this paper proposes ‘care literacy’ as a novel analytical concept, defined as the knowledge and capabilities that enable people in need of care to live their daily lives in the community and facilitate potential health and care solutions. Reflecting the interconnection of health and care and rooted in the local context, care literacy underpins aging by enabling this involvement of the broader community, and is disseminated through media and grassroot activities.

The Yellow Vests' motto is "neither right wing nor left wing". Rather than "taking sides", they have chosen to dismiss entrenched political parties altogether, setting them back to back. Yet, when they emerged in France the public space was already informed by pre-existing structures and rife with tensions. Their actions are therefore necessarily situated, embedded in this space and imbued with some of its properties. This calls for an examination of the movement's role and the position of its digital expression on Facebook. How do online citation practices reveal not so much the movement's political colour, but the political space that informs it and which it in turn informs ? This article answers this question by introducing an original methodological framework that makes it possible to extend ideological embeddedness of Twitter users to posts published on Facebook. We first use a correspondence analysis to reduce the adjacency matrix that links French members of parliament to their Twitter followers. This first step allows us to identify two latent axes which are decisive in explaining the structure of the network. The first dimension distributes individuals according to their position on the left-to-right axis of the political space, and we interpret the second as a measure of distance to power. These two dimensions frame a space in which we then position hundreds of thousands of Twitter users along with URLs and media cited on the platform and, by extension, publications from almost 1,000 of the most active Facebook groups in the Yellow Vests movement. We finally quantify the evolution in these groups' publications within the latent ideological space, to provide both an interpretation and an answer to the question of the movement's political orientation. The dynamics observed support the interpretation of a movement that was initially fuelled by far right-wing resources but then quickly shifted to the left while maintaining an attitude of dissent. This portrait sketched through the lens of the Yellow Vests' use of media on Facebook perfectly illustrates the idea of a multifaceted populism.

When it comes to setting up a service to manage cross-national samples for longitudinal internet surveys, researchers and research projects are in need of a responsive software solution that accommodates limited resources, be it financial resources, time or operational skill sets. The solution should be user-friendly, providing straightforward online training material and users guides. It should minimize the complexity of managing a cross-national sample, and allow to coordinate and harmonize processes across participating countries, tackling multilingualism, synchronization and collaboration issues. The solution should comply with ethics and legal rules regarding personal data protection. It should as well come with pre-defined roles and corresponding accreditations to access specific data subsets, on a need-to-know basis, while facilitating central management. Furthermore, for security concerns, data flows should be minimized. In the framework of the work package "innovations in data production", part of the european programme Horizon 2020 Social Sciences Open Cloud (SSHOC, grant 823782) as well as ESS-SUSTAIN-2 (grant 871063), the European Social Survey (ESS ERIC) and Sciences Po have been collaborating since 2019 to provide a tool to manage cross-national samples for longitudinal internet surveys. After reaching the conclusion that no off-the-shelf software solution meets our needs, we have been designing and developing a software application to take up these challenges. During the session, we will run through a lively demonstration of the first version of our fully functional web panel sample service (WPSS) paired through an Application Programming Interface (API) with the Qualtrics software platform. Following a realistic scenario, we will play each stakeholder's role and give a comprehensive tour of the software features: from distributed import and export of sub-sample contact data, to centralized invites and reminders using email and short text messages or the panelists' portal ...

Ordonnance 2021-702 02-06-2021 La réforme de l'encadrement supérieur de la fonction publique de l'Etat Ordonnance n° 2021-702 du 2 juin 2021 portant réforme de l'encadrement supérieur de la fonction publique de l'Etat (JO 3 juin, texte n° 20) Commenter l'ordonnance n° 2021-702 du 2 juin 2021

International audience; It is often assumed that conspiratorial thinking shares important affinities with the Manichean views of populism, and its profound distrust of elites and experts. Such connection between conspiracy theory and populism should be explored further, however, in order to shed light on the different ways in which they may be articulated in populist politics. Based on a qualitative case study of the populist radical left and radical right in France, this paper examines the interplay between conspiracy theory and populism during the Covid-19 crisis. We find that both populist parties have channelled the Covid-19 pandemic into their existing ideological framework to mobilize the anxieties and grievances produced by the crisis. However, we see variation in the interpretation of the health crisis through the lenses of the ‘thin’ ideology of populism. More importantly, we find that populist actors may also vary significantly in their use of conspiracy theories, reflecting different ideological legacies and political strategies.

Alors que le concept d’empire informel est bien connu des specialistes anglophones des etudes imperiales, les historiens de l’imperialisme francais y ont peu prete attention. Tout en examinant les causes de ce desinteret relatif, cet article souligne les avantages potentiels d’une meilleure prise en compte de cette dimension informelle. Reevaluer l’importance de la colonisation informelle pourrait, entre autres, faciliter l’analyse des dynamiques d’expansion imperiales francaises, contribuer a mettre en valeur les mecanismes de collaboration avec d’autres empires ou avec certaines elites locales, ou encore aider a comprendre comment l’expansion imperiale a faconne la France contemporaine. Le concept d’empire informel pose encore des problemes d’ordre theorique et pratique, mais il peut servir a formuler de nouvelles questions de recherche, notamment a des fins de comparaisons et de connexions a l’echelle globale.

International audience

International audience

This article examines public contestation of Europe by the far right in France. It investigates whether far-right mobilization on the EU has changed over time, and how it diverges in the party and non-party sectors. Specifically, we follow a politicization approach and address mobilization in terms of three interrelated dimensions: intensity, issue focus, and action repertoire. This allows comparing collective action in the electoral and protest arenas, thus assessing how the far right politicizes Europe in public debates. The study relies on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of the press releases posted by far-right parties and movements on their official websites, scraped automatically from 2012 to 2019. The results show that European integration is increasingly at the core of far-right politics in France, but its politicization unfolds in different ways in the protest and electoral arenas. As political conflict over the EU expands, far-right parties and non-party actors are challenged to differentiate their respective profiles. These findings complement existing research on the linkages between protest and elections, and suggest that the rooting of the far right in society is reconfiguring the structure of political conflict in Europe.

International audience; Narrar por medio de la literatura las características económicas, políticas y sociales de América Latina y la manera en que estas moldean y determinan el futuro tiene una larga trayectoria en la región. Desde el recuento sobre las condiciones inhumanas en las que se cultivaba el caucho descritas en la novela La vorágine (1924), de José Eustasio Rivera; pasando por Hombres de maíz, de Miguel Ángel Asturias (1949); La ciudad y los perros, de Mario Vargas Llosa (1960); El otoño del patriarca, de Gabriel García Márquez (1975); El arpa y la sombra, de Alejo Carpentier (1978); La casa de los...

La remuneration des fonctionnaires n’est pas comparable a celle des salaries du prive. Elle est fixee de maniere unilaterale et ne peut pas faire l’objet de negociation avec les employeurs publics. Elle n’est pas liee a des prestations economiques mais a l’occupation d’un emploi dans une hierarchie. La remuneration des fonctionnaires est donc deconnectee de leur investissement personnel dans un travail qui reste de nature collective. L’individualisation des remunerations ne joue que sur une faible part de la remuneration totale. Si les theories du New Public Management ont cherche a introduire les logiques de remuneration du secteur prive dans la fonction publique, elles n’ont pas pu supprimer un rapport au travail domine par le sens de l’utilite sociale et collective.

International audience; This chapter analyzes the emergence, the construction and the trajectory of road space reallocation as a policy solution to urban mobility challenges in different political contexts. Focusing on the notion of policy solution ownership (Gusfield, 1981) and drawing on extensive empirical work on sustainable urban mobility transitions in European cities, it contributes to the book’s main argument in three ways. First it examines how and by whom policy solution ownership is built and how it contributes to redefining the boundaries of a given problem in a highly competitive policy environment. Second, and following the work by Callon (1986) on problematization and interessement to account for improbable alliances in a highly fragmented policy context, it contributes to the understanding of how policy solution ownership opens new opportunities for urban elites to challenge existing urban governance arrangements and promote their own political agenda. Three, it discusses the role of framing in shaping the subsequent trajectory of this policy solution (Rochefort, Cobb, 1994) across different urban governance contexts. It argues that policy solution ownership was established through the continued efforts made by a coalition of policy entrepreneurs to transform a policy solution fitted for all seasons into an easily transferable set of standardized tools and techniques while at the same time shifting the attention away from car use reduction towards ensuring fair and equal access to the urban road network.

1st lines: The China of Xi Jing Ping is on course to become the first economic power of the world, overtaking the US around 2040 according to their own previsions. In parallel, Chinese leadership is massively investing in the upgrading and development of its army and fosters its political influence all over the globe, mostly through investments and political pressure. In many public occasions, Chinese leaders have expressed the view that the balance of power and influence was coming back to normal. The old state of China had been the most developed part of the world including many technical advances and sophisticated government more or less until the 12th century. The rise of Europe was explained by the success of the first capitalism of merchants, the cities, economic innovation and the slow making of the nation state. Seen from China, this cycle of extraordinary events, centuries of domination of Europe, then the US, is drawing to a close. Back to normal. China will become the centre of the world. The silk road initiative bears testimony of this attempt at global influence. In the eyes of Chinese leaders, therefore, the future capital or most prestigious city of the world should also be in China, hence the project of developing Jing-Jin-Ji, the urban region around Beijing as the most advanced urban region in the world that should attract flux of investments, visitors and radiate Chinese power. Beijing has come a long way. During the Maoist period, Chinese leaders tried to limit urbanization and demographic growth and all the emphasis was on industrialization and the making of the socialist city. With the coming age of market reforms pioneered under Deng Xiaoping, liberalization reforms paved the way for the stunning acceleration of urbanization, including in Beijing. Chinese cities were very much planned but as elsewhere, planning was only part of the story and planning failures were numerous. In the last fifteen years, the Chinese government has implemented a voluntarist regional policy aiming both at rebalancing economic growth on the western side of the country (hence the massive investment in Chongqing now 30 M inhabitants or Chengdu, 15 M) but also to reinforce the world influence of the three leading urban regions : Beijing, Shanghai and the Yangtze Delta (towards 100 M?). On top of those, the national urban policy is planning 15 metropolis or 15 Million inhabitants. The paper deals with the attempt to build a Chinese capital of the world, the combination of different modes of what seems to be a good city in a systematic way and the contradictions that arise.

For her doctoral thesis, Sibylle Duhautois set herself the challenge of writing the history of the future as it was imagined within international organisations during the Cold War. This distinguished work was recognised for its excellence and awarded this year’s Forecasting Thesis Prize from the 2100 Foundation. Interview.

International audience; Sovereignism is at the crux of the current wave of radical right-wing populism (RRP). Populist parties advocate ‘taking back control’ from the political establishment, supranational institutions and global forces and they typically do so in the name of the ‘people’. While sovereignism may concern different dimensions, claims by RRPs to regain sovereignty are often associated with socioeconomic issues such as welfare, redistribution and international trade. The article aims to investigate the intersection between populism and sovereignism in RRP politics, and how voter demands for popular and national sovereignties may be articulated with one another to express the idea of regaining control of the country as a means of recovering economic prosperity. Based on an original cross-national survey conducted in four West European countries – France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland – and the United States, this contribution proposes to examine populist sovereignist attitudes among citizens and parties across different socioeconomic contexts and polities.

International audience; This article aims to show that if "information machines” reconfigure the space of our interpersonal communication, the apparent fluidification of connections is not without hermeneutic consequences, as it involves certain ethical risks relating to the evolution of the feeling of responsibility, to the quality of exchanges and to the respect fo individual autonomy. As the risks of computermediated communication are difficult to detect and not homogeneous, these technologies need to be evaluated beyond the discourse and the modes of representation that endorse them, and according to the contexts in which they are embedded.; Este artículo pretende mostrar que, si bien las “máquinas de información” reconfiguran la comunicación interpersonal en ciertos aspectos, la aparente fluidificación de las relaciones no deja de presentar una contraparte desde el punto de vista hermenéutico, ni está exenta de ciertos riesgos éticos relacionados con la evolución. del sentido de responsabilidad, la calidad de los intercambios y e respeto a la autonomía de las personas. Estos riesgos de la comunicación mediada por ordenador, aunque no sean tan fácilmente identificables y homogéneos, necesitan ser evaluados más allá de los discursos y modos de representación que presentan estas tecnologías y según los contextos en los que se inscriben.; Este artigo pretende mostrar que, embora as “máquinas informacionais” reconfigurem em certos aspectos a comunicação interpessoal, a aparente fluidificação das relações não deixa de apresentar uma contrapartida de um ponto de vista hermenêutico, tampouco é isenta de certos riscos éticos relativos à evolução do senso de responsabilidade, à qualidade das trocas e ao respeito à autonomia das pessoas. Esses riscos da comunicação mediada por computador, mesmo não tão facilmente identificáveis e homogêneos, necessitam ser avaliados para além dos discursos e dos modos de representa- ção que essas tecnologias apresentam e de acordo com os contextos nos quais estas se inscrevem.

Historicities in Dispute: Genealogies and Uses Viewed through the Lens of African Studies -- This article reviews the meanings, genealogies, and uses of the notion of historicity in African studies. From the longue durée historical character of African societies to the interconnection of temporalities, passing through the vernacular and academic experiences of the past, it appears that the popularization of the notion has led to the multiplication of its uses. Taking a precise look at these differences helps us to distinguish history and memory from historicity, understood here as the processual relationship that social actors have with time. These historicities, qualified as vernacular, are sometimes set in opposition to academic history, but history can be seized by individuals and organizations to be reinterpreted, transformed, silenced, or ignored. Exploring these social uses of temporalities might open up a field of research that is attentive to history as a cause.; Cet article revient sur les acceptions, les généalogies et les usages de la notion d’historicité dans les études africaines. Du caractère historique de longue durée des sociétés africaines à l’articulation des temporalités en passant par les expériences vernaculaires ou savantes du passé, la popularisation de la notion a conduit à la multiplication de ses usages. Préciser ces derniers permet de mieux distinguer l’histoire et la mémoire de l’historicité comprise ici comme un mode de rapport au temps des acteurs sociaux. Les historicités qualifiées de vernaculaires sont souvent opposées à l’histoire académique quand cette dernière peut être saisie par des individus et des collectifs qui la réinterprètent, la transforment, la taisent ou l’ignorent. Explorer ces usages sociaux du temps pourrait ouvrir un champ de recherche attentif à l’histoire comme cause.

International audience; We propose an abductive logic of scientific inference for quantitative research. The advent of computational sociology has exposed the limitations of a deductive logic of inquiry for quantitative researchers due to a lack of traditional sociological variables and an abundance of unfamiliar variables and data formats, complicating hypothesis testing. In response, some researchers have embraced inductive inference, but inductive analysis without theoretical guidance risks producing atheoretical findings. An abductive logic of inquiry rests on developing new theoretical insights based on surprising research results in light of existing theories. In computational sociology, such surprising findings can be cultivated by taking advantage of the analytical potential of scaled-up data and developing flexible analytical and visualization procedures. We illustrate these tactics with a surprising finding in a study of the labor supply decisions of New York City yellow cab drivers.

Après une explication de la distinction archives publiques/privées, nos intervenantes reviendront sur les questions politiques liées au droit des archives. Si en France, « depuis la loi de 2008, les documents d’archives publiques sont par principe librement communicables à toute personne qui en fait la demande » (Source FranceArchives) sous réserve d’un certain nombre de délais spécifiques de communication, des angles morts persistent. En Belgique les questions de déclassification ne sont pas tranchées et posent question. Nous vous invitons à lire à ce sujet le texte « Crise sanitaire, démocratie et archives. La préservation des documents ministériels, un enjeu patrimonial et de gouvernance » (A lire ici) en amont du séminaire.

International audience; Cet article s’intéresse à la montée du populisme autoritaire sur le Vieux Continent et à ce que les enquêtes Valeurs nous apprennent sur les facteurs qui l’alimentent au cœur de l’opinion des Européens. Il confronte la théorie du cultural backlash développée par Ronald Inglehart et Pippa Norris — selon laquelle ce regain de populisme résulterait d’une contre-révolution culturelle, en réaction à la large diffusion des valeurs libérales — aux évolutions constatées des valeurs des Européens dans les diverses dimensions servant d’indicateurs en la matière (autoritarisme, xénophobie et traditionalisme dans les mœurs). Et comme toujours, la réalité est plus complexe qu’il n’y paraît, entre demande sociale effective d’autorité, recul des valeurs morales traditionnelles, évolution de la xénophobie très différente selon les pays (l’Europe occidentale étant nettement et durablement plus tolérante que l’Europe de l’Est)… L'article pointe aussi le processus progressif d’alignement des générations sur une demande accrue de respect de l’autorité. En somme, il convient, lorsqu’on examine la montée des populismes actuellement à l’œuvre, de faire preuve de nuance, en distinguant les aires géographiques, les valeurs concernées (sphère privée vs. sphère publique, par exemple), et en relativisant la dynamique générationnelle. Sans oublier l’impact des facteurs économiques, qui influencent aussi beaucoup les opinions et dont l’auteur souligne, en fin d’article, qu’il pourrait croître dans le contexte actuel de crise — ce que l’enquête Valeurs de 2017 ne peut ici prendre en compte.

International audience; Alors que le consensus de la modernité verte semble s'imposer partout, nous pouvons encore choisir son modèle. Au-delà de l'alternative stérile entre capitalisme décarboné et apocalypse, l'Europe a les moyens d'inventer une proposition politique moins tributaire de l'esprit de conquête que celles de la Chine et des États-Unis.

This thesis proposes to examine how work has been represented in the West from1968 to 2020. As a theme lacking nobility in the history of art, work became a motif ofchoice as of the Second Industrial Revolution. This motif became stronger in countrieswith a service-based economy emerging after World War II. The “world revolution” of1968, to cite Immanuel Wallerstein, contributed to this development: as atransnational cultural revolution, 1968 challenged the great unifying narratives ofWestern modernity. The professional activity, regardless of the industry, is no longerrepresented as taking part to the political regimes in which it is performed, but as themotive of a social critique seeking to be de-ideologized.From then on, the works depicting labor have far less to do with the political functionof art that occurred in the middle of the 19th century, according to Walter Benjamin’sterminology, than with a demystifying function. The chapters of this thesis explore itsmain declinations that share the historicization of work as a common feature. Work isno longer represented as an an-historical visual subject of politics, but as a historicizedexpression of the political. Moreover, after 1968 it isn’t one, but two myths that aredebunked in the same fall: not only the mythologies surrounding work, but also themyth of this myth, supported by the idea that nature is controllable, and that this issomething desirable as long as nature would provide the energy required for fulfillingthe dreams and ambitions of social progress in the 19th and 20th centuries. Work wasboth its means and its emblem.; Cette thèse propose d’examiner la façon dont le travail a été figuré en Occident depuis 1968 jusque 2020. Thématique dépourvue de noblesse dans l’histoire de l’art, le travail devient un motif de choix à partir de la deuxième industrialisation, un motif qui se renforce dans les pays aux économies tertiarisées de l’après-Seconde Guerre mondiale. La « révolution mondiale » de 1968, selon les mots d’Immanuel Wallerstein, contribue à cet essor : révolution culturelle transnationale, 1968 met à mal les grands récits unifiants de la modernité occidentale. L’activité professionnelle, tous secteurs d’activité confondus, n’est plus représentée comme participant des régimes politiques où elle est exercée, mais comme le motif d’une critique sociale qui se veut désidéologisée. Dès lors, les œuvres figurant le travail ne relèvent plus tant d’une fonction politique de l’art advenue au mitan du XIXe siècle, selon la terminologie de Walter Benjamin, que d’une fonction démystificatrice. Les chapitres de cette thèse en explorent les principales déclinaisons, lesquelles ont pour point commun d’historiciser le travail. Ce dernier n’est plus représenté comme un sujet visuel anhistorique de la politique, mais comme une expression historicisée du politique. Plus encore, après1968, ce ne sont pas un, mais deux mythes qui tombent dans une même chute : les mythologies nimbant le travail, mais aussi le mythe de ce mythe, soutenu par l’idée que la nature est maîtrisable, et que ceci est souhaitable dans la mesure où cette nature fournirait l’énergie nécessaire aux rêves et aux ambitions de progrès social des XIXe et XXe siècles. Le travail en fut le moyen et le blason.

This article studies religious arbitration from the perspective of global legal pluralism, which embraces both normative plurality and cultural diversity. In this context, the article considers that UK arbitration law regulates both commercial and religious arbitration while relying on a monist conception of arbitration. It further identifies two intertwined issues regarding cultural diversity, which find their source in this monist conception. Firstly, through the study of Jivraj v. Hashwani ([2011] UKSC 40), this article shows that the governance of religious arbitration may generate a conflict between arbitration law and equality law, the avoidance of which can require sacrificing the objectives of one or the other branch of law. The Jivraj case concerned an Ismaili arbitration clause, requiring that all arbitrators be Ismaili—a clause valid under arbitration law but potentially not under employment-equality law. To avoid such conflict, the Supreme Court reduced the scope of employment-equality law, thereby excluding self-employed persons. Secondly, based on cultural studies of law, this article shows that the conception of arbitration underlying UK arbitration law is ill-suited to make sense of Ismaili arbitration. In view of these two issues, this article argues that UK arbitration law acknowledges normative multiplicity but fails to embrace the cultural diversity entangled therewith.

This special issue is drawn from a workshop held in Paris on January 16 and 17, 2020, about empirical ways of studying the French Yellow Vests movement and the “National Debate” it sparked. In this introductory article to this special issue, we take a look back at the origin of the workshop. After putting it back in context – an unprecedented social mobilization and an abundance of analyses in the heat of the moment – we present the methodological questions raised by the study of this movement, from the analysis of social networks to the epistemology of the debate. We then present some of the main results drawn from the articles in the issue (articles that, given the journal, are drawn from empirical experiments usually described as “quantitative”)., Dans cet article introductif, nous revenons sur la genèse des journées d’études sur le mouvement des Gilets jaunes et le Débat national qui se sont déroulées les 16 et 17 janvier 2020. Après avoir replacé ces journées dans leur contexte – une mobilisation sociale inédite et un foisonnement d’analyses « à chaud » – ce texte présente les questions méthodologiques posées par l’étude de ce mouvement, de l’analyse des réseaux sociaux à l’épistémologie du débat. Nous détaillons ensuite quelques principaux résultats démontrés dans les articles du numéro (articles tirés d’expériences empiriques généralement qualifiées de « quantitatives »).

contribution à un site web; En 2015, les Éditions Les Belles Lettres se lançaient, en partenariat avec Sciences Po, dans la réédition des œuvres complètes d’un intellectuel du premier 20e siècle trop souvent méconnu, Élie Halévy (1870-1937). Pourquoi le republier et le relire ?Professeur célèbre de Sciences Po de l’entre-deux-guerres, il y professe l’histoire des idées politiques et celle du socialisme européen, auteur d’œuvres monumentales sur l’histoire intellectuelle et politique britannique, intellectuel passé à la postérité pour ses écrits consacrés au modèle politique anglais (La naissance du méthodisme, 1906, Histoire du peuple anglais, 1912-1946) et aux totalitarismes européens (L’Ère des tyrannies, 1938), il est tout à la fois un historien original et précurseur, un passeur entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne, un théoricien de la crise des sociétés démocratiques.

La crise sanitaire de 2020 a mis en lumière l'importance de disposer d'une fonction publique de qualité. La réforme des fonctions publiques doit désormais dépasser la stade des mesures techniques pour faire évoluer son modèle d'organisation. Il faut passer d'une conception néolibérale de l'instrument administratif à la conception de l'administration comme acteur des politiques publiques capable de valoriser son savoir-faire et d'attirer des compétences diversifiées.

Le constitutionnalisme contemporain accorde aux juges un rôle considérable. Garants du respect de la norme suprême, ils assurent le bon fonctionnement des pouvoirs publics et la protection des droits fondamentaux. Les antagonismes politiques les plus vifs, de même que les questions éthiques les plus complexes, se présentent dorénavant devant eux plutôt que devant les institutions représentatives classiques.Ce Traité aborde successivement l'histoire de la justice constitutionnelle, la méthodologie de l'étude comparative de la justice constitutionnelle, la magistrature constitutionnelle, la juridiction constitutionnelle, les litiges constitutionnels, la procédure constitutionnelle et la décision constitutionnelle.De l'Afghanistan au Zimbabwe en passant par la Corée du Sud, l'Équateur, les États-Unis ou la République tchèque, cet ouvrage offre la première étude exhaustive de la justice constitutionnelle.En couvrant près de 200 systèmes de justice constitutionnelle, l'étude revêt une ampleur inégalée. Elle associe de manière pionnière la perspective réaliste de la political jurisprudence et celle, technique, du droit processuel. Elle éclaire ainsi avec une précision inédite le pouvoir des juges dans les sociétés contemporaines, tout en explorant l'imaginaire profond dont est solidaire la justice constitutionnelle.Unique en son genre, cet ouvrage est ainsi destiné aux étudiants, aux enseignants, aux chercheurs en droit et en science politique aussi bien qu'aux praticiens du contentieux constitutionnel, notamment avocats et magistrats. Il intéressera également le citoyen désireux de se familiariser avec l'État constitutionnel contemporain.

La Vème République doit être rattachée au passé historique et politique de la France. Son fondateur, Charles de Gaulle, a écrit qu'il lui fallait, en 1958, doter l'Etat d'institutions qui étaient faibles, défaillantes, depuis 1789 (Mémoires de De Gaulle). On peut montrer que ces nouvelles institutions sont en phase avec ce qui a été le courant dominant du libéralisme français : Guizot, les Doctrinaires, l'orléanisme. Les réformes successives apportées (droits de l'opposition, QPC, etc.) ont atténué le caractère original de l'institution, en maintenant cependant le cap des libertés sous la primauté de l'Etat gardien de l'intérêt général. Le courant du "libéralisme par l'Etat" et non contre l'Etat, qui a toujours privilégié la puissance administrative.

"Measurement" and " civil service": for those who regularly read the general press or election campaign arguments, these are two terms that seem made for each other. This is because, among the many preconceived ideas about the functioning of states and their administrations, the inevitable plethora of civil servants occupies a prominent place in the media and political fields. The contrast is striking between, on the one hand, the multiplication of comparative arguments (whether simply peremptory or truly manipulative) and, on the other, the small number of empirical and comparative works devoted to the history of the development of the public service. This introduction proposes some historiographical hypotheses to explain this discrepancy and outlines some avenues to try to bridge it. [Issue XXXV-2, 2020 published in June 2021]; Introduction du dossier "Inquantifiables fonctions publiques ?". « Mesure » et « fonction publique » : pour qui lit régulièrement la presse généraliste ou les arguments de campagnes électorales, voilà deux termes qui semblent faits l’un pour l’autre. Cela procède notamment du fait que, parmi les nombreuses idées reçues sur le fonctionnement des États et de leurs administrations, le caractère forcément pléthorique du nombre des fonctionnaires occupe une place de choix dans les champs médiatique et politique. Le contraste est frappant entre, d’un côté, la multiplication d'arguments comparatifs (qu’ils soient simplement péremptoires ou véritablement manipulatoires) et, de l’autre, le faible nombre de travaux empiriques et comparatifs consacrés à l’histoire du développement des fonctions publiques. Cette introduction propose quelques hypothèses historiographiques pour expliquer ce décalage et expose quelques pistes pour tenter de le combler. [numéro XXXV-2, 2020, paru en juin 2021]

En 1976, dans un témoignage résumant bien l’état d’esprit de nombreux grands commis de la Libération, François Bloch-Lainé pouvait écrire : « j’ai choisi de servir un maître et un seul : l’État. Un maître dont les agents jouissent d’une indépendance, d’une liberté qu’on trouve peu dans d’autres métiers ». Si ce récit « héroïsé » ne doit pas être pris au pied de la lettre, il renvoie toutefois à une période, celle des années de croissance d’après-guerre, où prédominait la perception – biaisée mais solidement enracinée dans l’imaginaire collectif – d’un État centralisé et interventionniste se situant au-dessus des intérêts particuliers. Depuis une vingtaine d’années, de nombreux travaux en sciences sociales ont cependant remis en question l’idée d’un exceptionnalisme de l’État français, longtemps présenté par ses principaux acteurs – et certains chercheurs – comme l’archétype de l’État fort, héritier d’une tradition jacobine et napoléonienne centralisatrice et garant de l’intérêt général.

National audience; L'école de Jules Ferry, dans le moment de sa fondation et au début du XXème siècle, est l'occasion d'une controverse importante entre le collaborateur direct de Ferry, Ferdinand Buisson, et le sociologue Emile Durkheim. Ces deux penseurs républicains ont une vision de l'école qui s'accorde sur la nécessité d'une éducation, et d'une morale, qui préparent à la citoyenneté ; mais Buisson conçoit cette éducation morale comme prolongeant et laïcisant le christianisme de façon explicite. Durkheim pense qu'il faut partir non de la conscience mais de la société comme totalité et comme autorité inspirant l'éducation. Cette divergence entre une conception individualiste et une conception fondée sur la "conscience collective" éclaire sur le sens et les tensions du transfert du religieux vers le politique et l'éducatif. Le modèle de Durkheim est, paradoxalement, issu du religieux catholique. Buisson hérite du protestantisme.

The articles in this Special Issue are organised around two main subtopics linked to how the pandemic relates to the dynamics of existing crises: the governance of the Covid-19 pandemic, and political scenarios after the pandemic. Table of contents

International audience

Steps Towards a Comparative Approach for Counting the “Number of Civil Servants” (France, United Kingdom and United States) | If quantifying is “agreeing and then measuring”, a major difficulty for those interested in the size of the public service in a particular country is that there are not always real conventions about what a “civil servant” actually is. Adding a long-term perspective further complicates the task since, depending on political configurations and the means available to statistical agencies, both conventions and measurement modalities vary over time. So much so that historians are unable to accurately quantify the evolution of the “number of civil servants” in a country. How, then, can we envisage a comparative approach to variations in this number across several countries? This research note proposes a way around this difficulty by quantifying an abstraction: the perception of changes in the “number of civil servants” in the United States, France and the United Kingdom. [Issue XXXV-2, 2020 published in june 2021]; Si quantifier c’est « convenir puis mesurer », une difficulté majeure se pose à qui s’intéresse au volume de la fonction publique dans un pays : il n’existe pas toujours de réelles conventions sur ce que serait un « fonctionnaire ». Ajouter une perspective de longue durée complique encore la tâche puisque, selon les configurations politiques et les moyens dont disposent les organismes statistiques, les conventions comme les modalités de mesure varient avec le temps. À tel point qu’il est possible d’affirmer aujourd’hui l’incapacité des historiennes et historiens à quantifier avec précision l’évolution du « nombre des fonctionnaires » dans un pays. Comment, dès lors, envisager une approche comparative des variations de ce nombre dans plusieurs pays ? L’objet de cette note de recherche est de proposer un contournement de cette difficulté à travers la quantification d’une abstraction : celle de la perception de l’évolution du « nombre des fonctionnaires » aux États-Unis, en France et au Royaume-Uni. [numéro XXXV-2, 2020, paru en juin 2021]

contribution à un site web; Cette année, la journée de l’Europe (le 9 mai) a fait écho au premier anniversaire du plan de relance européen, symbole de la panoplie de politiques publiques déployée en réponse à la crise sanitaire, économique et sociale du Covid. Si cette journée est célébrée le 9 mai, c’est parce que le 9 mai 1950 Robert Schuman prononça son discours sur l’Europe du charbon et de l’acier, à l’origine de la construction européenne. Et c’est le 18 mai 2020 qu’a été proposée l’initiative franco-allemande pour un plan de relance, suivie 9 jours plus tard par le lancement du projet complet par la Commission européenne...

This chapter explores the still largely uncharted territory of administrative justice in the private sector. The chapter presents a theoretical and empirical account of the extension of administrative justice norms and institutions into the private sphere. It does so by mapping and analysing the different paths by which administrative justice is diffused in privatized and contracted out services and in originally private services. It draws upon illustrative examples of such diffusion for each of these private realms. The chapter concludes with insights into the convergence of public and private models of decision-making and dispute resolution and the hybrid nature of this field.

entretien à l'occasion de la sortie du rapport de l'Observatoire du décolonialisme et des idéologies identitaires sur les manifestations idéologiques à l'Université et dans la Recherche (10 mai 2021)

Following the Great Financial Crisis, European Union (EU) rules in the area of banking supervision have become ever more strongly influenced by the (formally non-binding) standards developed by international financial fora, chief of which are the G20 and the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision. European representation in these fora fluctuates, as varying, though, reduced groups of individual Member States are involved directly alongside EU institutions and bodies. Taking the example of the Basel Accords, this article sets forth to examine how the European participation in those fora is articulated, whilst also assessing the existing mechanisms of democratic accountability. Indeed, in view of the important constraints these standards impose on European legislators, it is of utmost importance that they be involved early on when they are defined to avoid any democratic accountability gap from arising.

Along with treaties, custom is one of the sources of international law. It is known to consist of two elements: state practice and opinio juris. While many studies have looked at traditional questions of how to identify customary law, this book takes a new and original approach. It looks instead at the structure of thought that lies beneath the arguments about customary international law. By examining these structures, the book uncovers surprising conclusions, and demonstrates what the author describes as the 'discursive splendour' of customary international law. The book guides the reader through an analysis of eight distinct performances at work in the discourse on customary international law. One of its key claims is that customary international law is not the surviving trace of an ancient law-making mechanism that used to be found in traditional societies. Indeed, as is shown throughout, customary international law is anything but ancient, and there is hardly any doctrine of international law that contains so many of the features of modern thinking. It is also argued that, contrary to mainstream opinion, customary international law is in fact shaped by texts, and originates from a textual environment. This book provides an engaging account of customary international law, whilst challenging readers to rethink their understanding of this fundamental part of the discipline.

Sediment is an essential component of water and river systems. The anthropogenic alteration of sediment fluxes in the world’s rivers is one of the principal markers of the Anthropocene, the new geological epoch characterized by human influence at the planetary scale. In spite of its environmental and historical importance, water and river histories have surprisingly neglected sediment until recently. This introduction to the special issue “The Social Life of Sediment” argues for putting sediment at the center of social and historical inquiry and discusses the potential and value of such an approach. To do so, we introduce the concept of the “social life of sediment,” that is, the idea that the existence and movement of sediment is entwined with social needs, values, and activities, and needs to be appraised in his historical dimension. We review recent literature in fluvial geomorphology, social sciences, and history to assess to what extent the social and historical life of sediment has been taken into account. After this interdisciplinary review, we present the seven papers of the special issue and highlight their major insights to the study of social and historical lives of sediment. We conclude by outlining avenues for further research and by summarizing what we all can gain from putting sediment at the center of historical inquiries.

Counting Civil Servants: An Impossible Task? | That government administrations employ vast armies of civil servants is a popular and enduring misconception. Yet, the absence of any real convention on what constitutes a “civil servant” makes any attempt at empirical measurement a highly complex endeavour. There is a striking imbalance between the multitude of comparative arguments proffered in the media and political spheres, and the paucity of research on this question by social scientists and historians. The articles included in this feature provide a number of reference points across different settings (national, colonial, imperial or supranational) to study civil service measurement as a window into the history and sociology of government. [issue XXXV-2 2020, published in june 2021]; Le caractère pléthorique du nombre des fonctionnaires occupe une place de choix parmi les idées reçues sur les administrations. Dans le même temps, l’absence de réelle convention sur ce qu’est un « fonctionnaire » complique considérablement toute velléité de mesure empirique du phénomène. Le déséquilibre est alors frappant entre, d’un côté, la multiplication des arguments comparatifs dans les champs médiatiques et politiques, et, de l’autre, la faiblesse de leur traitement par les sciences sociales et historiques. Les contributions réunies dans ce dossier proposent quelques jalons pour étudier, dans différents contextes (nationaux, coloniaux, impériaux ou supranationaux), les mesures de la fonction publique comme autant de fenêtres sur l’histoire et la sociologie des États. [numéro XXV-2, 2020, paru en juin 2021]

First Published November 18, 2019; This comparative examination sheds light on the spatial scope of actors making youth-related claims inmainstream media. Drawing upon the ‘political opportunity structure’ approach, our main argument is thatthe spatial scope of political debates on youth-related issues are driven by institutional arrangementsreflecting windows of opportunities for the representation of various youth interests. Methodologically,we draw upon ‘claim-making’ analysis of five newspapers for each of the nine countries of the EURYKAproject, i.e. France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and United Kingdom. Our cross-national exploratory analysis aims to show, a) how state configuration and youth regime contexts impact on the spatial scope of youth and nonyouth actors, and furthermore, on specific state, civil society and interest group actors, as well as, b) whether this leads to a new clustering of countries across spatialdivides in the age of youth precarity. Cross-national variation is especially considered by looking at howinstitutional arrangements vary in each country, based on their youth policy regimes, the specific statestructure and the impact of recent economic crisis on youth welfare policies.

This special issue engages with the “cultural backlash hypothesis”—that citizens dissatisfied with democratic regimes tend to support the emergence of non representative democracy. The first article challenges classical notions of citizenship and shows that critical citizens actually call for more competent representatives. The second piece asserts that critical citizenship is more complex than what previous research has shown and that only certain types of citizenship are more likely to result in protest votes. As the introduction points out, the two pieces together paint a far more complex picture of citizenship than previously understood through an innovative approach that combines normative political theory with survey research in a country setting. A new research agenda that comes out of these findings is also proposed.