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Electronic government innovations have been a critical development in public administration in recent years. Many countries have implemented e‐government policies to enhance efficiency and transparency and combat corruption. This paper examines the impact of e‐government on corruption using longitudinal data for more than 170 countries from 2002 to 2020. The empirical results suggest that e‐government serves as a deterrent to corrupt activities. We analyse which e‐government domains affect corruption, which types of corruption are more affected by e‐government and the circumstances under which e‐government is more effective in reducing corruption. The empirical results suggest that online service completion and e‐participation are important features of e‐government as an anticorruption tool. Evidence suggests that e‐participation reduces corrupt legislature activities, public sector theft, executive bribery, and corrupt exchanges. The potential of e‐government to deter corruption is higher in countries where corruption is moderate or high and economic development is lower. Higher levels of GDP per capita, foreign direct investment, and political rights are also associated with lower levels of corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purposes of this study are: 1) To find out the restrictions on the political rights of ex-convicts to participate in the election of Regional Heads 2) To find out the legal consequences of restrictions and revocation of political rights of ex-convicts to be elected in regional head elections. The type of normative legal research is doctrinal legal research or library research. The results of the researchare: 1) Limiting the political rights of ex-convicts to be elected is contrary to the hierarchy higher regulations. Based on Law No.12 of 2011 concerning the Formation of Legislation and Invitation and is not in line with the principle (Lex Superior Derogat Legi Inferiori) meaning that the reshould be nolower regulations contrary to higher regulations. 2) Due to the law limiting the political rights of ex-convicts to be elected, it can be canceled through are quest for examination. Judicial review at the Supreme Court based on Law Number 12 of 2011 concerning the Establishment of Legislation, Law Number 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights and Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections

The article focuses on the growing skepticism among Americans, particularly on the political right, regarding robust military aid for Ukraine in its conflict with Russia, as well as divisions on the left regarding support for Israel's conflict with Hamas. It discusses the implications of these attitudes on the traditional bipartisan consensus of defending democracies abroad and emphasizes the importance of this defense in maintaining both global security and democracy.

The article is a book review of "Leftist Thought and Contemporary South Africa" by Mzala Nxumalo, which reflects on leftist ideologies and their impact on South Africa's socio-political landscape. The book discusses the struggles against white supremacist policies and the need for social justice in post-apartheid South Africa. It emphasizes the importance of Marxist perspectives in understanding governance, democracy, and public policy in the country. The review highlights the scholarly work's significance in enriching social science research and intellectual discourse, particularly in the field of Public Administration. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the medium-term effects of Israel's 2018 Nation-State legislation on Druze consciousness and prospects for the future. It is informed by interviews with fourteen Druze political thought leaders (more than half of whom are current or former Members of Knesset). From the founding of the State of Israel, the relationship between the Druze minority and the Jewish majority has been constructed on the narrative of a "covenant of blood" or "blood pact." This refers principally to the extreme sacrifices undertaken by soldiers, Jews and Druze alike, when fighting in the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) and other security institutions to protect their shared homeland. Despite systemic inequities revolving around land and employment, the idiom of "blood pact" endured. With the passage of the 2018 Basic Law of the Nation-State, however, a pillar of the covenant has been shaken. So has the mutually beneficial ambiguity that had squared Israel's self-definition as Jewish and democratic. Although representing different parties and ideological viewpoints, Druze political thought leaders concur on one point: although the law has not (yet) had a significant impact on the day-to-day lives of the Druze community, in the longer-term, judicial decisions will increasingly be constrained or framed in ways deleterious to the civic rights of Druze. Corrective amendment to the law acknowledging Druze service to the Jewish state is more likely than outright abrogation of it. If and until such "correction" occurs, the covenant will continue to erode. The J-Curve "frustration of rising expectations" model is adapted to explain the vociferous mass Druze reaction to the passage of the Nationality Law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The life of George Wellington Bryant, a potentially corrupt minor officeholder and gifted orator whose public life began in Reconstruction and ended in the nadir of Black rights at the turn of the century, provides an exceptional window into Black men's involvement in patronage politics during Reconstruction and the Gilded Age. This article argues that patronage politics offered a real path for advancement for ambitious Black men like Bryant in the second half of the nineteenth century. However, as such positions became increasingly rare in the 1890s, Black appointees were subjected to intense levels of scrutiny that some could not withstand. Even minor stumbles became potent rhetorical weapons in the white supremacist campaign against Black political rights. Bryant's colorful life and warped rhetorical afterlife demonstrate the continued importance of Black officeholding to American politics as a totem of racial equality even as that promise grew increasingly hollow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects derived from climate change (floods, sea level rise, droughts, meteorological extreme events), as well as their socio-economic impacts with incidence in livelihoods, health and life of populations (loss of crops, livelihoods, and drinking water, diseases) are forcing many people to leave their homes. Thus, several citizens of Kiribati and Tuvalu, fleeing these negative effects of climate change, have tried to seek protection and asylum in other countries, such as New Zealand and Australia under the umbrella of the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (also known as the Geneva Convention of 28 July 1951) and The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 1966), reaching the Courts and the Human Rights Committee. However, the majority of these complaints have been dismissed. After these experiences, we ask ourselves: Are the existing legal mechanisms based on humanitarian law, human rights and environmental law sufficient to address the problem of climate migration? Based on this de lege data research question, starting from the hypothesis of the insufficiency of existing legal regimes, we pose a second de lege ferenda question: which legal tools could be adopted to provide answers to this forced displacement? For this, the strengths and weaknesses of the different solutions that can be implemented to address this problem are analyzed, either by adapting the existing international regulations on the environment and humanitarian law, or by implementing new measures that range from the approval of new international multilateral, regional and bilateral ad hoc treaties complemented by soft law mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This pan-regional analysis of non-governmental organisations' (NGO) perspectives on the contemporary factors which constrain or repress civil society in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is based on United Nations' Universal Periodic Review (UPR) data. It shows that, paradoxically, whilst the majority of ASEAN states have ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) that upholds civil society's political role in promoting rights and democracy, this is inimical to the region's political elites who regard civil society's primary function as non-political delivery of social welfare and development. This disjuncture results in repression, performativity, and legitimation. The UPR data reveal an ever-shrinking civil space. Civil society, including human rights defenders (HRD s), faces a raft of rights pathologies, including threats, violence and murder—as well as increasing state restrictions on freedom of association and expression. This is compounded by impunity for offenders, corruption, and government inaction following earlier UPR recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the significance of the Bogotá Conference in establishing the Organization of American States (OAS) and shaping inter-American regionalism, highlighting its pivotal role in post-war international relations. Topics include the historical context of Latin American multilateral ambition, the power dynamics among American states, and the diverse normative outcomes of the conference, such as treaties on dispute settlement and women's political rights.

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates how corporations responded to the COVID-19 crisis through their fulfillment of corporate social responsibility (CSR). We quantitatively analyzed a total of 60 CSR news stories published during the year of 2020. We then provided context through the close readings of all 60 news stories. CSR news coverage was selected as the focal content because it is considered to be a more objective communication of CSR compared to corporations' selfdisclosed CSR reports. Results show that CSR was provided throughout the year as corporations' timely responses to the unprecedented pandemic. Specifically, corporations emphasized philanthropic CSR activities to support health issues. Their conventional commitments to promotional activities were still present but often criticized with a negative tone. Corporations' evergreen interest in environmental/sustainability issues and human/civic rights also remained but were relatively weakened during the pandemic. Further, CSR was primarily presented in a positive tone. The findings highlight that a public health crisis may render corporations to transform CSR into emergency and disaster relief. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the concept of responsive judicial review (RJR) in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and its potential application in promoting democracy. It discusses different modes of judicial review and their relationship to constitutional interpretation. The article also examines the role of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina in promoting equal political rights and status for all ethnic groups. It highlights the challenges faced by courts in CEE, including limited independence and lack of political support. The article concludes by acknowledging the potential limits of implementing RJR in CEE countries but suggests that understanding this can provide insights into the region's legal and judicial culture. [Extracted from the article]

The first decade of the 21st century had annual United Nations (UN) resolutions on the defamation of religion, followed by a shorter period with resolutions on promoting human rights and fundamental freedom through a better understanding of traditional values of humankind. However, in 2011, the strongest promoter of the defamation of religion resolutions, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), chose to shift the focus in the UN on individual victims, not the religions as such, resulting in the Istanbul Process. Moreover, the exploration of links between Articles 18, 19 and 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights resulted in the Rabat Plan of Action. Other progress within freedom of religion or belief include the Faith4Rights resources, acknowledging the right to change one's religion and stopping violations in the name of "honour," as well as other approaches, that so far have inadequate impact on the domestic level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some blame free-market capitalism for increasing income inequality, arguing that richer classes could block access to others for maintaining their privileges. By manipulating the degree of political rights and resources available to others, the rich could reduce opportunities for others. Others argue that growth-promoting free markets raise all incomes, increasing aggregate welfare. We argue that governments more dependent on free markets are likely to focus on increasing access to human capital, thereby narrowing the gap between the rich and poor by increasing opportunities, even if income inequality rises with high growth. We assess the issue by examining the effects of an Index of Economic Freedom on income inequality measured by the standardized GINI and measures of the equity of access to quality schooling, health, and justice covering 128 developing countries during the 1990–2017 period. Our results show that, even if economic freedom is associated with higher income inequality, it also associates robustly with access to opportunity. Our results are robust to alternative models, sample size, and testing methods, including instrumental variables analyzes addressing potential endogeneity bias. Our results, taken together, do not suggest that growth-promoting economic freedoms hamper future progress by raising inequalities—on the contrary, economic freedoms promote equity of access to opportunities—findings inconsistent with the view that governments under free-market conditions are easily captured by the wealthy, who then block equitable access to public goods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Oga institution as a parallel political system to the male political power among the Oko people. The study outlines the fluidity of gender roles of the Oga who despite being a woman enjoyed all the political rights and privileges of a king. The Oga assumed male roles such as marrying a wife and raising a family. Against this background, this study seeks to provide answers to several questions including the origin of the Oga institution in Oko and why it was created as well as its functions in society. It also explores the power relationships between the Oga institution and other women's organisations such as the Umuada (daughters of the lineage) and Onowu Nwanyi or Isi-Ada, (the oldest woman) the Ndi Iyemedi (married women/wives group) and spiritual forces, rituals, and deities. Data were drawn from oral sources and a close reading of extant literature was undertaken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an in-depth exploration of the political systems of the Igbo and Okun-Yoruba peoples in Nigeria, focusing on their decentralized and participatory nature. It challenges common misconceptions about the Igbo political organization and highlights the autonomy and independent spirit of Igbo women. The authors also discuss the impact of European colonization on these indigenous systems and argue that African societies, including the Igbo, had societies that valued individual freedoms to a greater extent than Western societies. The research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the political and gender dynamics of these African communities and their unique entrance into the modern world. [Extracted from the article]

Indeed, it is well worth asking whether this authoritarian regional regime, that operated as an enclave within national political system (and as a powerful minority in the Democratic Party), so distorted national politics as to make the United States itself a hybrid regime or as a recent book puts it, a "Southern Nation" (Bateman et al., [4])? Instead of viewing the political form constructed by populist government as a qualified democracy or as a qualified authoritarian regime, I argue that populist governments when fully in control constitute a distinct hybrid regime that wields together elements from democracy and authoritarianism but is neither one nor the other. Descriptively, some populist regimes may fit the competitive authoritarian label insofar as they are hybrid regimes; they are not subtypes of authoritarian regimes. I disagree with those who want to situate the regime type populist governments erect as "qualified" - illiberal, "semi", or "delegative" democracy - but also with those who see populism in government as a subtype of authoritarianism (competitive or electoral) or populism as "the government" as outright autocracy. [Extracted from the article]

Democracies come in many different forms with significant variations in their institutional architecture, and some supposedly well-functioning democracies have no (or very weak) constitutional courts (e.g., the Scandinavian countries; see Larsen, [52]; Wind, [79]).[2] Arguably a useful general account of democratic backsliding must be able to explain deteriorations of democracy in such "nonconstrained" democracies, too. The system of rights is an abstract framework for positive democratic constitutional law that, as Ingeborg Maus puts it, is intended to leave room for the "political autonomy of constitutional lawmaking and law-giving citizens who first develop rights from their own vantage point, bring them historically to consciousness, and enact them into positive law" (also see Habermas, [26], pp. 160-162; Habermas, [27], p. 90). Much recent political commentary suggests that a "backlash", "revolt", or "counter-revolution" is unfolding against liberal constitutional democracy (e.g., Eatwell & Goodwin, [18]; Galston, [23]; Mounk, [58]; Norris & Inglehart, [61]; Zielonka, [82]). So long as citizens' rights to an equal opportunity to participate in political law giving are protected in other ways,[7] Habermas' system of basic rights does not even require that democracies hold elections. I speak of a "particular species of regressions" because the relevant regressions concern those fundamental constitutional rights that correspond to the basic rights Habermas sketches in the system of rights: as I will explain more below, at issue is either the outright suspension of those rights or that the exercise of those rights is obstructed without them being suspended. [Extracted from the article]

Punjab has always been an important center of political movements among the lower castes. Mobilization of the scheduled castes by different reform movements in the state made them very early aware of their political rights and they were quick to organise themselves into various political groups. The first separate political formation of the scheduled castes movement had emerged in the form of Ad-Dharm movement that later merged with the Ambedkar's Scheduled caste federation and subsequently got transformed into the Republican Party of India. With the formation of the BSP in 1980's the scheduled caste of Punjab entered the vibrant decade of the identity politics. Currently with the emergence of AAP, dalit politics in the state has entered a new stage with every political party announcing a dalit to be a Chief Minister, if voted to power. Given this background, the article argues, a third force appealing to the scheduled castes have always existed in the state but support of the scheduled castes to the third front has been rather short-lived and they failed to be seen to be mobilizing for the broader identity movement until the emergence of AAP. The paper investigates different phases of political assertion among the scheduled castes and reasons as to why earlier third options in the state having appeal among the lower castes could not take off and how AAP channelized the scheduled castes aspirations to be a major contender in the state politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the upheaval within the political right, where old alliances have dissolved and traditional conservative commitments to the free market are being rejected. Topics include the reconsideration of subsidiarity, an alternative social form rooted in premodern Western tradition, as a source for building a viable economic and political theory.

The subject of this article is an analysis of the basic ideas of Nussbaum’s capability theory. In spite of the advantages of this approach, some authors have raised objections to the capability theory. The aim of this article is to analyze and discuss some selected objections. In particular, the study focuses on five objections that relate to the problem of paternalism, the impossibility of reaching a minimum threshold of individual capabilities, the impossibility of justifying civil and political rights, and the non-hierarchical nature of the list of capabilities. The article also develops a critique of the theory of capabilities in terms of a political approach to human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a decades-long debate on the compatibility between Confucianism and human rights, Confucian political theorists now seem to generally agree that the fallback theory of rights provides an account of human rights acceptable to both sides of the debate. Interestingly, some Confucian political meritocrats make a distinction between non-political human rights and political rights, and argue that while the former are subject to the fallback theory of rights, the latter are subject to the so-called "service conception" of rights, which authorizes political hierarchy among citizens. After identifying the irresolvable tension between the fallback theory of rights and the service conception of political rights as a critical threat to Confucian political meritocracy's internal stability, this article suggests that Confucian political meritocracy can overcome the instability problem only by taking seriously the political implications of the fallback theory of rights, which entails the endorsement of the right to political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to test whether human rights have an indivisible nature. To do that, we perform correlation analysis and Granger causality tests to test 1) the relationship within socio-economic rights and 2) between socio-economic rights and civil-political rights. The results show that certain socio-economic rights have mutual reinforcing relationships, lending support to the existence of widespread indivisibility. This finding yields relevant policy implications. Given their financial constraints, states could make use of the existence of widespread indivisibility, in combination with the progressive implementation clause, to foster the efficient allocation of resources for human rights implementation. Furthermore, this article shows that the intensity of indivisibility varies depending on the income category of states: the indivisible nature of socio-economic rights is more intense in low-income countries while seems to achieve a saturation point at the highest levels of human rights compliance. We, thus, propose to define this phenomenon as 'indivisibility saturation'. Lastly, our findings detect a more complex picture for the indivisibility principle between the two classes of human rights. While widespread indivisibility does not follow from the tests, important unidirectional relationships between different human rights exist and are equally important for human rights policy-making purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Disciplines Economics & Administrative Scienves Studies is the property of International Journal of Disciplines in Economics & Administrative Sciences Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This scientific article is devoted to the analysis of the factors of transformation of political rights in the modern globalized society. It is indicated that globalization causes a rethinking of traditional concepts of national sovereignty and opens up new opportunities for interaction between countries. him. The author proved that information technologies provide an opportunity for rapid dissemination and exchange of information, which affects the methods of public discussion and participation in political processes. The technological process is not only the introduction of new technologies, but also deep changes in production processes, communications and ways of life. Their impact on political rights is manifested through changes in communication methods, the ability of citizens to quickly receive and exchange information, as well as to influence political decision-making. It is emphasized that the development of society is accompanied by changes in the values and beliefs of citizens, which can lead to the appearance of new demands for political rights, for example, greater emphasis on human rights and civil liberties. Also, changes in the demographic structure of society can affect the perception and needs of citizens in political rights, in particular, taking into account the interests of the younger generation or other demographic groups. Transformations in the structure of the economy and social relations require the adaptation of political rights to ensure fair distribution of resources and protection of the interests of various social groups. The following factors of the transformation of political rights in the modern globalized society are summarized: globalization of international relations and anti-globalization national manifestations; technological process and informatization of social relations; changes in social values; economic and social transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies on the translation of sexuality into Chinese have been primarily limited to literary texts and scientific works. In recent years, increasing attention has been paid to the fansubbing of queer audiovisual material into Chinese. Against the backdrop of a global digital expansion of feminist and LGBTQ+ activists, this paper examines the translation of sexuality via social media. It focuses on the translations of JoinFeminism and Zhihe Society, two grassroots groups committed to addressing gender and sexuality issues in China. This paper uses Gideon Toury's translation norms to analyse how the two groups collectively highlight sexuality as a means of resisting the repression of sexuality in the mainstream media. Moreover, it investigates the implications of the groups' gender-sensitive translation and discusses their creation of an alternative sexual discourse. Drawing on insights from various areas of study such as fansubbing, feminist/queer translation and citizen media, this paper argues that the two groups' translations, as a form of self-mediation, contribute to a specific type of feminist/queer activism in China: one that is less obsessed with political rights, but uses translation and social media to disseminate knowledge related to sexual diversity and therefore to create an online counter-discourse on sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sino-Iberoamerican Interaction / Interacción Sino-Iberoamericana is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Specialized Islamic Studies (SIS) is the property of Refaad for Studies, Research & Development and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To what extent do political orientation, racial beliefs, and media use contribute to explaining support for human rights violations? To address these question, we draw on Adorno's "authoritarian personality" theory by proposing the concept of "racial syndrome," resulting in affinity for expressions of support for right-wing ideologies. Using a public opinion survey conducted among Jewish-Israeli adults (N = 1,001), we show that political orientation and racial beliefs contribute to explaining support for human rights violations and that racial beliefs mediate the association between political orientation and support for human rights violations, measured as support for child arrest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Moreover, the use of mainstream media moderates the association of political orientation with both racial beliefs and support for human rights violations, but the use of digital media does not. This study calls upon journalists, activists, and policymakers to engage responsibly in reducing racialized beliefs and promoting justice and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study used convergent mixed approaches to contribute to local studies and provide a reflection that civic competence is an essential dimension of social service. Contextualized in a northern Luzon municipality, Philippines, the purposively selected 94 participants responded to the survey questionnaire and one-on-one interviews, anchored on the four domains of civic competence, such as civic rights, civic virtues, civic responsibilities, and civic participation. The quantitative findings revealed that among all the domains, only the civic rights were fully manifested, while the other three domains were all at a moderate level. Furthermore, the qualitative findings uncovered factors that possibly influenced the level of civic competence. In converging the findings from the two approaches, apart from the results of citizens' civic competence, this study mirrored experiences of how social services were delivered in a local community. The results suggest that the government may consider local experiences and civic competence levels to plan for policy enhancement for social services during a pandemic or any unprecedented encounters. Future research may use a grounded theory design to form a middle-range theory for civic competence as an essential social service dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faced with the increase in violence against child populations, 6 out of 10 girls and boys suffer physical, psychological or sexual violence (State Attorney General’s Office, 2023), this study bases a model understood as a prototype that serves as a reference and example for promote preventive processes that ensure the care of children, through educommunication. Educommunication constitutes a space built by people for people, founded on dialogue, meaning, expression and effective participation, which articulate theory and practice, for educational and communicative interaction, as complementary processes in the development of learning through pedagogical resources, close and culturally appropriate, that promote a critical sense (Zecheto, 2011; Begnini, Arteaga and Arroyo, 2022). Understood in this way, educommunication allows these child populations to exercise their citizenship, beyond that associated exclusively with the exercise of their civil and political rights. A citizenship built on rights as people, which exempts them from inequality, exclusion and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does democracy heighten or lessen the incidence of terrorism? This question has eluded a definitive answer for over three decades. Some terrorism researchers find that democracy has dampened terrorism; others that democracy has encouraged it; still others that there is a curvilinear or more nuanced relationship between the two. In this article, we contend that democracy has differential effects on terrorism, depending on the goals of particular terrorist groups. We claim that efforts to restrict democracy, by decreasing political rights and civil liberties, will effectively constrain terrorist activity from "strategic" groups but will have the opposite effect on "universalist" groups. The reason for this variance, we argue, involves the scope of ambition and underlying motivation distinguishing these very different types of terrorist movements. Because universalist groups have abstract ambitions and non-negotiable goals, they are unlikely to be deterred by crackdowns on democracy. Alternatively, because strategic groups do not see their missions as all-or-nothing campaigns of good versus evil and instead seek limited and concrete goals, anti-democratic measures are more likely to succeed against them. Our analysis of 200 countries from 1972 to 2016 finds strong support for this claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper aims to examine whether the impact of economic growth on political rights/civil liberties depends on the political environment. The paper introduces the concept of political disinterest, which defines social unawareness/unresponsiveness to the loss of political rights/civil liberties in cases of expansion of economic opportunities, and which is proxied by economic growth in the empirical part of the study. The paper argues that political disinterest causes a negative impact of economic growth on political rights/civil liberties. The study uses data for 142 countries from 1996 to 2017 to empirically evaluate whether the impact of economic growth on political rights depends on the political environment. System Generalized Method of Methods (GMM) is used to take account of reverse causality, country-based heterogeneities, and heteroscedasticity problems. The estimation result shows that the impact of economic growth on political rights/civil liberties is positive for democracies but negative for autocracies. The results also indicate the presence of political disinterest only in the context of autocratic countries, which is referred to in the hypothesis in the body of the paper. The results also suggest that the presence of political disinterest in autocratic countries is only valid for non-fiscal expansions in which economic growth is not financed by government funds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]