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• GWICs alter macrophage metabolism and potentiate cytokine secretion. • Neuroinflammation and cognitive impairments are greater in GWIC-exposed female mice. • Male mice exposed to GWIC show an enhanced peripheral cytokine signature. • STING and NLRP3 lie upstream of cognitive impairment and inflammation in GWI. Gulf War Illness (GWI) is a chronic, multi-symptom disorder affecting approximately 30 percent of the nearly 700,000 Veterans of the 1991 Persian Gulf War. GWI-related chemical (GWIC) exposure promotes immune activation that correlates with cognitive impairment and other symptoms of GWI. However, the molecular mechanisms and signaling pathways linking GWIC to inflammation and neurological symptoms remain unclear. Here we show that acute exposure of murine macrophages to GWIC potentiates innate immune signaling and inflammatory cytokine production. Using an established mouse model of GWI, we report that neurobehavioral changes and neuroinflammation are attenuated in mice lacking the cyclic GMP-AMP synthase (cGAS)-Stimulator of Interferon Genes (STING) and NOD-, LRR- or pyrin domain-containing protein 3 (NLRP3) innate immune pathways. In addition, we report sex differences in response to GWIC, with female mice showing more pronounced cognitive impairment and hippocampal astrocyte hypertrophy. In contrast, male mice display a GWIC-dependent upregulation of proinflammatory cytokines in the plasma that is not present in female mice. Our results indicate that STING and NLRP3 are key mediators of the cognitive impairment and inflammation observed in GWI and provide important new information on sex differences in this model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Second, US military culture prioritizes conventional interstate war over intervention in foreign internal conflicts, whereas Russia and Iran have a broader view of the military's mission. At a press conference in 2015, Barack Obama predicted that Russian intervention in Syria would end in ignominy and Moscow would be "stuck in a quagmire."[1] Rather than repeat America's own tough experience in recent Middle Eastern wars, however, the Russian operation helped Syrian president Bashar al-Assad seize the initiative and recapture Aleppo. Why the United States Is Losing - And Russia and Iran Are Winning [44] The experience of sustained counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan spurred greater attention to irregular war and led to the rise of counter-insurgency experts, or "COINdinistas", like David Petraeus.[45] During the last decade, however, the US military has pivoted back to its comfort zone of preparing for interstate war. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses contract to build the XB-52 to Boeing by the U.S. Army Air Forces. Topics discussed include increased range of 30 percent, the tail gunner seat was moved adjacent to the electronic counter measures operator, and a welcome climate control feature; fielding of air-launched cruise missiles; and Air Force's Balls Eight relationship with hypersonic aircraft.

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Gulf War (1990–1991) had a transformative effect on Saudi Arabia and its society. The war brought major ideological changes and allowed its citizens for the first time to voice critique and concern about economic and social problems. Many studies have highlighted the diverse reactions and dilemmas of Saudi people from the crumbling notion of Arab unity to the emergence of the United States to stop the looming invasion of the Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Although there is a plethora of studies about the Gulf War, none of them has investigated how ordinary Saudi citizens experienced the war with all its implications. The paper describes what narratives were used by interviewees in oral history interviews when talking about the war and its effect on their lives, families, and worldview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, the conflict later known as the Gulf War became a focus of US media and the target of a campaign to gain public support for military action against Iraq. Building on previous research, this study shows that terms referring to specific actors changed in three major US newspapers during fall 1990 in ways that suggest the newspapers' practices of objective reporting were affected. Centered on Presidents George Bush and Saddam Hussein as key players, the use of different terms of reference in press reports changed systematically to highlight Bush in a prestigious role as the US leader, while Hussein was delegitimized as a dangerous individual. Kuwait and its leaders were sidelined. Reporters prioritized officials associated with military and intelligence agencies at times of increased tensions. These changes implicitly supported the interests of the Bush administration and discourses favorable to US military action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of the study lies in analyzing the foreign policy of Yemen towards the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, especially after the unity of Yemen and the emergence of its role in the Arab and Gulf arena, and its endeavor to redraw its borders with Saudi Arabia, as well as its attempt to be an influential member in the Gulf Cooperation Council. So we find that most of the decisions Yemen made were in the interest of Iraq, and that is in its desire to banish external interference first, and to be a country with an effective decision in the Gulf Cooperation Council second.Through Yemen long relations with Iraq and Iraq's supportive stances, we find that Yemen sought to enter that war on the side of Iraq in secret, that is, its positions were supportive of Iraq, although it was confirming its endeavor not to interfere in the affairs of the Arabs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ups and downs bilateral relations between Iran and the Iraqi-Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The Iranian politicians and Iraqi Kurds have had pragmatical relationship independent from Baghdad for many years. However, separatist Kurdish movements were seen as a joint target by both Iran and Iraq until General Abdulkarim Qasim's coup in 1958. Since the coup in Iraq, the Kurdish issue has been used against each other by two sides. The relationship between the Iranian and Iraqi Kurds has changed dramatically since the first Gulf War in 1991. However, since the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the USA, Iran's influence has been growing, not only in Baghdad, but also in Erbil. Meanwhile, after the KRG's decision to hold a referendum on independence, Iran put pressure on the KRG and tried to isolate Erbil, as Turkey, Iraq, and Syria did. Tehran is not willing to let an independent Kurdish state be established near its borders because of Iran's local Kurdish secessionist groups, such as the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan and PJAK. This study analyzes the reasons for the conflict and cooperation between the Iranian regime, and Iraqi Kurds and focuses on how the Iranian revolution in 1979, the ISIL terrorism and the independence referendum held in 2017 have effected their relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Iberian & Latin American Research is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al Malweah for Archaeological & Historical Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The U.S. Marine Corps' participation in World War I (1914-18) was totally unplanned: the U.S. War Department in Washington, D.C. had an archaic national defense administration led by the U.S. Army who had operational control also over U.S. Navy forces, with no specific input on how the U.S. Marine Corps could share combat in Europe. With the German offensives in 1917 and early-1918, the U.S. Army under full-mobilization felt the shortage of vital infantry personnel to join the fighting in France through the American Expeditionary Force (AEF). The training pipeline was not there to surge additional divisions of Army infantry into the war effort. In spite of this shortfall in the U.S. Army's ability to quickly surge additional infantry divisions, General John J. Pershing the Commander of the AEF, remained strongly reluctance to allow the U.S. Marines to join Allied Forces in Europe until late-Spring 1917 when French, British and Italian were unable to stop mounting German offensives. Thereafter, in just 17-months, the U.S. Marines Corps expanded three-fold, adapted its naval warfighting capabilities to several large-sized infantry battles in the trenches faced by the Allies and the AEF, fighting with a ferocity that earned them the German nickname of Teufelhunden ("Devil Dogs"), earning many medals and developing the basis of modern combat as an élite and highly mobile sea-land amphibious and armored expeditionary force, effectively displayed from the beaches of World War II (1939-1945) to the deserts of the Gulf Wars (1990-1991 and 2003). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the end of the Gulf War in 1991, the United Nations' effort at disarming Iraq came to be defined by a notable Swedish influence through the appointment of Swedish nationals in key positions. This work explores their unique contribution and the impact of their nationality on their efficacy. The article argues that the country's history of neutrality combined with significant diplomatic clout and technical know-how enabled Swedish inspectors to make substantial contributions based on the factors explored albeit at times limited due to absence of large scale weapons of mass destruction programmes at home. By examining their conduct, it is demonstrated how a small state can play an active and outsi role in an active case of disarmament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Human Sciences (19922876) is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of The Iraqi University is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Naming atrocity: Theater of Operations: The Gulf Wars 1991–2011, curated by Peter Eleey and Ruba Katrib MoMA PS1, New York, 3 November 2019–1 March 2020 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an overview of the evolution of the ongoing series Land of Darkness by Dia al-Azzawi (born in Baghdad in 1939), which is marked by a lack of colour unusual to Azzawi's work. This article argues that, although he initially chose the term 'darkness' as an ironic reinterpretation of a historic name for Iraq for the title of a single artwork about a specific tragedy, Azzawi was compelled to return to it time and again as he witnessed the ongoing deterioration of his homeland from afar. It also examines how and why, for nearly three decades after the Gulf War of 1991, Azzawi has constantly turned his focus towards Iraq, criticizing its enemies and defending its future, and continuing to make works about the plight of the Land of Darkness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text is a curatorial reflection upon the process of organizing the exhibition Theater of Operations: The Gulf Wars 1991–2011, which took place at MoMA PS1 in 2019. The text questions the possibilities and limits of decolonial curating in an American museum and analyses the reception of Iraqi contemporary art in a Western context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]