Search

In Pursuit of Liberalism: International Institutions in Postcommunist Europe. By Rachel A. Epstein. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008. 288 pp., $55.00 hardcover (ISBN-13: 987-0-801-88977-6). Economic Liberalism and Its Rivals: The Formation of International Institutions among the Post-Soviet States. By Keith A. Darden. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 366 pp., $90.00 hardcover (ISBN-13: 978-0-521-86653-8). Transnational Actors in Central and East European Transitions. By Mitchell Orenstein, Stephen Bloom, Nicole Lindstrom. Pittsburg, PA: University of Pittsburg Press, 2008. 272 pp., $27.95 paperback (ISBN-13: 978-0-822-95994-6). The fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe and the dismemberment of the Soviet Union have arguably been the most important events in the contemporary international relations. They detonated momentous changes in the political, economic, and military landscapes of the formerly communist states thus setting off a natural experiment in broad transformations in the countries that endured decades of central planning and communism. Because of the unique and world-historic quality of these transformations and far-reaching implications of these reforms, they have attracted significant academic following, and have been a subject of growing scholarly concern. The early studies of liberal and post-Soviet transitions deliberated the optimal ways to transform the postcommunist states focusing on the sequence and pace of reforms as well as the country-specific initial conditions (Hardt and Kaufman 1995; Woo, Parker, and Sachs 1997). The recent scholarship expanded conceptual boundaries of transition and integrated the move toward a complex interdependence in Europe besides the democratic and market reform. It shifted accents from internal to transnational forces and began examining the precise role played by various international actors—non-governmental and international organizations, corporations, foundations, Church, just to name a few—in the transitional reforms. The books under review are a notable addition to this recent wave of literature on the transnational dimension of post-Soviet and liberal transitions. Why do states liberalize despite the apparent contradiction of these reforms to their domestic preferences, political autonomy, and national tradition? This is the central puzzle of Rachel A. Epstein's monograph, In Pursuit of Liberalism . She underscores the role played by international institutions in mobilizing domestic support for reforms, and elucidates the conditions for the success of mobilization. Epstein contends that the ability of international institutions to cultivate support for reforms hinges on the degree of uncertainty in the policies in transition, the …

Political Knowledge, Vol.5, No.2, Autumn 2009 & Winter 2010 Energy Diplomacy and National Interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran Dr. Husein Poor Ahmadi Mahdi Zulfiqari Benefiting from economic potentials as well as national energy and in the framework of energy diplomacy, different states have proceeded a new strategy of economic growth and development and provision of their national interests and security in their own foreign policy. However, the inefficiency and incapability in the economic trends of the foreign policy of I.R.I have given rise to the fact that the academic and university literature of Iran don’t pay much attention to the relation of energy sector and foreign policy. Explaining the pathology of the relation of the two fields of foreign policy and energy, the present article seeks to reveal the significance of these two sectors and that of creating functions used to keep individual natures up to now. Thus for Iran as a country possessing huge oil and gas resources within and beyond its national borders, energy diplomacy is considered as a means towards maximizing achievements in the world politico economic system. However, economic attitude has often been of less significance comparing to political considerations in the foreign policy of Iran. Thus the predominance of commercial approach in the field of energy is the result of failure to have a long - run and strategic look to the issues of energy sector in the foreign approach of energy diplomacy. This fact explains that creation of development in the general conditions of regional as well as international actors necessitates long – run strategies in different sectors including foreign policy. Offering a definition for energy diplomacy and explaining its domain, the present article deals with the relation of energy diplomacy with national interests and goals of I.R.I, and the obstacles of I.R.I toward achieving the new pattern.

This study examined actor and partner effects of relationship characteristics on people's appraisals of irritations. Dating partners ( N = 135 dyads) reported on characteristics of their relationship once per week for 6 weeks. Results of the longitudinal study indicated that the severity of irritations was positively associated with one's own perceptions of relational uncertainty and interference from partners. In addition, a partner's relational uncertainty, severity of irritations, and directness of communication about irritations were positively associated with the severity of an actor's irritations after controlling for the actor's own perceptions of relationship characteristics. Our findings highlight the complex interdependence that exists between partners involved in courtship.

The future of comparative politics is in doubt. This sub-discipline of political science currently faces a ‘crossroads’ that will determine its nature and role. In this essay, I make a (willfully distorted) plea that it should eschew the alternative of continuing to follow one or another versions of ‘institutionalism’ or that of opting completely for ‘simplification’ based on rational choice. It should embrace the ‘complex interdependence’ of the contemporary political universe and adjust its selection of cases and concepts accordingly. Without pretending to offer a novel paradigm or method. I explore some of the implications of conducting comparative research in this more contingent and less predictable context.

We examine the relationship between the foreign market entry strategy and the subsequent growth of a subsidiary. We build upon the Penrose theory of firm growth, and on the organizational economics, international management, and foreign market entry strategy literatures. We hypothesize that the post-entry growth of acquisitions is positively associated with weak and codifiable interdependence within the multinational enterprise network, whereas the post-entry growth of greenfield investments is positively related to strong and complex interdependence. Empirical findings from a sample of Japanese subsidiaries in the US lend support to our argument. Journal of International Business Studies (2009) 40, 1046–1063. doi:10.1057/jibs.2009.1

Zusammenfassung Unser Aufsatz steht unter der Leitfrage, ob ‚Freiheit’ als ‚negative Freiheit’ eine ausreichende Bestimmung erfahren hat. Anhand von zwei Exponenten des Konzepts von negativer Freiheit − Friedrich August von Hayek und Isaiah Berlin − untersuchen wir zunächst, warum das Konzept der negativen Freiheit im 20. Jahrhundert eine solch starke Privilegierung erfahren konnte. Um dies zu verstehen, suchen wir bewusst den Zusammenhang von Biographie und Denkweg aufzuschließen. Vor diesem Hintergrund entwickeln wir unsere These, dass es des Aufeinanderbezugs von positivem und negativem Freiheitsverständnis bedarf, wenn wir zu einem handlungsrelevanten, ganzheitlichen Freiheitsbegriff gelangen wollen. Aus diesem Spannungsverhältnis speisen sich Dynamik und Unabgeschlossenheit des Nachdenkens über Freiheit. Wir schließen daher mit dem Befund, dass es den Freiheitsbegriff schlechthin nicht geben kann. Stattdessen stehen wir immer wieder neu vor der Aufgabe der harten Arbeit am Begriff.

In a region as fluid and complex as Northeast Asia, Lee Myung-bak's election to the presidency of the Republic of Korea (ROK, or South Korea) will prove to be quite significant. The return of a conservative leader is an important change for Korean politics, and a new factor for regional relationships as well. During the previous two administrations of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, ROK relations with China kept growing rapidly. Both these presidents adopted a "sunshine" policy of reconciliation, cooperation, and peace toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea), especially against the backdrop of the reemerging Korean nuclear crisis. Chinese and South Korean policies largely converged on engaging with Pyongyang and inducing it to denuclearize and to open up. That approach to a great extent helped soften the Bush administration's hard-line stance and hostile policy toward the DPRK. Except for the (unnecessary) controversy over the Koguryo issue, a question of ancient history, that somehow disrupted the China- ROK relationship during 2004-2005, other aspects of the relationship mostly went very well. With a new Lee administration, will that trend continue? Will Seoul and Beijing continue to work together well to denuclearize the Korean peninsula? The Bilateral Tango China is, relatively speaking, unfamiliar with the entrepreneur- turned politician, Lee Myung-bak, who is a former CEO of Hyundai Construction and Engineering and a former mayor of Seoul. For China, what is at stake is a smooth transition of relations with the ROK under a new Korean administration, with the maintenance of continuity and stability. In mid-January 2008, Beijing dispatched Wang Yi, the number-two person in its foreign ministry, to Seoul in the capacity of special envoy of the Chinese government to meet with President-elect Lee and his presidential transition team. The chief purpose of Wang's trip was to become familiar with Lee and his policy thinking as well as to make preparations for a good post-Roh bilateral relationship. Wang Yi passed on President Hu Jintao's congratulations and greetings to Lee. Likewise, President-elect Lee sent his special envoy, former chairwoman of the Grand National Party Park Geun-hye, to Beijing. She carried a letter from Lee to Hu. The Chinese side received her well and President Hu met her in person. The visits were in hope of paving the way for an orderly transition of the China-ROK relationship. China and South Korea are two countries that are becoming increasingly interdependent. This complex interdependence has developed over the past sixteen years since the formal establishment of diplomatic relations in 1992, years that witnessed conspicuous growth in every aspect of their relations. In 2004, China overtook the United States and Japan and became the ROK's largest trading partner, while the ROK became China's thirdbiggest trading partner. According to South Korean government statistics, in 2006 the two-way trade volume exceeded $134 billion, a tremendous growth from $6.3 billion in 1992. In contrast, ROK trade with Japan and the United States was $78.5 billion and $76.8 billion respectively in 2006. Meanwhile, there are approximately 30,000 Korean companies that have invested in China. Their total investment reached $35 billion in April 2007. The two governments have set an objective for bilateral trade to reach $200 billion by 2012.1 Presently, each week there are approximately 800 flights between six South Korean cities and thirty Chinese cities. All these developments show that the relationship has reached such a degree that neither side can afford a dramatic downward spiral. That was why the emotional Koguryo controversy did not and will not undermine the relationship in a fundamental way. The mutually beneficial relationship has further strengthened itself in recent years. During President Hu's visit to the ROK in late 2005, Seoul recognized China's full market economy status. …

The Shiprider Agreement — an important aspect of Jamaica-US bilateral diplomacy — represents the strength of diplomatic engagements that have been used to address the cross-border drug-trafficking problem. To substantiate this claim, this article examines the Jamaica-US Shiprider Agreement on three criteria.First, examining some examples of counter-drug cooperation before the Shiprider Agreement demonstrates that the fundamental basis for the Agreement is premised on a positive Jamaica-US relationship. This relationship, along with the stipulated obligations enshrined in the 1988 Vienna Convention, impelled the United States' proposal of the Shiprider Agreement. Second, the article uses complex interdependence theory to test the negotiation process and the outcome of the Agreement. Findings demonstrate that complex interdependence mainly confirms explanations of the foreign policy outcomes and diplomatic conduct displayed in the Jamaica-US Shiprider case. Finally, the article assesses the breakdown in the negotiation process and the initial implementation phase of the Agreement, arguing that this breakdown must be seen in context given the Agreement's successful ratification and its non-controversial continuation. The article concludes that despite the instances of breakdown, the birth and provision of the judicious Jamaica-US Shiprider Agreement owed much to the success of diplomacy.

Comparative politics has always been schzofrenic. It is a powerful method of analysis and a useful source of information. Both have a promising future, but to realize it both will have to change. This essay explores the dilemmas facing the sub-discipline and suggests some solutions regarding assumptions, concepts and units of analysis and description. One reason for optimism is its globalization and shift from a perspective rooted exclusively in the North and West to an increasing participation of scholars from the South and East.

This chapter will attempt to identify tendencies and proclivities by a number of actors who are protagonistic, or aspire to be such, in the convoluted geopolitical developments of the Eastern Mediterranean and the adjacent region. Questions to be raised include whether Moscow and Ankara can go beyond their material embrace to some kind of more complex interdependence; what could be the — potentially damaging — role of Turkey’s idiosyncratic political culture in Russia-Turkey relations; how far might these developing relations affect negatively Russia’s pragmatic-idealist bonds with Cyprus; what are, after all, Turkey’s overambitious geopolitical designs and how could Cyprus react to Ankara’s gunboat diplomacy and other provocations; how promising is the tripartite association of Cyprus and Greece first with Egypt and then with Israel; what, in the final analysis, can be surmised about American and British geopolitical aspirations and designs vis-a-vis Cyprus, Israel, Egypt, Greece and Turkey; and how does the Russian Federation appear to fit in this grand regional chessboard. The final chapter will explore the immediate implications of all the above for Russia-Cyprus relations.

Like Dewey and Wittgenstein, Foucault is a thinker of the moving horizon, not interested in uncovering universal principles, but rather in understanding the different ways in which humans come to know about themselves and their world and act upon themselves and others: the conditions of possibility of taken-for-granted views and practices. Not all of this knowledge is ethical in any sense of the word, but much of it is. Foucault’s late work, especially volumes 2 and 3 of the History of Sexuality, is often described in terms of being his work on “ethics.” But these late writings present only the culmination of a thick descriptive and historical inquiry into moral personhood, ancient as well as modern. The essential input of his work for a descriptive ethics lies in his capacity to describe the complex interdependence of practices, institutions, values, forms of personhood, and forms of conceptualization. He also exhibits an intense relationship to his own moral present, which is exemplary for a descriptive philosophical ethics.

The theoretical approach of the past chapter frames the European Union on neofunctionalist foundations, which must evolve to a network society based on the complex interdependence imagined by the neoliberals. Moreover, given that recent events have proved that territory is still important in international relations and politics, the European Union must pay attention to it as well, especially considering its uneven development. Even so, society and space have been in constant evolution in the past seven decades, which determined the transformation of Union frontiers as well.

1. IntroductionInternational Political Economy (IPE) emerged as a response to changes that the system underwent in the beginning of the 1970s. These changes were essentially perceived as a crisis of the American hegemony and the new forms of economic relations, represented by the rising multinational corporations and the renewed commercial and financial flows, which burgeoned on the liberalization and deregulation trend. Several theories were formulated in this new field of studies, both with "solving problem" and "critical" orientations, to use Cox's classification. In the first field, the theoretical elaboration began with the Hegemonic Stability Theory (HST) of Kindleberger and Gilpin and later progressed in the direction of the complex interdependence and the "liberal neoinstitutionalism" theories during the 1970s and 1980s. Interesting enough, HST, whose main concern was the preservation of American power and the liberal international capitalist order, was a decisive influence on at least one main theory of the "critical" camp, the World Systems (WS) perspective, especially in the way articulated by Giovanni Arrighi.The HST-WS link demonstrates one underlining association between the original IPE traditions formed in the 1970s: they were all focused on the problems that had an impact on the center of the world capitalist system, and specifically on the United States. In other words, they were two sides of the same debate. However, the conjuncture that was opened by the "crisis of the 1970s" was not only a system-core event, to use WS terminology, but had a decisive influence in the worlds periphery and on the debate about the "development" that raged in Latin America since soon after World War II, animated by the ideas formulated by United Nations Economic Commission on Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC, or in Spanish and Portuguese, CEPAL). In our view, this debate must be viewed as an IPE debate as well, since it involves the relation between power and wealth in the international arena. The wave of changes that began in 1970 affected the development debate through the impact that liberalization had on the dismantling of "Developmental States." This, together with the repressive tone that dominated "developmentalism" in its later stages, especially in Brazil, led to the formulation and dissemination of the dependency theories by the Marxists, as well as several attempts to reform the structuralist theory.Today, it is important to acknowledge the fact that virtually all the currents mentioned above, originated in the crisis of the 1970s, were severely contested by the events and trends that dominated the systemic conjuncture opened by that crisis. In that sense, HST and WS failed to account for the continuation of American power, the same problem that complex interdependence and neoliberal institutionalism faced. The latter still struggles with the additional failure of liberalization and international organizations to promote, even in moderated and tonedown forms, democracy, development, and equality throughout the world, as it had predicted. The same disconnection between theory, reality, and political projects and outcomes plagues the periphery perspectives originated during the 1970s and 1980s, which saw its hopes for socialist revolution or egalitarian and autonomous capitalist development systematically frustrated. Simultaneously with the crisis of the theoretical-political intellectual traditions of the IPE, which are part of a larger liberal-illuminist tradition of thought strongly informed by the notion of historical progress and modernity, we observe a strengthening of what was frequently classified, by that tradition, as pre-modern or dated phenomena, such as geopolitical competition, religious movements, and nationalism. This strengthens the need for a deep theoretical innovation, which goes beyond the classical illuminist paradigm, and its modern representatives, Marxism and liberalism. …

This article conducts a reading of Margaret Mahy’s fiction in the light of her dual professions of children's writer and librarian, a discussion executed through the prism of the writings of another writer-librarian, Jorge Luis Borges. The complex interdependence of the need for 'orderly containment' and the impulse to resist linguistic and imaginative constraints are examined in the light of both writers' work.

This conclusion chapter presents some closing thoughts of the concepts covered in preceding chapters of this book. The book considered complex interdependence as an element of inter-regional relations, and outlined the importance of economics as the primary driver of convergence. It outlined the importance of regions in the international system and the role that regions can and do play in the shaping of the international order. The rapid economic rise of East/Southeast Asia, and indeed of the BRICS, has put concerns about the process of systemic shift and its consequences for international power and global governance at the centre of debate. While the Middle East's many crises are well-known and they habitually spill over to affect the global canvas, and so far East Asian countries have managed to leave the regions to the USA and its Western allies to manage, far less attention has been paid to the ways in which East Asia's security dilemmas could destabilize pan-Asian relations.

The concept of vulnerability was introduced into IR theorising by Keohane and Nye who saw it as one of the consequences of complex interdependence and it is being increasingly employed by IGOs to capture the impact of globalisation on society. However, the concept has been little used in the academic literature on globalisation, except in a descriptive sense. This article argues that the concept has the potential to fill a gap in the toolkit of the ‘new’ IPE, offering an analytical category that can capture the distinctive impact of globalisation on society more adequately than other concepts that are more widely used. The article begins by surveying how the concept has been used by Keohane and Nye and by IGOs. It then offers a definition and illustrates the application of the concept by describing some of the principal ways in which globalisation is increasing risk and eroding coping mechanisms. It goes on to argue that the concept of vulnerability captures in a fuller way the distinctive social...

INTRODUCTIONIt is famously said of the Balkan countries that they produce more history than they can consume. From the 19205 on, the discourse of European international relations drew on similar imagery in distinguishing between countries that were producers of security and those that were consumers. The Balkans could be said then, as more recently, to exemplify regions of the world that both produce history and consume security in ruinous excess.In the interwar years, that vivid language served to draw an almost civilizational demarcation between the western and central Europe of the great powers, and that unruly, semi-oriental south-eastern quarter of the continent where the Great War had been sparked-a demarcation promptly shown to be illusory by the events of the 19303. Since the end of the Cold War, however, that language has returned, if sometimes only as an eerie echo of the past.The Europe increasingly encompassed by the European Union (EU), marked by unprecedented levels of complex interdependence and innovative forms of collective governance among its member-states, is often described as a part of the international system that has achieved a kind of Kantian state of grace. It is a collection of liberal democracies that have effectively ruled out the use of force in settling their differences with one another.Two points seem to follow from this condition. The first is that a group of relatively capable states with few, if any, classic security issues with each other are likely to become-individually or collectively-producers and exporters of security to the world outside. As a European export, security can be expected to flow primarily to areas of strategic and economic interest to the major EU powers-notably their immediate neighbourhoods in the former Soviet Union, the Balkans, and the Mediterranean basin. And in response to demand-humanitarian and other-it may be exported to lower-priority areas farther afield.The second point is that this zone of peace, or security community, probably comes closest to what Francis Fukuyama was thinking of in the early 19905 when-a bit prematurely as it turned out-he wrote of the "end of history."' What he meant was that there were no more great doctrinal divisions abroad that would drive peoples to or over the brink of war-civil or international. If that has emphatically not proven to be so for most of the world, some Europeans claim that, in this narrow sense at least, their continent has indeed come to the end of history-with much relief and self-congratulation, it must be added. Robert Cooper has found a less dramatic but equally provocative way of making a similar assertion: to describe the EU as a cluster of post-modern states is to say, in effect, that those states have ceased to produce history.2Thinking of the EU in this way, as a zone of peace and postmodemity, gratefully short on new history but with a surfeit of security ready for export, recalls the powerful image invoked by Goldgeier and McFaul: a Kantian core of wealthy, democratic states in whose relations with each other war is no longer an option, and a Hobbesian periphery of premodern (weak, failed, dysfunctional) and modern (classic Westphalian) states for which civil and international violence remains a plausible expectation, if not a perpetual condition.3BEFORE MAASTRICHT: EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND AFRICAN SECURITYLet me now turn these general reflections to a more specific use, in considering the relationship between Europe and Africa. If Africa may be said to be generating history-largely of the tragic, cyclical sort often associated with the Balkans-and requiring the provision of security in large measure from outside, must it-and can it-rely on Europe to be its chief provider?An attempt to answer this question must of necessity leave aside the question of historic responsibility for the current insecurity and instability of so many African states. …

Objective To investigate the implementation process of cognitive pharmaceutical services (CPS) in ‘professionally active’ pharmacies in Denmark; to describe the factors that influence the implementation process in the context of organisational theory. Method Twenty semi-structured interviews were conducted with pharmacy staff and owners in ‘professionally active’ pharmacies from 16 community pharmacies in Denmark. Key findings Fifty-one factors that influence the implementation process were identified. Based on their content and relationships, the factors were categorised into nine ‘common sense’ dimensions: network and relations with the environment; the environment's expectations and pressure for change; barriers to implementation of CPS; competence in relation to CPS; organising the pharmacy for provision of CPS; culture of the pharmacy; resources within the pharmacy; management within the pharmacy; the role of the pharmacy. Subsequently the 51 factors were categorised and described in relation to Leavitt's model of an organisation. Conclusion Implementation of CPS in the pharmacy is a very complex process, which is unique to the individual pharmacy. The model formed a relevant basis for describing the factors, and the theoretical analysis showed a complex interdependence of the factors identified in the study. Many interdependent factors influence the process and this has to be taken into account in designing future models for implementation of CPS. Such models should support comprehensive and flexible strategies that can be adapted to the dynamics of the individual organisation.

Much of IT research focuses on issues of adoption and adaptation of established technology artifacts by users and organizations and has neglected issues of how new technologies come into existence and evolve. To fill this gap, this paper depicts a complex picture of technology evolution to illustrate the development of Web browser technology. Building on actor‐network theory as a basis for studying complex technology evolution processes, it explores the emergence of the browser using content analysis techniques on archival data from 1993‐1998. Identifies three processes of inscribing, translating, and framing that clarify how actors acted and reacted to each other and to the emergent technological definition of the browser. This spiral development pattern incorporates complex interplay between base beliefs about what a browser is, artifacts that are the instantiation of those beliefs, evaluation routines that compare the evolving artifact to collective expectations, and strategic moves that attempt to skew the development process to someone's advantage. This approach clarifies the complex interdependence of disparate elements that over time produced the Web browser as it is known today.

The economic integration of North America has deepened with the creation of NAFTA. Border interdependence has created mechanisms that are cementing the mutual interaction that border cities have with each other. Yet, the emerging new policies of U.S. homeland security will require important adjustments in border areas and in the interaction with Mexico and Canada. This essay examines the challenges of border towns in coping with demands related to security and how these issues are presented by their news media. Security policies represent a paradigm shift of border interaction that illustrates that the relationship between the U.S. with Mexico and Canada is entering a new stage of complex interdependence. To ensure proper implementation, Mexico will need to make significant structural adjustments and lessons from the Canada‐U.S. relation that may serve as templates are explored.

Individuals differ in the manner they approach decision making, namely their decision-making styles. While some people typically make all decisions fast and without hesitation, others invest more effort into deciding even about small things and evaluate their decisions with much more scrutiny. The goal of the present study was to explore the relationship between decision-making styles, perfectionism and emotional processing in more detail. Specifically, 300 college students majoring in social studies and humanities completed instruments designed for assessing maximizing, decision commitment, perfectionism, as well as emotional regulation and control. The obtained results indicate that maximizing is primarily related to one dimension of perfectionism, namely the concern over mistakes and doubts, as well as emotional regulation and control. Furthermore, together with the concern over mistakes and doubts, maximizing was revealed as a significant predictor of individuals' decision commitment. The obtained findings extend previous reports regarding the association between maximizing and perfectionism and provide relevant insights into their relationship with emotional regulation and control. They also suggest a need to further explore these constructs that are, despite their complex interdependence, typically investigated in separate contexts and domains.

Food, energy, and water use are closely linked. Water production requires energy, energy production utilizes water, and food production requires both water and energy! This complex interdependence called the water-energy-food nexus (WEF), was identified and explored in detail at the World Economic Forums in Davos from 2008 to 2013. The WEF nexus is likely to be intensified and negatively impacted by forecasts for increasing global populations, rising urbanization and affluence, and the associated increased demands on food production. Projections for climate change create additional challenges and pressures for the WEF nexus. In order to transition toward sustainability and WEF security a global change in thinking is required with detailed place-based planning and meaningful cooperation across nations and regions.

Diversity has many benefits, but it brings difficulties that bring unease, tax cognition and heighten prediction-error. While cognitive science is increasingly consensual on the matter, there is little knowledge on how such costs are handled pragmatically in 'real world' interactions. This article presents a case study of urban development and roots it in supervening disciplines studying how people organize what goes on around them. Co-design by disparate, interdependent parties generated difficulty by disrupting routines of inference, representing and acting. It took two decades to decide the buildings' traits. We suggest pragmatic tactics used in non-routine cooperation serviceable to a cognitive need for fluency and coherence at low costs of attention. The typical actions found in response to difficulty included outsourcing to experts, imposing rules, and substituting make-believe. Sometimes difficulty was desired as a decoy and parties created confusion.

Predictive assessment of the risk of developing cardiovascular diseases is usually provided by computational approaches centred on Cox models. The complex interdependence structure underlying clinical data patterns can limit the performance of Cox analysis and complicate the interpretation of results, thus calling for complementary and integrative methods. Prognostic models are proposed for studying the risk associated with patients with known or suspected coronary artery disease (CAD) undergoing vasodilator stress echocardiography, an established technique for CAD detection and prognostication. In order to complement standard Cox models, network inference is considered a possible solution to quantify the complex relationships between heterogeneous data categories. In particular, a mutual information network is designed to explore the paths linking patient-associated variables to endpoint events, to reveal prognostic factors and to identify the best possible predictors of death. Data from a prospective, multicentre, observational study are available from a previous study, based on 4313 patients (2532 men; 64±11 years) with known ( n =1547) or suspected ( n =2766) CAD, who underwent high-dose dipyridamole (0.84 mg kg −1 over 6 min) stress echocardiography with coronary flow reserve (CFR) evaluation of left anterior descending (LAD) artery by Doppler. The overall mortality was the only endpoint analysed by Cox models. The estimated connectivity between clinical variables assigns a complementary value to the proposed network approach in relation to the established Cox model, for instance revealing connectivity paths. Depending on the use of multiple metrics, the constraints of regression analysis in measuring the association strength among clinical variables can be relaxed, and identification of communities and prognostic paths can be provided. On the basis of evidence from various model comparisons, we show in this CAD study that there may be characteristic factors involved in prognostic stratification whose complexity suggests an exploration beyond the analysis provided by the still fundamental Cox approach.

Climate change and its negative effects on the developing states are a reality of which there is a need to focus on likely mitigation and adaptive strategies to ensure sustainable development. Industrial development back to the 17th century and natural influence could be said to be responsible for the present environmental crisis the global system is contending with. Because of the need for the polluters not to pay for the damage caused by their economic development path, they contended that anthropogenic effects of climate change could not be substantiated. Small state is dangerous, more so when it is strategically located. Lesotho, a small state within South Africa (SA), but of more importance to the Pretoria government in the era of climate change as the state is a source of water supply for the industrial heart-beat of South Africa which implies that the effects of climate change in the state will have direct influence on the survival of the relatively industrially developed neighbor. As much as solutions to climate change is a global approach, there is a need for Lesotho to put in place domestic policies and parliamentary acts, expectedly in line with South Africa’s for sustainable development. Degree of vulnerability and sensitivity of the two states brings about this paper and its linkage to the concept of complex interdependence in the era of globalization.

This study examines the effects of global integration on firm-level corporate social responsibility signaling. Building on complex interdependence theory and institutional theory, we propose that i...

The growing evidence of Chinese government complicity in commercial cyber espionage and theft of intellectual property, costing the United States billions of dollars, has blurred the distinction between the geopolitical and economic realms, complicating an already complex relationship. Yet, China’s cyber activity takes place in the context of an extensive economic interdependence between the two countries that may be seen as a source of stability in the relationship. Taking into consideration the economic interdependence between the United States and China, the rise of China as a potential global power, and the threat of state-sponsored malicious cyber activity, the major question driving this thesis is: What does China’s cyber behavior tell us about the role of economic interdependence in U.S.-China relations? This thesis applies the complex interdependence framework to demonstrate that China has systematically conducted cyber-enabled economic espionage against the United States in an effort to shift the economic balance of power. Furthermore, this thesis shows China’s ability to use asymmetric interdependence as a source of power and instrument of political coercion and prove its willingness to use these instruments against the United States. Finally, this thesis reasons that if China continues its persistent cyber espionage campaign, it would indicate that the potential costs of its cyber programs outweigh the benefits of its relationship with the United States. http://archive.org/details/arisingchinashif1094544593 Major, United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

The question of international cooperation was first discussed by mainstream International Relations (IR) theories in the 1960s and 1970s with the emergence of neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism, and complex interdependence theory. However, the debate remained confined to the rationalist paradigm, with neorealism being one of the main interlocutors. Attempts to move beyond cooperation and to deal with stable peace, security communities, and interstate trust and friendship from a different paradigm have only been more recent developments, and today constitute a growing literature.1

Whose responsibility is it to tackle climate change? ‘Everyone’s and no one’s’, we might glibly reply. Responsibility is diffused across scales, social groups, sectors, countries and generations. The causes of climate change are implicated in everyday acts of production and consumption and relate to the ways in which societies organise their transportation, housing, energy, water and food systems. Recognising the complex and diffuse agencies and authorities that address climate change, the world of climate politics is no longer limited to the activities of national governments, international organisations and interstate bargaining between states. Increasingly, subnational governments, non-governmental organisations, businesses and individuals are taking responsibility into their own hands, experimenting with bold new approaches to the governance of climate change (Betsill & Bulkeley 2004; Andonova, Betsill & Bulkeley 2009; Selin & VanDeveer 2009b; Bulkeley & Newell 2010; Hoffmann 2011; Bulkeley et al. 2013). The governance of climate change now takes a seemingly bewildering array of forms: carbon markets, certification standards, voluntary workplace schemes, emissions registries, carbon labelling, urban planning codes and so on. Critical to this transformation of the politics of climate change has been the emergence of new forms of transnational governance that cut across traditional state-based jurisdictions, operate across public-private divides and seek to develop new approaches and techniques through which responses are developed. What sets these initiatives apart from other forms of transnational relations is how they not only influence others, but also how they directly intervene in the governing of global affairs in ways that defy conventional understandings of international relations.

The increasing pace of globalization is impacting numerous cities across the United States. The imperatives of complex interdependence and the progressive internationalization of production have been particularly important stimuli. Moreover, the increasing professionalization of local governments makes them better equipped to handle an active international role. As the forces of globalization penetrate deeper into communities, local leaders find themselves resorting to symbolic or “conscious-raising” measures designed to heighten international sensitivities and awareness. Economic interests are also pivotal in forging bilateral foreign contacts and accords initiated at the local level. Of particular significance is the horizontal restructuring of private-public sector relationships. Finally, a case study of Charlotte illustrates both the variety of forces pushing cities to respond to globalization and the considerable constraints that still exist upon such efforts.

Economic globalisation and the subsequent growth of global and alliance capitalism have fundamentally affected the way in which MNC activities are undertaken and organised. The various contributions to this special issue have evaluated the eclectic paradigm in the global economy, and its validity as a theoretical basis to understand these developments. This paper places these contributions into context. We highlight that globalisation has increased the interactive dynamics between and among 'O', 'L' and 'I' characteristics at firm, industry and country level, in at least two ways. First, a knowledge-based society has meant that the efficient exploitation of MNCs' ownership advantages and the continual need to augment and sustain their competitive advantages is ever more crucial, leading to a complex interdependence between ownership and location advantages. Second, globalisation has affected how MNCs seek to organise their cross-border activities coherently in response to changing boundaries of the firm. ...

Since the initiation of major development projects, riparians of the Euphrates-Tigris river system, namely Turkey, Syria and Iraq, have begun utilizing those water resources under conditions of complex interdependence. A number of crises have occurred in the basin due to the lack of regularized consultation mechanisms among the riparians. Nevertheless, there have been notable efforts to build up a negotiation framework for data sharing and project coordination. The article describes the negotiation mechanisms and processes between Turkey, Syria and Iraq, as well as the bottlenecks and opportunities that exist over utilizing the waters of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. Negotiations over the water issues involved, both at the technical level and higher levels, have been suspended since the mid-1990s. The article asserts that there is a need to revitalize these negotiations. A clear understanding of the respective rights and obligations of the three riparians as well as an objective definition of such needs are prerequisites for sustaining the negotiation process. The article concludes by elaborating on the modalities of institution building that would facilitate negotiations over the use of the waters of the Euphrates-Tigris river system.

Within the former Yugoslavia, the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) of the OSCE has focused his attention on the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Croatia, with a brief involvement in Kosovo. While on‐going, the HCNM's involvement in these situations and others permits reflection on certain experiences. Attention is drawn especially to the underlying issues of such conflicts and also to the social and political transitions taking place ‐ in terms of particular states (from socialist to open societies) and in terms of the wider European society confronting the reality of complex interdependence. In this relation, the OSCE notion of ‘comprehensive security’ and the HCNM's principled, problem‐solving approach are valued.

Urban designers and planners face three abiding challenges in their everyday work: (1) in a world of complex interdependence, they must learn to negotiate effectively; (2) in a world in which central planning is suspect and the authority of planners contested, they must often learn to facilitate public participation, if not more ambitious consensus-building; and (3) in a world of limited knowledge, extensive uncertainty and ample ambiguity, they must learn to make practically-pitched, well-informed public deliberations work effectively. These problems and strategies of solution are explored by considering closely the reflections of two prominent Israeli design professionals.

Although A New World Order clearly emerges from Slaughter's study of international organizations and institutions, scholars who are more inclined toward security studies will be equally intrigued by her analysis. More specifically, scholars interested in the structure of the international system, globalization, international institutions, global governance, democracy, and accountability will find much here to challenge them. Accessibly written and addressed to both an academic and wider audiences, the book could be effectively employed in both undergraduate and graduate classrooms. Although clearly informed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye's (1977) work on complex interdependence and a neoliberal worldview and value structure, A New World Order also provides a broader constructivist view of world order. Slaughter embarks on a descriptive and prescriptive project with the concept of "disaggregated state" and the role of international networks at its center. As she explains, "appreciating the extent and nature of existing government networks makes it possible to envision a genuinely new world order" (p. 15). The disaggregated state assumption (that is, the idea that governments are "aggregations of distinct institutions with separate roles and capacities") is necessary, she argues, because "the analytical lens of the unitary state obscures the very existence of these different government institutions" (p. 13). The first half of the book provides the empirical foundation for these assertions. Through a series of examples, Slaughter describes the increasing number of governmental networks, which constitute "a pattern of regular and purposive relations among like government units working across the borders that divide countries from one another and that demarcate the 'domestic' from the 'international' sphere" (p. 14). These networks connect international actors horizontally (across national governments) and vertically (between supranational officials and national officials). To establish the importance of governance networks, Slaughter provides examples of networks that link regulators (the "new diplomats"), judges, and legislatures. She examines each type of network by outlining what is "new" about their

A rationale is a reasoned narrative used to justify a norm or set of norms; in turn, it determines the expectations that one holds from the law and provides a framework in which complementary norms are bargained. This article proposes a reflection on the elusive rationale for international climate law. Its first, analytical claim is that there is currently no consensus on such a rationale – an absence likely to impede climate negotiations. References to “equity,” “common but differentiated responsibilities” and “respective capabilities” in existing climate law provide insufficient guidance to ongoing negotiations, reflecting an agreement to disagree rather than a common vision. The construction of a rationale is prevented by protracted disputes regarding the ethical grounds relevant to climate law and by the ambivalence of national interests, which are essentially social constructs. A second, normative claim of this article is that the rationale for climate law should be construed as a hybrid narrative reconciling moral aspirations with pragmatic constraints. Thus, it is submitted that the concept of complex interdependence could be applied to climate change to emphasize existing national interests in fostering global sustainable development. Although important debates remain, complex interdependence provides essential guidance by calling states to take moral arguments into account, in their own interest – when such arguments are widely accepted by civil societies – in order to avoid human destitution and resentment and to preclude the possibility of disastrous consequences on international peace and security.

This paper explores the relationship between national institutional context and the development of biotechnology in the United States, United Kingdom, Japan and Germany. National patterns in biotechnology R&D are linked to the configuration of county-specific institutional features into a system of innovation which supports (or impedes) the accumulation and diffusion of knowledge between the scientific and industrial communities. Building on this comparative analysis, it is argued that the particular characteristics of national systems of biotechnology innovation form the basis for complex interdependence within the global system, through international technological cooperation and the cross-border adoption and adaptation of institutional forms and practices. Implications for national technological advantage and the stability of national institutional systems are discussed.© 1997 JIBS. Journal of International Business Studies (1997) 28, 241–266

Classic works in International Relations (IR) can emerge in a variety of ways. Some classics introduce a new paradigm that explains complex phenomena better than previous efforts. Others revive neglected but important ideas and claims. Still others hit the tenor of the times and speak to immediate challenges facing global politics. Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye’s Power and Interdependence (PI), first published in 1977, is indeed a classic for all of these reasons.2 Unlike some of the works discussed in this volume, Keohane and Nye’s work was promptly hailed as a classic. Two of the leading IR journals published article-length reviews of PI shortly after its publication. In International Organization, Kal Holsti surmised that this book may ‘prove to be one of the most significant writings in international relations theory of the past two decades’.3In an extensive review published in World Politics, Stanley Michalak referred to PI as ‘a groundbreaking work … that will have a long-term impact on the ways in which teachers and scholars conceptualize international phenomena’.4 Both of these reviewers were prescient. The themes and puzzles presented in PI continue to shape our thinking on globalization, international trade, regime formation and change, non-state actors as well as the nature of power and military force in the global realm. PI was an early collaboration between two young scholars who would both becomeranked among the most influential in the field of IR. When IR scholars were recently asked ‘whose work has had the greatest influence on the field of IR in the past 20 years’ Robert O. Keohane was ranked first and Joseph S. Nye was ranked sixth.5 Their high standing in the field rests in no small part on the enduring influence of PI and the ways in which it deviated from the standard realist approach. The degree of realist dominance in the decades prior to PI cannot be overstated. In the mid-1950s Hans J. Morgenthau’s Politics Among Nations, the subject of Chapter 7 in this volume, was ‘used by more North American university-level instructors than all competing texts in international politics combined’.6 The discipline’s reliance on realist theory was rigorously documented by John Vasquez. Vasquez demonstrated how realist theory informed more than 90 per cent of the hypotheses tested by IR scholars up to the 1970s.7 In this context of realist dominance, Keohane and Nye offered a timely contrast. The events of the 1970s seemed to shake the foundations of political realism. The US inability to prevail in Vietnam despite overwhelming military capabilities was particularly troubling for many political realists. Power, especially military power, was not as fungible as realists had expected. The oil embargo initiated by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1972 further highlighted the changing nature of power in the global system by demonstrating how militarily weak states could still wield considerable influence. The global economic crisis brought on by the collapseof the Bretton Woods system showed that even the hegemon was vulnerable in an interdependent world. Finally, the emergence of new issues of global environmental management and questions of global governance of seabed resources raised a new set of problems that realism could not address. Collectively, these real-world events posed serious challenges to the realist paradigm. PI effectively responded to this series of crises that beset world politics in the 1970s. In their Preface to the first edition, Keohane and Nye admit that they ‘soon became uneasy about this one-sided [realist] view of reality, particularly about its inadequate analysis of economic integration and of the roles played by formal and informal international institutions’ (p. v). Keohane and Nye set out to address these inadequacies by clarifying the concept of complex interdependence and to show how complex interdependence contributes to the rise of international regimes in a variety of issue areas. Their case studies examined international monetary affairs and global management of the oceans. They also devoted chapters to the cooperative bilateral relationships between the USA and Canada and the USA and Australia. These cases demonstrate how growing interdependence undermines the efficacy of military power and imposes layers of complexity on global politics that are not acknowledged by realism. I will begin reviewing the central claims and contentions made in PI and how theseclaims challenged mainstream IR in the 1970s. I will then critically explore Keohane and Nye’s later efforts to graft PI onto neorealist theory rather than highlighting how their ideas challenge realist expectations. I argue that this obscures the close relationship between PI and long-standing liberal internationalist themes in IR. I conclude by exploring the significant and enduring legacy of PI in the study of IR.

This paper presents a test of a "role-rusk fit" model of intra-group conflict. The model confirms a complex interdependence between conflicts which are the outcomes of imbalances between the indivi...

The interorganisational networks are important in economic life, by facilitating the complex interdependence between transactional and cooperative organisations. A new type of innovation begins to emerge; concerns about social issues begin to appear and to be important for organisations, called social innovation. This study proposes an investigation to prove that when companies organise in networks and use social innovation in a productive system gets economic and social gain. The object of study is a case study of Milk Producers Association of Fartura, Sao Paulo. This case study showed that association of producers is a social innovation because the association of producers brought social and economic benefits for a community; there have been new products and processes in order to innovate the marketing and production of lasting and sustainable milk.

This article employs an interpretive approach to explore New Labour's use of social scientific theories in developing its foreign policy. After situating New Labour in the broad tradition of social democracy, it outlines the beliefs that most social democrats shared about the values of internationalism, international community and moral leadership. Taking these concepts in turn, the article then considers how New Labour modified their content in response to issues raised by ‘New Times’. In so doing, it problematizes New Labour's responses by revealing that they drew on ideas taken from complex interdependence theory, communitarianism and democratic peace theory respectively. The article then examines how these theories, in conjunction with the reformulation of its foreign policy, influenced New Labour's transformation of the three values, before concluding with a brief examination of the dilemmas arising from this process.

Este artículo es un análisis basado en los resultados de un proyecto de investigación de carácter descriptivo y explicativo que retoma la controversia surgida en las últimas décadas sobre la construcción de la Ruta Panamericana en el Tapón del Darién, donde hace más de 30 años este proyecto ha estado estancado por el conflicto de intereses entre los grupos involucrados. El objetivo es mostrar, desde la perspectiva teórica de la interdependencia compleja, que la culminación de la Ruta Panamericana en la Región del Darién proporciona una infraestructura vial conjunta que facilita el proceso de integración continental, al tiempo que beneficia las relaciones de Colombia y Panamá y su influencia en Suramérica, partiendo de la premisa según la cual la unión de territorios afines garantiza las dimensiones necesarias para ejercer un alto grado de poder político y económico. This article is an analysis based on the results of a descriptive and explanatory research project which take up again the controversy arisen in the last decades about the construction of the Pan-American Highway in The Darien Gap, where this project has been stalled for more than 30 years because of the conflict of interests between the groups involved. The aim is to show, from the theoretical perspective of the complex interdependence, that the construction of the Pan-American Highway in the Darien Gap provides a joint road infrastructure that makes easier the continental integration, at the same time it benefits the relations between Colombia and Panama and its influence in South America, according to the premise that the cooperation between related territories ensures the necessary dimensions to develop a high degree of economic and political power.

China and India, demographically being the two largest countries in the world, are together accounting for more than a third of the world’s total population. This makes the Sino-Indian relationship critical not only for those living in China and India, but for the whole world. Regardless of a history filled with conflicts and a contemporary competition over regional influence have the two Asian powers managed to increasingly deepen their economic ties. Even though the relationship seems to be moving in a more peaceful direction of mutual understanding and cooperation, it is still a very fragile relationship. The focus of this research lies in the contemporary Sino-Indian relations, which aims to understand the role trade and cooperation have had in moving the attention away from security-related issues on to more positive fields. The empirical observations that will be tested in the case of Sino-Indian relations are the border dispute at Arunachal Pradesh and the political and economic interdependence. Together these will represent the empirical foundation of the research, which will be tested and interpreted by the neo-realist and neo-liberal perspective. The concluding remarks on the research is that trade and cooperation unlikely is the main factor in the Sino-Indian relationship, preventing or reducing attention from being given to security-related issues, but should rather be seen as the foundational source on which a process towards confidence-building measures, institutions, mutual interests and a political goodwill has been established.

This article investigates the influence of Saudi Arabia on aspects of Islamic social, political, and economic life in Turkey. Since the 1970s, long before the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) of today, Turkish-Saudi Arabian relations have been characterized by an increasing degree of cooperation, solidarity, and partnership centered on certain economic, diplomatic, social, and cultural activities with a good deal of Islamic content. Turkey's orientation toward the Middle East in general and Saudi Arabia in particular traces to the global oil crisis that started in 1973 and its severe effects on the Turkish economy; it also stems from some of Turkey's foreign policy goals with regard to the Cyprus issue and its relations with regional and global actors. Examples of Saudi influence have included the involvement of Saudi-based non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and multinational corporations (MNCs) in Turkey, Turkey's membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), and Turkish labor migration to Saudi Arabia, with a spillover effect in a wide range of other arenas. This particular aspect of Turkish-Saudi Arabian relations is analyzed using the theory of complex interdependence, which underscores the importance of economic, social, and cultural issues in international relations in addition to that of traditional political, diplomatic, and military goals. Islam in Turkey has usually been studied with a focus on its various political, social, cultural, and economic aspects. A systematic examination of some extraneous factors that have impinged upon these aspects throughout the Turkish Republican era can offer a new perspective. Some of these extraneous factors, all of which have influenced Islam in Turkey, include the Cold War and the bipolar global political structure; US support for religious movements to fight against communism; the establishment of a Jewish state in the Middle East and the Palestinian Intifada; the 1973 oil crisis and Saudi Arabian international Islamic activism; the Iranian Revolution and Iranian international Islamic activism; jihadist movements in Afghanistan and the Caucasus; and labor immigration to Europe and the Middle East. The purpose of this article is to offer a theoretical and empirical analysis of the Saudi Arabian factor, among others. What are the main arenas of Islamic life in Turkey in which Saudi Arabia has been involved, and in what ways has this constituted a major variable? Who are the main actors? Has Saudi Arabia promoted "Islamic fundamentalism" in Turkey as it is sometimes claimed? This article analyzes these issues from the perspective of the theory of complex interdependence, which argues that international relations is not only driven by security matters, but also by various economic, social, cultural, ecological, and other concerns in varying degrees, as influenced by a plethora of actors that may include members of diplomatic missions, transnational and trans-governmental organizations, intergovernmental organizations, individual persons, etc., and which may take place through official and unofficial channels. Turkish-Saudi Arabian relations have been characterized by an increasing tone of rapprochement, cooperation, and solidarity beginning in the 1970s, with occasional fluctuations, and relying on some commonly shared historical and cultural values in addition to the awareness of shared economic and diplomatic interests related to the 1973 Arab-Israeli War and ensuing global oil crisis, the Cyprus issue, and problems of the Turkish population in Bulgaria, as well as the questions of the Israeli occupation of Jerusalem and the Palestinian Intifada. A common theme in most of these areas is the shared Islamic identity of Turkey and Saudi Arabia. While the aforementioned issues led to closer relations in the 1970s and 1980s, the growing cooperation has remained in effect to the present. The Theory of Complex Interdependence Explained "Complex interdependence" offers a refinement and synthesis of traditionalist (realist) and modernist (idealist) theories of international relations, with an argument that neither of these two schools presents a complete picture of global politics and that in a progressively more sophisticated global political environment, a more accurate view could be developed through their amalgamation. …