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Background & Statement of the problem: Islamic Education textbook in Jordan and Palestine stems from one philosophy and approximate sources, mainly when in relation to the Islamic religion; therefore, this study compares the extent to which woman’s rights in Islam is included in the textbook of the two countries. Objectives: Identifying woman’s rights in Islam as included in the curriculum of Islamic Education for the middle school in Jordan and Palestine. Methods: Content analysis of Islamic education textbooks for (seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth grades) in Jordan and Palestine, in light of the developed content analysis list which validity and reliability were verified. Results: The total number of woman’s rights frequency in Islam as included in Islamic Education textbooks for (seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth grades) in Jordan was (125), and (137) in Palestine. In both countries, the domain of social rights was in the first place, followed by human rights, financial rights, and finally, civil and political rights. As for including these rights, tenth grade was in the first place, then ninth grade, followed by eighth grade, and finally seventh grade in the two countries. Conclusions (Recommendations and contributions): The study recommends focus on the necessity of paying more attention to the level of impeding these rights in Islamic Education textbooks in Jordan and Palestine, and reconsidering woman’s subsidiary rights which didn’t receive sufficient repetition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates the failure of African constitutionalism to accompany the evolution of women's civil and political rights on the continent in an equal manner, to the extent that the law has presented itself as an instrument for maintaining power. It guarantees social and political privileges to men, who use cultural pretexts to reaffirm their hegemonic position as the only universal subject and who, at the same time, determine ways of legitimizing patriarchal, sexist and misogynist normativity, conveyed by a phallocentric discourse that limits various rights to women, victims of a policy and legal narrative linked to compulsory maternity, the reducibility of negative freedoms and the non-inclusion of women in the democratic process. This situation ends up affecting reproductive rights, the right to development, the right to work, the right to political participation and the right to participate at state level. On the other hand, there is a naturalization of androcentric and macho culture, which has contributed to high levels of domestic and sexual violence. The article calls for legislative, hermeneutic and public policy communication that can be triggered by African constitutionalism, with a view to achieving gender justice in African states, reversing the structural dimension of naturalized sexism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela establishes the State-society relationship as a transversal axis, made possible through the presence of greater spaces for citizen participation that act in the defense and guarantee of social, civil and political rights. This article identifies these spaces in the field of housing through the actions managed since the 1960s and, particularly, those carried out through the "Great Housing Mission in Venezuela". This article identifies these spaces in the field of housing through the actions managed since the sixties and, particularly, those carried out through the "Great Housing Mission Venezuela" which, without a doubt, has become a social program that promotes the emergence of new leaderships through organizational figures and the involvement of citizens in addressing collective issues that interfere and provide a better quality of life. Through a qualitative approach, with the objective of understanding the role of the citizen in this social program, an approach is presented in the identified spaces for citizen participation. This is analyzed with the understanding that participation seeks to give prominence and co-responsibility to the individual, organized communities and associative entities in the management of public affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the tension between Cherokee and American views of citizenship and belonging. It argues that the traditional understanding of citizenship is not suitable for understanding tribal membership and that a more accurate comparison requires placing American and indigenous thought on equal footing. The authors explore the Cherokee regime and its conception of membership, highlighting the importance of clan membership and kinship bonds in Cherokee society. They also discuss the communal obligations and hospitality ethic that governed Cherokee life. The article concludes by comparing Cherokee and American regimes through an Aristotelian lens to interpret the tension between the two as rooted in their differing views of the good life. [Extracted from the article]

The central purpose of this investigation was to determine the scope of compliance that the adoption of conventional guarantees in Colombian administrative disciplinary law has had, within the framework of popularly elected public servants, since the issuance of the ruling Petro Urrego vs. Colombia in 2020. In this way, this research was methodologically based on a qualitative approach with analytical-explanatory scope, which from a hermeneutical point of view breaks down a set of legal arguments that allow us to glimpse the scope of the current reform of the Law. 1952 of 2019 by Law 2094 of 2021, regarding compliance with the guarantees required by paragraph 2 of article 23 of the American Convention on Human Rights, with regard to the adoption of disciplinary sanctions that restrict political rights to employees public elections. In that sense, the result of this research led to offering legal elements that would allow strengthening the institutional order of the authorities that are in charge of the exercise of the disciplinary function, since it makes known and better understood the current reality of administrative disciplinary law in the face of the need to inexorably incorporate conventional guarantees into the Colombian disciplinary system, as well as to satisfy their effective application and compliance, otherwise multiple lawsuits and possible sentences would be filed in the future against the Colombian State for non-compliance with them. From the above, it is concluded that it is pertinent to have competent judicial authorities with autonomy, independence and absolute impartiality, who administer the full disciplinary function in Colombia, in compliance with the international standards adopted to sanction public servants, especially those of popular election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the importance of access to previously classified materials in the field of diplomatic history, particularly in relation to the Cold War period. It discusses the efforts made by organizations like the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations and the National Security Archive to ensure access to classified materials. The article also examines the significance of public-facing foreign policy statements, such as presidential doctrines, during the Cold War. It provides examples of three different Cold War doctrines: the Eisenhower Doctrine, the Kennedy Doctrine, and the Nixon Doctrine, highlighting their purposes and impacts. The article concludes by discussing the limitations and implications of these doctrines, emphasizing the need to study them to understand the impact of the Cold War on U.S. foreign policy. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the Reagan administration's approach to human rights and democracy promotion during the Cold War, specifically focusing on its engagement with Nicaragua. The author argues that Reagan's policy of democracy promotion was used to serve traditional Cold War goals and to legitimize interventionist agendas aimed at regime change. The article also highlights the resistance to Reagan's policy and the contested meaning of human rights. It concludes by discussing the legacy of Reagan's approach and the ongoing debates surrounding democracy promotion and interventionism. [Extracted from the article]

The text discusses two books, "Neither Settler nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities" by Mahmood Mamdani and "Development, (Dual) Citizenship and its Discontents in Africa: The Political Economy of Belonging to Liberia" by Robtel Neajai Pailey. Mamdani's book explores citizenship and subjectivities in various contexts, while Pailey's book focuses on the political economy of belonging in Liberia. Mamdani examines settler colonialism and race, while Pailey emphasizes development and market forces. Both texts address the issue of citizenship from different perspectives, with Mamdani looking at settler colonialism globally and Pailey examining Liberia's exclusionary black immigrant settler paradigm. The texts highlight the complexities of citizenship and the need to address the legacies of colonialism. [Extracted from the article]

Do socioeconomic disparities between ethnic groups influence whether a country democratizes and remains democratic? I propose that, on average, high levels of ethnic inequality do not affect the prospects of democratization due to competing mechanisms. Although such inequalities give rise to grievances that fuel the demand for democracy, they also make the ruling elites from dominant groups less willing to concede political rights. However, ethnic inequality is generally associated with an increased risk of democratic breakdowns because high-inequality countries are more likely to experience politicized ethnic divides, distributional conflicts, and polarization. Investigating these arguments with time-series, cross-national data, I find that while there is a relatively strong and robust association between ethnic inequality and the risk of democratic breakdown, ethnic inequality is not associated with transitions to democracy. Examinations of potential mechanisms based on national and group-level data lend further support to the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a review of Harold Bertot Triana's book on the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR). The author analyzes topics such as the control of conventionality, diplomatic asylum, the rights of indigenous peoples, social and political rights, indefinite re-election, and the denunciation of the American Convention. The importance of the IACHR's work in protecting human rights in the American region is highlighted. Jurisprudential decisions regarding communal property, consultation and free consent of indigenous peoples, as well as political corruption and indefinite presidential re-election in Latin America, are also mentioned. [Extracted from the article]

The purpose of this article is to make visible and analyze the political, institutional, and bureaucratic-administrative framework involved in the consolidation of the electoral strength of the immigrant population residing in the province of Buenos Aires (Argentina). In this province, since 1999, the automatic registration of foreigners who meet legal requirements has been recognized. The analysis focuses on the registration policy and on electoral authorization to show that this is a longterm process, in which there are significant discontinuities between the stages of sanction, regulation, and application. It is also based on a qualitative methodological approach centered on the consultation and comprehensive analysis of a diverse set of primary and secondary statistical and documentary sources, as well as key informant interviews. It is concluded that the political call for automatic voter registration, embodied in the letter of the law and resulting from a genuine struggle for the expansion of political rights, has required extremely complex institutional designs on which significant progress has been made in recent years, but which, at present, continue to rely largely on the sum of wills and ad hoc political synergies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Daniel Billy et al. v Australia is the first successful climate litigation case before a United Nations ('UN') human rights body. On September 23 2022, the UN Human Rights Committee found in favour of a group of eight Torres Strait Islanders, concluding that Australia's failure to adequately protect them against adverse impacts of climate change violated their rights to enjoy their culture under Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and be free from arbitrary interferences with their private life, family and home under Article 17. Here, we discuss the decision and its broader context and significance in Australia and globally.**** [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the nullification of an election in Barrio de Pajarito de Isleta, New Mexico, in 1826 by Governor Antonio Narbona. The election was held under the newly created Mexican Constitution of 1824, but Narbona was unhappy with the process and result. This incident highlights the challenges faced by New Mexico as it transitioned from Spanish colonial rule to Mexican sovereignty, and the clash between traditional customs and the new laws of the republic. The article explores the political and legal limbo experienced by New Mexico during this period of change. The text discusses the election controversy in New Mexico in 1825. Governor Narbona called for the nullification of the elections at the Barrio de Pajarito due to several irregularities, including the election of too many representatives and the re-election of an alcalde without skipping a term. The governor's investigation faced resistance from local citizens, some of whom were related to the candidates. The controversy continued with public hearings and testimonies, with some citizens supporting nullification and others defending the election results. The text highlights the clash between local practices and Mexican laws, as well as the influence of family ties in the community. The text discusses the nullification of an election in Barrio de Pajarito de Isleta in 1825 by Governor Antonio Narbona. The governor argued that the election violated Mexican laws and accused Jos6 Gabriel SAnchez and Jos6 Antonio Chdvez of disobeying [Extracted from the article]

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Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Economic and political freedoms are often used as key indicators to classify types of political regimes. These freedoms, which include freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and economic freedoms such as freedom of business and freedom of trade, significantly affect how a country is perceived as a democracy or an autocracy. Democracies are typically characterized by high levels of these freedoms, allowing open expression and market regulation that encourages competition and fair trade. In contrast, autocratic regimes often impose restrictions on both speech and economic activity, limiting the scope of political discourse and centralizing economic control. These freedoms not only reflect, but also shape the political landscapes of modern states. The synthesis of freedoms with political governance not only determines the internal dynamics of nations, but also affects their relationships on the global stage. Ensuring the development and protection of these freedoms is of paramount importance to the development of stable, prosperous and just societies around the world. Economic and political freedoms are the foundation of democratic government and are essential to the personal and economic well-being of citizens.The purpose of the work is to conduct a study of the influence of the scope of economic and political rights and freedoms on the formation of the political regime in the country. The object of the research iseconomic and political freedoms as key criteria for the classification of types of political regimes. The subject of the research is social relations that arise, change and cease in the process of consolidation and implementation of economic and political rights and freedoms and their influence on the formation and functioning of democratic and autocratic political regimes. Research methodology includes methodological approaches (active, systemic, comparative, axiological), general scientific methods of thinking (analysis, synthesis, abstraction, generalization), philosophical (dialectical, metaphysical, hermeneutic, epistemological), general scientific (historical, synergistic, functional, structural) and specifically scientific (formal-legal, comparative-legal) methods. As a result of the study, problematic issues related to the problem were analyzedwith the realization of economic and political freedoms as key indicators of the country’s political regime, which significantly affect the trajectory of its development and international position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Annuals of the Administration & Law / Roczniki Administracji i Prawa is the property of Oficyna Wydawnicza Humanitas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article "Baltic Sea Security. Regional and Sectoral Perspectives" is a book review of a publication by Olevs Nikers and Otto Taburns, focusing on defense and security cooperation in the Baltic Sea region. The book contains articles discussing regional perspectives, threat perceptions, civil-military cooperation, and resilience to disinformation. It emphasizes the importance of regional cooperation, particularly among Baltic states, to counter hybrid warfare challenges and ensure societal resilience. The text highlights the strategic significance of the Baltic states, the role of Germany and Poland in the region, and the need for improved regional strategies to combat disinformation and fake news. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the concept of populism and its importance in democracy. It addresses criticisms of populism, emphasizing the need for public consultation and the inclusion of diverse perspectives in decision-making processes. The article also discusses the influence of money in politics and its impact on democracy, highlighting the role of powerful families and organizations. It argues that a revived and strengthened democracy requires equal representation and the elimination of partisan gerrymandering and the disproportionate influence of money in elections. The text also discusses the relationship between populism and constitutionalism, arguing that populism can coexist with constitutional principles. It concludes by emphasizing the importance of giving voice to people affected by national policies and recognizing our mutual dependence on a global scale. [Extracted from the article]

On 25 January 2017 then‐President Trump issued Executive Order 13,767 "Border Security and Immigration Enforcement Improvement" which designated dozens of new miles of barrier construction in Hidalgo County and surrounding municipalities in the Texas Rio Grande Valley (RGV). In response, a multitude of political organizations known as the No Border Wall Coalition (NBWC) mobilized in an effort to demilitarize their communities. Our analysis focuses on three organizations within the NBWC—the RGV Sierra Club, Texas Civil Rights Project, and the South Texas Human Rights Center. These organizations, and others, are calling for an end to encroaching physical walls, a proliferation of surveillance technologies, and an expansion of military‐police enforcement personnel. Using a triangulation of qualitative methods, we identify three campaigns of resistance used by the NBWC: protecting the environment, defending landowner rights, and preventing migrant deaths. Our analysis reveals how each of these campaigns helps bring together a diverse set of political organizations and interests into a collective web and narrative structure, and underscores the common formation of what we designate as a multitude. We show how this multitude transforms RGV communities "from below," as the NBWC reckons with environmental degradation, the suspension of civil and political rights, and humanitarian harms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (0185-3481) is the property of Universidad Iberoamericana Cuidad de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Politicians and mainstream media in the EU, UK, and US regularly emphasize the need for highly skilled migrants, but, over the last few decades, the terms and conditions for these highly skilled migrants have changed drastically. As part of the neoliberal migrant control regime, highly skilled migrants are brought to countries under very restrictive conditions. They work and contribute taxes but have few to no political rights. Based on data on highly skilled Indian migrants in the US during the pandemic, we argue that highly skilled "nonimmigrants" are placed within a thicket of laws and policies that act as enclosures, but these seemingly neutral enclosures remain "hidden in plain sight" because of the silence about their near‐indentured life conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia as a sovereign state has inherent ability to determine its own positive law. Departing from that, Indonesia upholds death penalty in its legal system in its Criminal Code and various lex specialis laws. Death penalty has been long an issue of universal concern as it relates to the non-derogable right to life. Meanwhile Indonesia has death penalty in the national laws to maintain its own interest, it is also bound to international commitment in human rights, one of them being ICCPR which has been ratified by Law number 12 of 2005. In ICCPR, state parties are only allowed to apply death penalty for most serious crimes. This article aims to find out what are the measure for most serious crime and if Indonesian law has aligned to the measure. The research employs normative qualitative method, namely research that analyzes meanings, concepts, and characteristics in related products of law and literature by drawing on diverse strategies of inquiry. This research finds out that Indonesia indeed still has some laws not yet aligned with the most serious crime measures despite as a sovereign country, it wields power to make laws (ius poenali) and power to implement its own laws (ius puniendi). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iii the 1920s Romania undenvent a major political, cultural, and social change. A new generation of young people attended universities and started being involved in political life in a bigger countty where access to civil and political rights was granted to all citizens. Influenced by the international context characterized by the risc of ideologies and by the habit of violence inherited from the Great War, a part of them considered terrorism as a possible instrument of action. Corneliti Zelea Codreanu's movement was the main representative of such an attitude. Political homicides were not oilly a settling of scores, also transmitting the message that there was a justice that was superior to that imposed by law and it was based on the authentical values of Romanian identity. After the death of Codreanu, tile Iron Guard, led by Horia Sima, did not give up terrorism, but it became a conscious method of political action with the aim of destabilizing and creating a climate of uncertaintv and terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing social and political instability in South Africa and an emergent view that links it to the negotiated political settlement invite for a critical review of the 'South African political miracle'. A central question such a review should attempt to address is whether the political settlement dealt fundamentally with the legacy of colonialism and apartheid, which came to define so much of social, economic and political life in South Africa. This article attempts such a review. Unlike critics of the negotiated settlement who tend to dismiss it totally, I contend, following on Mamdani's Neither Settler nor Native (2021), that its major achievement was establishing an inclusive political order in which civil and political rights were extended to all South Africans. The article begins by providing a broad outline of the colonial and apartheid orders in South Africa. While Mamdani (2021) details the political dimensions of these two exclusionary political orders, especially the divisive political identities they fostered and enforced, this article summarises the social and economic dimensions, focusing in particular on land and cattle dispossession. By highlighting these two dimensions, the article seeks to demonstrate the limitations of the negotiated settlement and the risk these limitations pose to the sustainability of inclusive democracy in South Africa. The article then examines what Mamdani calls the 'South African moment', which was marked by a challenge to the logic of apartheid and colonialism and the transformation of the political identities those orders had imposed. The third section of the article discusses the promise and limitations of the negotiated settlement. Overall, the article questions the desirability of the 'South African model' where social justice is compromised to achieve political inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The public sphere today is saturated with alarmist language about democracy: it is "backsliding", "breaking down", and even "dying". The "hard border" guarantee of equality and freedom is "militant democracy" - familiar territory for Müller. The failure of Trump's second impeachment challenges Müller's model of militant democracy. [Extracted from the article]

This study analyzes the normative definition of the guarantees of political rights of citizens. A dialectical methodology of knowledge of law is used, and law is interpreted as an attribute of social management of society. A legal norm is understood as a process of necessity, the elements of which are the hypothesis, disposition and sanction of the norm in their organic connection. It is shown that the political rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen are established by the disposition of the legal norm, and their guarantees are determined by the sanction of the legal norm. The public legal character of political rights conditions their guarantee by legal acts of the court of administrative justice, as a type of justice. The study concludes that improving the normative definition of the guarantees of political rights is an urgent task for the management and legal regulation of political relations in modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article, we argue that a majority of the Constitutional Court, in Secretary of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture, Corruption and Fraud in the Public Sector including Organs of State v Zuma & Others [2021] ZACC 18 ('Zuma II'), erred in its reasoning and outcome when it sentenced former South African President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma to 15 months' imprisonment for contempt of court, without affording him the Constitution's Section 35(3) fair trial rights. We argue that Mr Zuma was owed fair trial rights - in particular the Section 35(3)(o) right 'of appeal to, or review by, a higher court' - in Zuma II because the primary relief sought against him was direct imprisonment. We go on to argue that the majority should have referred the case against Mr Zuma to a High Court of appropriate jurisdiction - not the National Prosecuting Authority, as the minority in Zuma II suggested. In making this suggestion, we depart from a core finding of Zuma II's minority: that motion proceedings are, inherently, unable to offer the protection of a fair trial. In Zuma v Secretary of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture, Corruption and Fraud in the Public Sector including Organs of State & Others [2021] ZACC 28 ('Zuma III'), Mr Zuma asked the Court to rescind Zuma II. We argue that Mr Zuma's rescission application was a non-starter and that the minority's efforts in Zuma III to overturn Zuma II in terms of Section 172(1) and Section 173 of the Constitution failed as well. To the extent that Zuma III dealt with South Africa's international law obligations, we argue that they were irrelevant to Mr Zuma's rescission application. However, by denying Mr Zuma an opportunity to appeal or review Zuma II, we argue that South Africa may have breached its obligations under Article 14(5) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians and mainstream media in the EU, UK, and US regularly emphasize the need for highly skilled migrants, but, over the last few decades, the terms and conditions for these highly skilled migrants have changed drastically. As part of the neoliberal migrant control regime, highly skilled migrants are brought to countries under very restrictive conditions. They work and contribute taxes but have few to no political rights. Based on data on highly skilled Indian migrants in the US during the pandemic, we argue that highly skilled "nonimmigrants" are placed within a thicket of laws and policies that act as enclosures, but these seemingly neutral enclosures remain "hidden in plain sight" because of the silence about their near‐indentured life conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1866, religion played a significant role in unifying the Romanian national spirit. A foreign prince was brought to rule under the Orthodox faith, and this religious aspect was incorporated into Article 82 of the Constitution. The limitation of political rights in Romania was based on ethnic criteria, with Jews and other non-Christians excluded from full participation. The electoral system introduced a high property-based voting qualification, reflecting, to some extent, liberal principles, but effectively limiting actual participation. Thus, the Romanian Constitution of 1866 struck a delicate balance between borrowed liberal ideals and the specific cultural context of Romania. It emphasized the role of religion and property ownership in shaping political rights and identity, while also attempting to align with European constitutional standards. The electoral system of 1866 in Romania fell short of democratic ideals and perpetuated inequalities. It shaped the political landscape and had far-reaching consequences for the country's governance and representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia has a diversity of religions and beliefs that must be maintained. Freedom of religion and belief is a human right whose fulfilment cannot be diminished under any circumstances. The Indonesian Constitution expressly guarantees this right. However, in practice for believers, civil and political rights are often hampered in fulfilment, especially from an administrative aspect. Adherents of the faith often experience obstacles in terms of marriage administration, management of Identity Cards, birth certificates, Family Cards, education rights, and others. this happens because the regulation of religious recognition in Indonesia is still experiencing legal problems. This study was conducted to find out how the legal consequences of regulating religious recognition for penghayat kepercayaan Sapto Darmo. This research uses normative legal research with a descriptive qualitative approach. Primary and secondary legal materials will be analysed to answer the formulation of the study. As a result, religious recognition arrangements in Indonesia still focus on mainstream religious groups only and recognition of believers is still experiencing a legal vacuum (vacuum of norm) in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of the article is an analysis of the human right to marry and the right to establish a family. The author considers the guarantees of this right in three areas. The first one is the universal dimension, the essence of which are the documents guaranteeing the protection of human rights adopted by the United Nations: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Social, Economic and Cultural Rights. In the European dimension, the most important is Article 12 of the European Convention on Human Rights, ensuring the right to marry for a man and a woman who have reached the appropriate age. In the Polish national dimension, Article 18 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 solidified the existing traditional form of marriage, i.e. the state of a union between a man and a woman. It also ensures the care and protection of the state to families created on the basis of a formally concluded marriage, as well as to other families, especially those with many children and incomplete families. According to the author, the right to get married and the right to found a family are connected and complementary, but the right to start a family can be exercised independently of getting married. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of corrupt politicians remains a crucial global problem, yet our knowledge regarding factors determining electorates' tolerance for corruption remains extremely limited. This paper explores individual characteristics and macroeconomic factors determining an individual's likelihood to (1) vote for her preferred political party even if that party was involved in a corruption scandal, and (2) abstain from voting even when an established non-corrupt party exists. I identify several individual characteristics, such as education and income levels, gender, employment status, political leaning, and trust in local media, and macroeconomic factors, such as income per capita, country-level corruption, and political rights, significantly influencing an individual's voting choice. A few implications emerge. Corruption can be self-sustaining and may undermine democracy by discouraging political participation. While education promotes political participation, it does not reduce citizens' tolerance for corruption by their preferred political parties. Corruption might widen income and gender inequality by lowering the political participation of the poor and women, and extreme political leaning can promote political corruption. • Politicians with corruption and criminal charges continue to get elected. • I study voting behaviors in response to an individual's preferred political party's involvement in corruption. • Voting behaviors vary significantly across different socioeconomic and demographic groups. • Political corruption can widen socioeconomic inequalitiies. • Political corruption might weaken democracy by discouraging political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should the constitutional reform in Israel be assessed in comparative terms? Comparative constitutional understandings point to the centrality of three key sets of norms as part of the 'democratic minimum core': (i) commitments to free and fair, regular multi-party elections; (ii) political rights and freedoms; and (iii) a system of institutional checks and balances necessary to maintain (i) and (ii). Any change in judicial power and independence must be assessed against the benchmark of the democratic minimum core, and by reference to its cumulative practical effect on a system of institutional checks and balances. We claim that recent changes in Israel may already threaten these institutional checks, and have the potential to do more damage in the future, if given broad effect and if combined with further changes in the power and independence of the Supreme Court. On this basis, we suggest, the relevant changes should be viewed as either 'abusive' or 'proto-abusive' in nature. By threatening to undermine both the power and independence of the Supreme Court of Israel, they directly threaten the health of the constitutional checks and balances system and, hence, the 'democratic minimum core' in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing number of states permit dual citizenship, but there are public concerns about divided loyalties of dual citizens which might lead to intolerance of their political rights. We propose and test whether these concerns depend on the emotional versus instrumental reasons immigrants express for acquiring their second, host society citizenship. Using a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of native-born Dutch, we find that emotional (vs. instrumental) reasons for a second citizenship lead to higher perceived host society loyalty, which is related to greater political tolerance of dual citizens. Instrumental reason for dual citizenship leads to higher perceived loyalty to the country of origin; however, this is not related to political tolerance of such dual citizens. Implications for theory and society are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Major online platforms deploy an array of policies and data-driven legislative and enforcement mechanisms, transforming economic, social, and technological powers into political might. While platforms use private law to legitimate the exercise of this form of power, the novel political relations and tools have a tremendous public impact, both on individuals' and communities' political freedom and on the public sphere. Digital rights literature that tends to focus on particular rights, such as privacy or freedom of expression, deals less with the implications of platforms' emerging political authority. The article addresses this lacuna by (1) analyzing the quasi-sovereign power of platforms, (2) mapping how this form of power disrupts political freedom and the public sphere, (3) revealing a theoretical trap that blocks existing attempts to address the threats and (4) developing a bottom-up approach to resolve this bind. The article proposes the creation of "Users Unions" – legal structures that create affordance for users to have a collective voice within platforms' corporate governance and decision-making mechanisms. The proposed structural reform could mitigate the power disparities between users and online platforms and assist in respecting, protecting, and fulfilling users' political rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the recent amendments made to the Jordanian Execution Law in respect of imprisonment for failure to pay debts of civil and commercial nature. While the amendments made on the Law are long-awaited and are an improvement to the administration of justice in the Country; it remains that these amendments came below expectations. First, the recent amendments to the Law are short from the international obligations of the Country under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which Jordan is a signatory of. Second, the recent amendments still use the "one size fits all" approach whereby it does not provide a distinction between a procrastinating debtor and a debtor that is indeed not able to pay; to determine imprisonment in civil and commercial debts. Hence, while the recent amendments had made some positive changes to the imprisonment for debtors in civil and commercial debts; this article finds that Jordan must adhere to its international obligations by providing alternatives to imprisonment for civil and commercial debts; or at least provide a distinction between a procrastinating debtor and a not able to pay debtor to determine whether imprisonment of the debtor is due. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]