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This article analyses the reception of Scandinavism in the Dutch and Flemish press from the start of the nineteenth century and up to the end of World War I. It demonstrates that increasing knowledge of the pan-Scandinavian movement occurred in tandem with a growing interest in Scandinavian culture more generally and affected the Dutch language in its definition of both 'Scandinavia' and 'Scandinavians'. Press coverage of Scandinavism was mainly dictated by the movement's newsworthiness and Dutch understanding of the movement as either a political unification project and/or a more modest cultural programme developed in step with current events. Pan-national activism in Scandinavia was also deemed of interest because of its significance for similar initiatives in the Dutch-speaking world. Scandinavian nation-building processes became an inspiration for burgeoning Greater Netherlandism, as well as for the Flemish and Frisian national movements. Overall, the article contributes to the study of Scandinavism in particular by exploring how the movement was received outside its borders, and to the study of pan-nationalisms more generally by applying a comparative and transnational perspective, thus amplifying the central but often neglected role played by pan-national identity cultivation in the European nation-building discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the sartorial practices of Uzbek men across diverse urban contexts in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, highlighting the significance of muted colours as a discursive site for asserting aesthetic citizenship. Drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork, this article depicts how the dressed bodies of working-class young men are intertwined with notions of hegemonic masculinity and Uzbekness. It also analyses how nation-building narratives give rise to gendered sartorial norms and forms of self-discipline, bolstered by everyday dress regulations. I argue that working-class young men's preference for muted colours, rooted in the Soviet aesthetic's prioritization of practicality and simplicity, serves as a somatic means of de-beautification, which allows them both to distance themselves from 'foreign' fashion and consolidate masculine subjectivities. Thus, embodied sartorial practices become a gendered stance against supposedly zararli (harmful) foreign ideologies and an assertion of aesthetic citizenship against a background of an ongoing surge of gendered nationalism in Uzbekistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on films as sites of nation-building centers on on-screen storylines, whereas intertextual references and off-screen representations of nationhood receive less attention. This article proposes a combined approach to further explore the nation-building potential of films, using as a case study the film adaptation Kahlil Gibran's The Prophet. Through a close reading of the film in conjunction with its intertextual references and the filmmakers' media interviews, the article explores the construction and negotiation of Lebanese nationhood and history under Ottoman rule. Special attention is paid to how the film's production, funding, circulation and reception are related to nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The perception of immigrants varies across countries. In Botswana, xenophobia is rarely violent and manifests in stereotypes the host population has about immigrants. In South Africa, anti-immigrant violence has claimed many lives. However, South Africa's nation-building process has facilitated the co-existence of people from different backgrounds and races under an inclusive national identity. In contrast, Botswana's nation-building process assimilated different ethnic groups under the Batswana identity, hence fostering an ethno-national identity, which is exclusivist. This study draws N=2,390 and N=1,200 South African and Batswana respondents from Afrobarometer, respectively, and finds that Batswana who identify with national identity are likely to have negative attitudes towards immigrants. Conversely, South Africans identifying with national identity are likely to have positive attitudes toward immigrants. Still, South Africans who endorse ethnic identity are likely to have negative attitudes towards immigrants. This study has larger implications for policies promoting pluralistic national identity. Curricula inculcating pluralism can be introduced in citizenship-building programs.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debris avalanches caused by landslides often lead to building damage, and insufficient research has been conducted on the vulnerability of buildings, especially reinforced concrete (RC) buildings, to such impact disasters. A vulnerability assessment framework for a two-story RC building based on the generalized F-discrepancy (GF-discrepancy)-based point selection strategy and discrete element method (DEM)-finite element method (FEM) is proposed. Considering the randomness of granular flow, including the impact height, impact velocity, and density of particle flow, these three random variables are uniformly sampled using GF-discrepancy, obtaining a total of 134 samples. A deterministic analysis of each sample is performed to obtain the responses of the 134 samples according to the DEM-FEM coupling method, which can fully reflect the failure characteristics of RC buildings under mass flow impact. Given the quantitative vulnerability assessment, we select the inter-story displacement ratio and the displacement of walls and columns in the responses as indicators defining the damage state of the building. The former is used to evaluate the overall damage state of the building, while the latter is applied to evaluate the local damage situation of the building as a correction to the first indicator. Ultimately, the vulnerability of the building is obtained corresponding to different impact intensities related to three random variables. This method provides not only the vulnerability of RC buildings under particle flow impact but also insight into vulnerability assessments of buildings in areas that are not currently in danger of such disasters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Karl Marx's bundle of ideas, postulates, and views is known as dialectical materialism. In it, he speculated about political and economic remedies to the issues facing France. It was a response to what he perceived as unfairness and social and economic wrongs that were quickly establishing themselves as the norm in his society. The relevance of actual circumstances in terms of class, labor, and socioeconomic interactions was underlined by the Marxist dialectic. Contrarily, the Hegelian dialectic emphasizes the notion that inconsistencies in natural occurrences can be resolved by deciphering them and synthesizing a resolution while preserving their essential characteristics. Marx thought addressing and rearranging the social organization systems at the core of the issues would be the most effective way to handle the issues brought on by stated contradictory phenomena. With this in mind, the goal of this research work is to critically analyze Marx's theory of dialectical materialism and then show how, if properly embraced in society, it may aid in the building of a nation. This study will eventually come to the conclusion that, despite communism's failure in practice, it still contains some key ideas and principles that are essential to the advancement of a nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A literary criticism of the fairy tale "Hansel and Gretel" by the Brothers Grimm is presented, focusing on its role in cultural and political contexts. Topics discussed include the impact of fairy tale translations on national identity, the adaptation of the tale in socialist Slovenia, and the use of fairy tales in nation-building efforts during the nineteenth century and under communist regimes.

Since Uzbekistan gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, nationalist discourses have been overtly masculinized, continuing to inform Uzbek males' daily lives. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Uzbekistan, this article illustrates how Uzbek boys' domestic relations contribute to the way they learn to (re)produce masculinities, foregrounding a high degree of agency and utility. The analysis uncovered three themes central to the (re)production of Uzbek boyhood in Uzbek families as a site of informal learning: (1) being helpful through domestic labour; (2) being social through showing hospitality; and (3) being tarbiyali through practising national culture. Through scrutinizing the intersections of gender, education and nationalism, this article concludes by connecting Uzbek boyhood in the domestic sphere and nationalist campaigns fostering masculine hegemony in Uzbekistan's nation building process. Through domesticity – a contentious concept in feminist criticism – this article expands our understanding of the (re)production of boyhood in a conventionally feminized space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria's current democratic dispensation is plagued by a rise in ethnic nationalism, agitations for self-determination and secession, claims of marginalisation, and ethnic, regional and religious tensions. These issues continually dominate state politics. For some analysts, these problems are symptoms of a lack of oneness among the multiple ethno-linguistic and religious groups that make up the country. They are of the view that the solution to the intractable problems lies in nation-building, suggesting the enthronement of a sense of common nationality. On the contrary, this article argues that the lack of national consciousness for a nation may not be the main problem but the lack of viable institutions that can promote deep inter-ethnic relations. State-(re)building in the form of institution-strengthening is rather important for unity in the plural society. Therefore, the creation of new institutions and the strengthening of existing ones, including the federal system, to produce a viable Nigerian state capable of delivering on public goods and good governance is more important to address the many challenges confronting the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Africa's shifting international relations through two important international gateways to the continent: Kotoka International Airport in Accra and Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa. Case studies drawing on archival, fieldwork and secondary data examine the history and development of both airports, and find these gates represent a fruitful but neglected vantage point for understanding Africa's shifting connections to the wider world. Theoretically, whilst the article affirms the value of using such critical nodal points – or 'gates' – to understand the international dimensions of African politics, it also highlights the limits of extant concepts such as 'gatekeeping' and the typology of the 'gatekeeper state'. The article instead advances an alternative approach which it calls 'gatemaking' to enhance our understanding of Africa's international relations by looking at how gates such as airports help to make (and remake) Africa's place in the world (rather than looking only at how gates shape domestic state forms, as in the gatekeeper mould). Evident to different degrees in both airports, this concept foregrounds Africa as a place that both originates and shapes key dimensions of the international, contributing to emerging debates in critical approaches to international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ramzan Kadyrov's regime in Chechnya has been shaped by a republic-level nation-building process. To outbid his nationalist and religious rivals, the Chechen leader has followed a political strategy that bears some similarities to korenizatsiia, the early Soviet policy of establishing a strong interconnection between administrative structures and ethnicity. Under Kadyrov, Chechen nationalism has thoroughly penetrated the state institutions of the republic. A new ethnic Chechen bureaucracy has emerged, one with durable connections to federal institutions. Thus, with this sustained emphasis on Chechen nationalism, Kadyrov has made Chechen society far more deeply integrated with Russia than it has been in decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1733 the Yongzheng emperor ordered the establishment of academies (shuyuan 書院) in every provincial capital. To a certain extent, this edict constituted an intellectual component of the emperor's autocratic approach to governance, as it facilitated greater control over a type of educational institution that had in the past operated with autonomy from the court. Using the history of Shandong's Luoyuan Academy as a case study, this article demonstrates how the management of academies and hence the provincial operation of autocracy hinged on the participation of a range of local actors. Rather than simply restricting local agency, this characteristic Yongzheng policy depended on it. This perspective raises questions about the degree of rupture between eighteenth- and nineteenth-century state-building and demonstrates a need to define concepts like 'autocracy' and 'centralization' more precisely with reference to Yongzheng-era governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prolonged presence of the armed conflict, and the consequent absence of the Colombian State, has led to the territories most affected by violence having low levels of education, communication and economic barriers, in addition to problems accessing basic services such as health and water and sewage infrastructure. For this reason, the Peace Agreement with the FARC, signed in 2016, took into account different mechanisms for the reconstruction of the State after a conflict of more than 50 years. These mechanisms aim to promote the organization, development and participation of the territories. most affected by the conflict. In the research that led to this writing, through the difference-in-differences methodology with matching, we sought to determine whether State-building policies, such as the PDET, had an effect on three development variables related to health and education in the most affected by the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Anuario de Historia Regional y de las Fronteras is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'Philological sciences' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sámi Dieđalaš Áigečála is the property of Sami diedalas aigecala (SDA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

À travers une analyse de la guerre au Tigray, Semhal M. Zenawi revient sur les principaux tournants de la politique économique éthiopienne qui ont alimenté les clivages au sein de la coalition de l’EPRDF. Elle replace le conflit dans le cadre des transformations économiques et sociales structurelles du pays et observe les conséquences de la libéralisation sur la construction nationale. En revenant sur les luttes factionnelles qui ont secoué l’EPRDF dans les années 2010, elle analyse de manière critique la façon dont les élites politiques, même si elles ont mis du temps à l’admettre, ont démantelé le modèle de politique économique singulier de l’État développemental. Cet entretien marque le début d’une prise en compte, encore timide, de l’économie politique de l’actuelle guerre civile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1991, Armenia gained independence, signaling a new chapter in its history. However, the journey towards nation-building faced significant challenges. Despite the anticipation that independence would catalyze the repatriation of the Armenian diaspora and foster a renewed commitment among citizens to contribute to their homeland, the reality has been starkly different. New geopolitical shifts and socio-economic situation have resulted in substantial emigration, a demographic crisis, and depopulation, casting a shadow over the nation's 33-year independent existence. While there have been periods of socio-economic stabilization, particularly since 1995, and improvements in living standards, Armenia remains ensnared in depopulation and economic stagnation. Against this backdrop, the settlement patterns in Armenia have evolved significantly. This article delves into the features, challenges, and spatial differences of this phenomenon, supported by a thematic map illustrating the changes in Armenia's settlement patterns. Research findings underscore a distinct territorial polarization driven by ongoing processes, presenting an existential challenge that demands comprehensive regional policy solutions. Furthermore, the article examines specific facets of regional policy geared towards mitigating the polarized territorial development in Armenia. It advocates for a multifaceted approach that not only embraces typological considerations but also emphasizes the importance of territorial zoning and the implementation of tailored, territorially differentiated policies. In conclusion, addressing the issue of polarized territorial development necessitates a holistic strategy that incorporates territorial zoning and differentiated policies. The insights gleaned from these studies serve as a crucial foundation for devising strategies to mitigate polarized development, delineate territorial zones, and implement targeted territorial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Palestine Liberation Organization has been extensively studied and researched in a variety of disciplines and perspectives. However, little attention has been paid to its media and/or political communication strategies that went hand in hand with its political evolution and aims from 1969 to 1982, a period marked by flux and political uncertainty as well intensive PLO state-building processes. This paper seeks to partially fill the gap by addressing political communication not only as a fundamental political practice and strategy but also as an arena in which political elites compete to achieve media legitimacy and ensure support for their objectives and ideologies. Drawing on archival research of the PLO mass media platforms during the period under review, primary sources and interviews with former PLO media personnel, the paper begins with an overview of the PLO's investment in mass media institutions and other cultural genres before discussing its political communication strategy and its aims in the period from 1969 to 1982. The paper then addresses how the late PLO chairman Yasser Arafat actively competed in the political communication arena to achieve media legitimacy and secure public consent for the PLO's ideologies and aims. In doing so, the paper does not suggest Arafat achieved total domination of the political communication space nor that other guerrilla leaders, Arab and other actors did not compete in this arena. Rather, the approach emphasizes the relationship between political agency and structure during moments of flux and change, thus complementing dominant approaches in political communication research that focus on framing and discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The energy consumption of a building is significantly influenced by the habits of its occupants. These habits not only pertain to occupancy states, such as presence or absence, but also extend to more detailed aspects of occupant behavior. To accurately capture this information, it is essential to use tools that can monitor occupant habits without altering them. Invasive methods such as body sensors or cameras could potentially disrupt the natural habits of the occupants. In our study, we primarily focus on occupancy states as a representation of occupant habits. We have created a model based on artificial neural networks (ANNs) to ascertain the occupancy state of a building using environmental data such as CO2 concentration and noise level. These data are collected through non-intrusive sensors. Our approach involves rule-based a priori labeling and the use of a long short-term memory (LSTM) network for predictive purposes. The model is designed to predict four distinct states in a residential building. Although we lack data on actual occupancy states, the model has shown promising results with an overall prediction accuracy ranging between 78% and 92%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2016 witnessed the birth of the first baby conceived using mitochondrial replacement technology (MRT), a procedure conducted by an international team in a Mexican clinic. The story soon made it to the international press, where authorship was assigned to the USA team and Mexico was described as lacking regulation, thus a suitable location. The Mexican media offered a different version. The baby was stamped as "made in Mexico" and the Mexican physician involved was described as a remarkable citizen and bold scientist. The story served as a counter-narrative to the one circulating in the press and academic circles. It dismantled the notion of Mexico as a country with "no rules" and instead offered a story of a country producing cutting-edge technology and of a government ready to back up scientific progress. In this paper, we analyze the performative acts that transformed this breakthrough into a national success and we ask about the role the Mexican team had in this accomplishment. This analysis contributes to the conversation held within the field of postcolonial science and technology studies, regarding knowledge production, authorship, and the role of science stories in the process of nation building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the end of the nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century, gangs and secret societies (banghui) exercised enormous influence on Chinese society and politics. The two portrayals of banghui in historiography – as modern criminal syndicates that came out of an emerging capitalist economy or, alternatively, a cultural succession of traditional secret society – are so distinct that their proponents often speak past each other. Revisiting primary and secondary materials on the Shanghai Green Gang, one of the most active banghui organizations during the Republican era (1911–49), this article aims to bridge the two understandings by focusing on the gang's self-legitimation claims. Facing rapid social changes of the early twentieth century, I argue, the Green Gang reframed its use of violence as disciplinary, revolutionary, and nationalistic to gain public legitimation. Together with its involvement in state building and resource extraction, the gang's cultural work contributed to its prominence and led multiple political authorities to promote it to an exceptional degree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary introduces the term 'dual facing' to describe the way that Chinese voluntary associations orientate themselves as collectives situated between the ancestral land (China) and their countries of settlement. The commentary uses examples of Chinese voluntary associations in Singapore and Myanmar to reflect on China's longstanding presence and expanding reach in Southeast Asia, including through its diaspora engagement with the Chinese abroad. It argues that such associations are embedded not only in the nation‐building efforts of their countries of settlement, but also the ancestral land. However, this dual‐facing orientation also means that they can become embroiled in conflictual domestic and foreign politics at both ends, potentially jeopardising how they are otherwise seen as bridges and brokers by China and in the countries where have settled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I reflect on the contribution of Ghanaian nationalist women towards the independence struggle and post-independence nation building (1950–1970), and their erasure from the mainstream history of Ghana. I rely on the literature on women's political participation in Ghana and the scholarship on memorializing people for meritorious service in Ghana to explore women as victims of historical erasure. I also deploy other sources like the national currencies, commemorative dates, and naming of monuments to highlight the relative weight we attach to women's and men's political contribution to nation building. I argue that despite women's frontal roles, including movement making, organizing prowess, founding parties, leading civil disruptions, and even funding the independence of Ghana, state-led commemorative acts and memorializing practices belie women's effort and historize men as founders of Ghana. Such de-historizing is often endorsed by male-led political regimes. To ameliorate this masculinization of the memorializing concern, the paper proffers guidelines to enable a fairer memorializing practice. This includes acknowledging the gender biases in our memorializing practices, researching the unnamed leading women, making their information mainstream, renaming our already named monuments to include leading women, and embossing their portraits on our national currencies alongside the men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Shadow of a Taxman: Who Funded the Irish Revolution?" by R.J.C. Adams is a highly engaging and detailed book that offers a new economic and social historiography of the Irish War of Independence. The book focuses on the financial challenge of establishing a new government in a territory that was previously part of the British Empire. By analyzing archival material on individual-level subscriptions to the National Loan and External Loans, the author explores how these loan schemes were arranged, who subscribed to them, and why. The book also challenges existing narratives by broadening the focus to include civilians, women, men outside fighting age, and clerics. It highlights the role of American bond subscribers and the close relationship between the Catholic Church and the Irish Republic. Additionally, the book touches on the origins of state finance and the credit theory of money in the context of revolutionary state-building. Overall, "Shadow of a Taxman" provides valuable insights into the financing, internationalization, and popular support for the Irish independence movement. [Extracted from the article]

Adaptation to the norms of nation-states has always been one of the most important issues for Southeast Asian countries. This paper takes Aceh and Western Papua as examples to explore their interaction with the central government of Indonesia and try to answer why local authorities have different responses after implementing the indirect rule. This study mainly uses process tracking methods to test the interaction between the central and local governments in Indonesia. This study believes that trust is the fundamental factor that determines whether the local authorities and the central government can have a positive interaction. This reason will change the central government in the process of State-building. The study found that Aceh and Western Papua had different feedback to the central government. The key lies in whether they form a "trust" interaction, rather than whether they adopt an inclusive system (democratic system). This study concluded the feedback difference between Aceh and Western Papua as a classic case shows that, as a country, it is not only represented by the central government but also needs the "trust" of the central government and local authorities to form good governance, as well as national development effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the shift toward post-revolutionary politics supported by reform-minded aristocratic clans and their bourgeois allies. Using the example of the Balbo family – one of the leading aristocratic families in Sardinia-Piedmont – I will argue that the quest for stability and pragmatism is crucial to understanding the political, cultural, and ideological reorientations within the noble-bourgeois elites in the first age of global revolutions. Family history is a lens through which it is possible to look afresh at this vital period of social transformations, state expansion, and political modernization. The article explores the Balbos' family history across generations and genders, not only in the revolutionary and Napoleonic period, but also in the decades after the Congress of Vienna. In doing so, it sheds new light on the course of state-building processes, constitutional reforms, and the formation of a new, composite elite, which would largely dominate European politics until the end of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran's neighborhood with countries that most of them have experienced unrest, conflict or war due to internal conflicts or due to regional and international crises, has effected and consequences of such issues spread to Iran unintentionally. One of the most tangible of these often undesirable effects is the occurrence of crises and violent conflicts in the neighboring countries, which with the occasional influx of refugees fleeing from such crises (especially from the two countries of Afghanistan and Iraq) into the territory of Iran, the it has shown its adverse effects in different areas in Iran. In the meantime, due to several decades of civil war and international conflicts, the existence of numerous ethnic and religious divisions, a failed state and the lack of a real nation-state, Afghanistan remains a focal point of ongoing turmoil within both the region and the global community. Even though it was expected that this country would experience peace and stability over time following the international coalition's defeat of the Taliban in 2001, but after more than a decade, there is still no promising prospect for this. Therefore, one cannot be safe from the unwanted and inevitable side effects of being a neighbor with such countries, or simply avoid them. Since the fate of the neighbors has always been related to each other and somehow tied to each other, the future and fate of the neighboring countries and nations should be so important to Iran that the fate of Iran itself is important. Considering the history and the difficult and complicated situation of Afghanistan during the past decades and looking at the fragmented, heterogeneous and chaotic situation of this country today, we will definitely find that despite the apparent changes in the political and governance arena, there is not much change in the unstable nature and from Afghanistan has not come into existence and this means that until the unknown future, Iran will be affected by the effects and consequences of its neighborhood with this country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American Revolution in Black and White compares Black and white responses to the American colonists' struggle for freedom from British domination. Focused on colonists who rallied in support of independence, it contends that although Americans on both sides of the color line mobilized around natural rights ideology, Black and white patriots were far too divided by race and class to understand the revolutionary rhetoric they embraced the same way. While Jefferson and other slave-holding patriot leaders saw declaring independence as a natter of state-making, Black patriots such as New Englander Lemuel Haynes pushed for a more expansive understanding of the colonist's struggle for political freedom, and read the Declaration of Independence as a liberty-making document. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nation-building, governance, security and national development are inextricably linked social issues. Failure to effectively midwife any of these concepts has the tendency to jeopardise efforts aimed at achieving nation-building. Over time, Nigeria's quest for nation-building has been impeded by the centrifugal forces of political, economic, food and health insecurity. These elements have made the task of nation-building a mirage in Nigeria as these centrifugal forces continue to deepen the fragmented Nigerian society. It is against this backdrop that this article examines nation-building as a herculean task whose success rests heavily on pragmatic approaches to sustainable governance, security and national development. The article notes that nations are built by men and women who have the will and vision to accomplish greatness, not for themselves and their immediate families and friends, but for their country. Observably, the lack of this will and vision, encapsulated in leadership deficiencies, continues to haunt nation-building efforts in Nigeria. Anchored on integration theory as a framework of analysis and descriptive research methodology, data for the article were gathered through secondary sources including journal articles, books and internet materials and content- analysed. The article makes useful recommendations on devising useful strategies for resolving the challenges to security, governance and development issues in Nigeria through a reformed leadership recruitment process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Public Security & Public Order / Visuomenes Saugumas ir Viesoji Tvarka is the property of Mykolas Romeris University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the rise of spy films in contemporary Hindi cinema and their depiction of masculinity and nation-building. It focuses on the film "War" (2019) as an example of how these films promote and sustain hegemonic masculinity and shape perceptions of heroism. The article argues that spy films exaggerate nationalism and masculinity, deviating from reality. It also criticizes the limited opportunities for women to showcase their capabilities and calls for more equitable representations that acknowledge women's contributions to nation-building. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for more authentic and realistic portrayals of espionage in Hindi cinema. [Extracted from the article]

At the beginning of this new century, the "pink tide" of neo-developmental reactions to neoliberalism repositioned the state in development processes in Latin America. However, state leadership in countries like Argentina showed clear limitations to implement a consistent industrialization policy that contributes to structural change. An important limitation and insufficiently studied is the institutional-organizational dimension of state-building relative to the phenomenon of state fragmentation, which reduces state capacity and coherence amid wicked problems such as the structural change. Focused on the recent Argentine experience, the work shows that without a real hierarchy and decision-making capacity of the organizations involved in industrial policy, strategic planning processes become incapable to face the logic of state fragmentation. Official documents were analyzed, and interviews were conducted with national officials of the Ministry of Industry (2009–2015) and the implementation of the 2020 Industrial Strategic Plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Saint Agustin Church, built in the 16th century in Morelia City, is composed of a single nave church and two-level cloister and it is in a region of high seismicity at the south part of Mexico. Currently, the church presents cracks in the main nave and in the monumental staircase of the cloister. This study reports the current damage state of this building and analyzes a simplified model to assess its seismic performance. A model of the temple and cloister was created with macro elements using the rigid element methodology and conducting nonlinear time history analysis on simplified models of significant portions of the church. The model was subjected to a suite of real accelerograms recorded during the September 19, 2017 earthquake (Mw 7.1) with epicenter in Morelos State in Mexico. The results agree satisfactorily with the current damage and cracking patterns observed in the building and a negligible effect was found when both horizontal and vertical components of the seismic records were simultaneously applied. It is concluded that simplified models are a suitable alternative to study this type of structures, even in the case of nave-cloister interaction during strong earthquakes, action that it is usually disregarded in numerical models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education strongly and significantly correlates with nation-building and security enhancement. That is to say. A nation cannot be built without quality education. Nation are built by men. In order to build a nation on the firm moral foundation, the people who build the nations must themselves be men of sterling qualities and integrity. This is the task of education. The main thrust of this paper is to x-ray nation-building and security enhancement in post covid-19 era. It examines the multi-dimensional roles of education in nation-building and enhancing security like improving the standard of living of the populace, liberation of man from endemic poverty, problems confronting nation-building and security enhancement such as historical legacies, leadership, corruption, mismanagement, insecurity, poverty and illiteracy were extensively thrashed, also the causes of security challenges in the country are identified. The way forward was proffered and conclusion made as education and nation-building and security enhancement complement each other for a better society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to accomplish three things: (1) to determine the manner in which child labor is exploited; (2) to identify the ecological elements (push and pull) that contribute to the exploitation of child labor; and (3) to determine the challenges that are associated with the management of child labor. It is possible for adults to exploit children through the use of child labor in a number of vocations, including those in the agricultural industry, the garment industry, manufacturing, mining, service industries, and the informal sector. Children's employment is influenced by a number of environmental factors, such as poverty, a dearth of educational possibilities, and a lack of awareness regarding the rights of children. The study discusses a number of elements that operate as pushes and pulles, as well as barriers, that could be encountered when attempting to address the problem of child labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the years after the military occupation by America, Iraq has faced signs of crisis, security instability and chaos. The main challenge of the Iraq’s government can be considered the use of democratic government building mechanisms. Any democratic government formation in Iraq can have an impact on the country's security policy. Based on such an idea, the process and nature of the government's policy-making in Iraq has a decisive role in political decision-making and its structural formation. State building will be the main axis of political and structural decision making in Iraq. Any political development in Iraq will be directly related to the type of political structure of the country. Iraq's social, economic and strategic policy-making will not have much meaning without considering the nature of the government. It is for this reason that the construction of the government will have a direct relationship with the pattern of its political behavior. Democratic state building can be explained based on different approaches. The main question of the article is that "security and strategic politics of Iraq are achieved under the influence of what factors?" The hypothesis of the article refers to the fact that "the political structure of the Iraq’s government will have a direct relationship with the country's social, economic and security policies." In the preparation of the article, the "theory of structural state building in chaotic countries" is used. The explanation of the article is based on the method of data analysis and content analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education is a critical part of nation-building. More specifically, it can also be a powerful pathway to liberty and a tool for disseminating knowledge. However, historically it has been used to subjugate and censor vulnerable groups like women, socio-economically disadvantaged persons, as well as men of color. Therefore, to avoid subordinating members of such minoritized groups and suppressing uncomfortable historical facts, advocates must continually evaluate the purpose and method of education. Such persistent monitoring can provide a basis for constructive reform of public education in the United States. Such reform must also consider changing social conditions. Presently, for example, public education is at the center of culture wars involving issues such as censorship and the ongoing battles for access to quality education. In addition, efforts have mushroomed to prevent the teaching of comprehensive, fact-based American history and to silence discussion of marginalized groups. To effectively understand this crisis, there is a need to better understand the historical relationship between public education, representative government, and liberty. In this fraught context, this Article excavates history and narratives important to the goal of an educated citizenry and liberated society to show that America has been here before. The Article's overarching goals are to show the subjective practices of education in the Colonial, Antebellum, and Postbellum eras in Virginia, the birthplace of America. The Article also aims to amplify the narratives of formerly enslaved and free Black Americans who leveraged education to achieve liberty and contribute to the democratic project. Further, this Article underscores the significance of access to a quality and robust education for advancing equality and empowerment--and, ultimately, freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory article highlights the main developments in the Republic of Moldova from the breakup of the Soviet Union to the present from the perspective of national sentiment and manifestations. Using Mark Beissinger's concept of "tides of nationalism", the article examines the bottom-up ethnic mobilisation between the "quiet" and the "noisy" phases of national projects in Moldova. With the persistence of the "quiet" phase of nationalism, in the last three decades, Moldova's population transitioned from identification based on ethnicity to one focused on civic coexistence. However, Russia's attack on Ukraine risks disrupting this balance, while contributing to the resurgence of ethnic sentiment at the expense of civic cohesion. Following an analysis of the literature in the field of "everyday nationalism", the authors present the contributions to this thematic section, highlighting the relevance of the Republic of Moldova's case within the regional and international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mother tongue, used as the language of instruction, is considered vital for effective pedagogy, individual rights recognition, and social justice. It offers marginalized students a more efficient pathway to learning compared to foreign or hegemonic national languages like English or Filipino. Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) challenges systems favoring colonial languages and asserts the importance of children's first languages. However, the political and ideological dimensions of mother tongue are often overlooked, as it can be manipulated to serve specific agendas in nation-building efforts. While linguists analyze its linguistic aspects, this paper delves into its political nature, exploring how it intersects with ideologies shaping nation-building and potentially nation-destroying processes. This article asserts that the mother tongue serves not only as a learning tool but also as a contested political concept vital for envisioning inclusive nation-building. By examining MTB-MLE in the Philippines, it explores how the mother tongue influences nationmaking and reimagining, shaping national identity and ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stability of any nation depends on the harmonious integration of all its citizens. Constitutional democracy, through the rule of law, aspires to inclusive government. But populism emphasizes the sovereignty of the people, places it above the rule of law and equates the people with the majority, excluding the minority. This exposes the nation to majority tyranny, abuse of power and exclusion of some segments of the populace in governance, thereby, raising issues of legitimacy, the polarization of the population and hostilities inimical to nationhood. This paper uses historical hermeneutic analysis to examine the impact of populism on the nation-building of emerging democratic nations like Nigeria. It argues that populism is a threat to the stability of emerging plural democracies and that the rule of law based on a negotiated constitutional democracy is a better option than populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)