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By the early ninth century, taking responsibility for aseries of social, religious and political transformations had become an integral part of running the Carolingian empire. This book takes a fresh look at these transformations during the optimistic first decades of the ninth century. Extrapolating from a series of detailed case studies rather than presenting a new grand narrative, it offers new interpretations of contemporary theories of personal improvement and institutional reforms, and shows the self-awareness of its main instigators as they pondered what it meant to be a good Christian in a good Christian empire., Die Entwicklungen bis zum neunten Jahrhundert hatten dazu geführt, dass von den Menschen, die das Reich der Karolinger organisierten und beherrschten, dafür verantwortlich waren, eine Reihe von sozialen, religiösen und politischen Veränderungen herbeizuführen. Das vorliegende Werk widmet sich diesen Transformationen während der ersten Jahrzehnte des neunten Jahrhunderts, als das Reich noch vom Optimismus seiner Oberschicht geprägt war. Dabei wird keine neue große Analyse angeboten, sondern auf der Grundlage der reichlich zum Thema vorhandenen Detailstudien eine neue Interpretation der zeitgenössischen Wahrnehmung von der Verbesserung des eigenen Verhaltens einerseits und der institutionellen Reformen andererseits vorgelegt. Das Buch zeigt das Ausmaß an Reflexion, das die Träger der karolingischen Reformen aufwiesen - immer mit der Leitfrage im Kopf, was einen guten Christen in einem guten, christlichen Reich ausmacht.

This paper argues that the three original and prototypical concepts that denote the supreme powers which form the core of the Roman constitution— the imperium, the tribunicia potestas and the patria potestas— are based on physical violence. Moreover, these forms of, L’article entend montrer que les trois institutions archétypiques et originales dénotant les pouvoirs suprêmes qui forment le noyau de la constitution romaine – l’imperium, la tribunicia potestas et la patria potestas – s’appuient sur la violence physique. De plus, ces formes de violence légitime se fondent sur le droit de vie et de mort sur leurs sujets. On examine par la suite les mécanismes par lesquels le droit romain a incorporé et institutionnalisé des actes de violence dans ces notions essentielles du pouvoir, ainsi que les formes sous lesquelles la décision de vie ou de mort est exprimée., Youni Maria. Violence et pouvoir sous la Rome républicaine : imperium, tribunicia potestas, patria potestas. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 45, n°1, 2019. pp. 37-64.

Throughout the Middle Ages, the idea of translatio imperii had scarce presence in Castilian historiographical literature, due to the weight of the Isidorian tradition. In addition, Alfonso X showed little interest in this idea in his historical work, possibly because he considered it was too limited for the view of history he held. Nonetheless, in the 15th century it can be observed that the idea of translatio imperii is approached in detail, within the frame of curial theory and the debate on imperial monarchy, to which Alonso de Cartagena, Sánchez de Arévalo and Torquemada contributed. Finally, Nebrija will subordinate the translatio imperii to the elation of Castile’s imperial ambitions. A lo largo de la Edad Media, la idea de translatio imperii tuvo en Castilla una presencia reducida en la literatura historiográfica, debido al peso de la tradición isidoriana. Tampoco Alfonso X mostró en sus obras históricas interés por esta idea, quizá porque la consideraba limitada para su visión de la historia. Sin embargo, en el siglo XV se observa un tratamiento detallado de ésta, en el marco de la teoría curial y del debate sobre la institución imperial. Alonso de Cartagena, Sánchez de Arévalo y Torquemada hicieron destacadas aportaciones. Finalmente, con Nebrija, la translatio imperii se subordina a la exaltación de las aspiraciones imperiales de Castilla.

Aquest article és una breu aproximació al concepte d'alteritat i la seva relació amb la possible existència d'una consciència d' identitat romana, per al que ens preguntem en primer lloc, què vol dir "ser romà"? De forma individual o col·lectiva, la identitat permet als individus sentir-se identificats amb els seus semblants, formant part així mateix de contextos comunitaris unificadors. Sent aquesta una creació fictícia, una elaboració cultural dependent d'un context historie determinat, la identitat no sois suscita unió i pertinença, sinó també discordia entre aquells que, tot i no posseeixen diferències ingènites tangibles, contenen atributs que s'oposen als d'altres identitats. Aquest enfrontament és el que coneixem com alteritat, la força d'un Altre que contribueix no només a la construcció d' etiquetes socials, sinó també a la configuració d'un Jo dominant.Fent ús de mètodes d'anàlisi basats en l' alteritat, compararem termes heretats, canviants en el temps, i revisarem la teoria de la romanització, bastió d'una artificiosa concòrdia cosmopolita. Cedirem davant !'evidència d'una concepció d' identitat per part deis romans?, Este artículo es una breve aproximación al concepto de alteridad y su relación con la posible existencia de una conciencia de identidad romana, para lo que nos preguntamos en primer lugar, ¿qué significa "ser romano"? De forma individual o colectiva, la identidad permite al individuo sentirse identificado con sus semejantes, formando parte asimismo de contextos comunitarios unificadores.Siendo ésta una creación ficticia, una elaboración cultural dependiente de un contexto histórico determinado, la identidad no sólo suscita unión y pertenencia, sino también discordia entre quienes, aun careciendo de diferencias ingénitas tangibles, poseen atributos que se oponen a los de otras identidades.Este enfrentamiento es lo que conocemos como alteridad, la fuerza de un Otro que contribuye no sólo a la construcción de etiquetas sociales, sino también a la configuración del Yo dominante. Haciendo uso de métodos de análisis basados en la otredad, compararemos términos heredados, aunque cambiantes en el tiempo, y revisaremos la teoría de la romanización , baluarte de una artificiosa concordia cosmopolita ¿Cederemos ante la evidencia de una concepción de identidad por parte de los romanos?, This paper aims to analyze "alterity" as a concept that might be related to a potential existence of an ancient self-awareness as Romans, thus an actual Roman identity. However, we must ask ourselves in the first place, what does it mean "to be Roman"? As individuals or being part of a community, identity allows people to feel identified with who they consider their equals, while taking part in sorne merging collective frameworks as well. Since identity is a fabrication, a cultural fiction dependen! on sorne specific historical contexts, it not only stimulates union and belonging, but also triggers dissent among those who -although lacking solid inherent dissimilarities-, hold characteristics and features opposed to the ones embraced by other identities. This opposition is known as alterity or otherness: the Other as part of the creation of social labels and openly contributing in the shaping of the Self. Using alterity as approach, we will compare sorne inherited words and expressions transformed over time, accompanied by the reconsideration of Romanization as an outdated interpretation based on a fictional cosmopolitan harmony. Will we give in to the evidence of a reliable notion of a Roman self-identity?

The influence of the great Roman Empire on almost every facet of life in the first century Mediterranean world can hardly be ignored. It comes as no surprise therefore that the gospels, which took shape within this context, reflect the machinations of the empire which guarded, jealously, any attempt to oppose or subvert the military, economic, political and ideological imperium it enjoyed over its colonies. The presence of the governor, military and the Sanhedrin, in the gospel of Matthew, all connive to expose the pervasiveness of the empire under the dual aspects of materiality and ideology. Applying the optics ofpost-colonial, imperialist hermeneutics on the Matthean unit of Jesus' arrest and trial, this article seeks to show how 1) the imperial machinations of the first Mediterranean world shaped the collective memory of the Matthean Christians; 2) how this collective memory interfaces with the manner in which the same imperium - no matter how hybridised it may be - is kept alive in our day; 3) how the potent mix of the pervasiveness of the Roman Empire and masculinity within which it is entrenched, are prolonged in the modern day Christian society.

En: Revista General de Derecho Romano. 1697-3046 n. 31, [31p.] El trabajo parte de la valoración negativa que posee hoy el concepto de “imperio”, que es heredada históricamente, con el objetivo de extraer el concreto significado que ha servido como modelo para la posteridad. Tras un somero análisis del concepto de imperio y de su evolución histórica en Roma, se discute qué posibles elementos pueden considerarse integrantes de la idea del imperio para someterlos a un ulterior análisis crítico: limes, territorium, orbis terrarum, ecúmene, misión universal o providencial de Roma, así como la idea de Roma como nación. This work considers initially the modern negative assessment of the concept of "empire", which is historically inherited, with the objective of determining the precise meaning that has been used in later times as a model. After a brief analysis of the concept of empire and its historical evolution in Rome, it is discussed what possible elements can be considered as integrating the idea of the empire to subject them to a further critical analysis: limes, territorium, orbis terrarum, ecúmene, universal or providential mission of Rome, as well as the idea about Rome as a nation

Author Matouš Vanča Title Imperator and Gubernator. Overlap of Functions of Two Prime Ministers from the Perspective of Constitutional Law, Comparative Politics and Theoretical 'Staatswissenschaft' Abstract This thesis deals with the so-called 'problem of the two PMs', i.e. situation during the alternation of governments in the Czech Republic when the two Prime Ministers coexist shortly at the same time. This specific situation is a potential source of extensive conflict over the authority to exercise the constitutional powers of the Prime Minister. In the first chapter the whole issue is analyzed from the historical point of view-it could be regarded as a relatively new matter of the current Czech constitution, however, even in the older Czechoslovak constitutional tradition, problems of a similar type can be found that have not yet been given more attention. The second chapter presents the views of constitutional lawyers on the whole topic-they are divided into three basic hypotheses, "denialism hypothesis", "one-hour hypothesis" and "Benelux hypothesis". In the third chapter there is a comprehensive comparison within the European Union-the mechanisms of government alternation in particular European constitutions are analyzed, their strengths and weaknesses are discussed and the states are categorized...

When the two Carolingian intellectuals Alcuin of Tours and Theodulf of Orleans engaged in a dispute over the fate of a criminal who had sought asylum in the church of Saint Martin in Tours, their conflict quickly turned into a heated political debate that reached the highest level of the Frankish Empire. As evidenced by the letters written during this altercation, this seemingly simple matter of church asylum brought up intractable questions of who should arbitrate on matters such as these, what it would mean if bishops interfered in church matters outside their own diocese, and how this matter affected the essential unity of the Carolingian church. From appeals to personal responsibility to the institutionalisation of the Empire, the debate between Alcuin, Theodulf and Charlemagne was ultimately about everybody’s place in the greater scheme of things, and the question of who should play by the rules, and who would be exempt.

Ovaj se rad posvetio istraživanju geopolitičkog poretka suvremenog svijeta te pitanju teritorijalnosti. Drugim riječima, detaljnije se istražio novi svjetski poredak uz glavne procese koji su ga oblikovali i utjecali na mijenjanje i (po)micanje njegovih granica od kojih je najvažniji globalizacija. Metodom istraživanja relevantne literature rad se najprije osvrnuo na hladnoratovski poredak od čega je sve krenulo na što se u preostalim poglavljima nadovezivao novi svjetski poredak. Svrha je rada bila prikazati u kolikoj se mjeri suvremeni svjetski poredak razlikuje od hladnoratovskog i u kojoj su se mjeri promijenile strukture moći glavnih aktera kao što su Sjedinjene Države, Rusija, Kina i Europska unija. Iz istraživanja je proizašlo da se suvremeni poredak razlikuje od hladnoratovskog u mnogim temeljnim značajkama, a jedino što je konstantno je ta borba za moć između država. Što se tiče važnosti država u suvremenom poretku ne može se reći da su potpuno izgubile glavnu ulogu, već više da su njihove uloge jednostavno izmijenjene. Što se tiče budućnosti poretka, mnogi proučavani autori smatraju da je neizvjesna i puna rizika., This thesis is researching the geopolitical order of the modern world and the question of territoriality. In other words, the new world order is further explored with the main processes that shaped it and influenced the change and moving of its boundaries, the most important of which is globalization. Using relevant literature, this paper first looked at the cold-war order, from which everything started to move the rest of the world into the rest of the chapters. The purpose of this paper was to show how far the modern world order differs from the Cold War order and how far the power structures of major actors such as the United States, Russia, China and the European Union have changed. Research shows that the modern order differs from the Cold War order in many fundamental features and that the only thing that is constant is the struggle for power between states. As for the importance of the role of the state, it can not be said that it has lost its main role in contemporary world order, but rather that its role has simply been altered. As for the future of the order, many of the authors considered state that it is uncertain and full of risk.

The paper attempts to stress the concept of immanence, as it has been developed by Deleuze and Guattari through Spinoza, in order to provide a critique of the so called platform capitalism. The digital dimension of economy and politics in fact represents a sort of a counter-attack versus Deleuze and Guattari’s philosophical perspective of emancipation and the goal of the paper becomes to re-activate such a perspective by reading the works of two important contemporary scholars: Frédréric Lordon and Antoinette Rouvroy. While Lordon represents a powerful way to reactivate Spinoza’s immanence in order to provide a new affirmative politics, Rouvroy shows to what degree contemporary capitalism, through its «algorithmic governmentality», is short-circuiting some of the concept developed by the French Theory (from Simondon’s transinvidual to Deleuze and Guattari’s rhizome and plan of immanence). With the help of these authors and of Benjiamin Bratton, the paper finally shows Immanence’s symptoms of weakness in front of such a capitalism, and it attempts to recharge or reload the very immanence taking care of “ingenium”, conceived as the fundamental concept of a new micropolitics.

Mit dem Prozess der Christianisierung entstand im Römischen Reich eine neue Art der gewaltsamen Auseinandersetzung: das religiös motivierte Vorgehen gegen Orte, Objekte oder Personen. Die radikalste Form dieser Konflikte war das Vorgehen gegen die Heiligtümer des religiösen Gegners - gegen Tempel, Synagogen oder Kirchengebäude. Die Folgen waren einschneidend: Die Übergriffe forderten Reaktionen aller Institutionen, vom Kaiser bis zu den städtischen Elite. Es wird die Rolle der Gesetzgebung, der imperialen und lokalen Verwaltung analysiert und das Verhältnis der Institutionen zu den sich neu strukturierenden regionalen und lokalen Öffentlichkeiten.

La scelta di Gaio Sempronio Tuditano, console del 129 a.C., di collocare un carme trionfale, che forse lui stesso compose, non a Roma, non in Italia, come i suoi predecessori, bensì in Gallia Cisalpina, in un contesto provinciale - primo caso finora documentato - riveste una straordinaria importanza dal punto di vista ideologico. In questa sede si ritorna sui gravi problemi testuali che l'iscrizione, fortemente mutila, presenta, e si avanza, per il primo colon del verso 4, una nuova proposta d’integrazione, alla luce della quale il testo verrebbe ad assumere un forte significato politico su due livelli, uno procedurale e uno personale.

On the basis of a comparative analysis of the worlds presented in Moscoviada by Yurii Andrukhovych and in the Little Apocalypse by Tadeusz Konwicki the article demonstrates the meaning of "metaphorical translation". Using the category proposed by Joseph Brodsky, the author of the article shows how similar characters, who search for their identities, are presented in both books.

La tesis se articula en tres capítulos. El primero, con una profunda aproximación de carácter histórico, trata de la potestad eclesiástica y de la cuestión de la bipartición de esta. En primer lugar, preocupa al profesor delimitar la naturaleza y definición de potestas, imperium e iurisdictio, fijándose en su comprensión en el derecho romano y su recepción y desarrollo en el derecho canónico.El segundo capítulo centra su objeto de investigación en la relación entre orden, jurisdicción y magisterio, planteando la cuestión sobre el lugar que ocupa la potestad de magisterio en la clasificación de los poderes de la Iglesia.El tercer capítulo profundiza en la cuestión del munus para fijar su concepto, su origen y naturaleza, en el carácter jurídico de la potestas y del munus en el ámbito canónico y en el desarrollo histórico de los tria munera. Derecho canónico

Biografia dell'imperatore Claudio, con particolare attenzione agli aspetti storico-giuridici e con una ricostruzione della produzione normativa del suo principato (41-54 d.C.).

Artykuł poświęcony jest omówieniu książki Adama Nowakowskiego W Kraju Tysiąca Jezior. Obraz Finlandii w rosyjskiej literaturze podróżniczej (1809–1917). Monografia rozpatruje z perspektywy imagologicznej relacje rosyjskich podróżników odwiedzających Wielkie Księstwo Finlandzkie. Chronologiczne uporządkowanie i prezentacja badanych tekstów pozwoliła ukazać proces powstawania i ewolucji heteroobrazu Finlandii i jej mieszkańców w rosyjskiej literaturze podróżniczej na przestrzeni stu lat. Wizerunek ów ewoluował od imperialnego protekcjonizmu do idealizacji Finlandii jako najbardziej rozwiniętej i zeuropeizowanej prowincji Rosji Romanowów. Zgromadzony i skrupulatnie przeanalizowany przez autora monografii materiał pozwala uznać omówioną pracę naukową jako mającą istotny wkład w polskie badania imagologiczne. The aim of the article is the review of Adam Nowakowski’s work In the Land of Thousand Lakes. The image of Finland in the Russian travel literature (1809-1917). According to the perspective of imagology this author analyses different texts of Russian travelers who were visiting The Great Duchy of Finland. Those texts are ordered and represented chronologically, and it lets to show not only the process of creation of the various image of Finland and its inhabitants in the Russian travel literature, but also the evolution of this image during over than hundred years. The image of Finland and its inhabitants has been changed a lot – from empire protectionism to idealization of this land as the most developed and European province of Russian Empire. The material gathered in the monograph and parsed by the author very accurately allows to recognize Adam Nowakowski’s work as an important scientific research for Polish imagology.

La natura è razionale poiché passa attraverso il filtro della ratio e si produce in calcoli raffinati tali da disegnare una realtà ordinata, dove ogni cosa trova il suo posto per se stesso e rispetto alle altre cose. In una rinnovata prospettiva di rigidità dell’ordine delle cose e non permissiva di rotture, ci troviamo di fronte a una ragione che assume il duplice valore di “regolo a priori” quando si trova “nelle mani” dell’intelletto speculativo e di “regolo a posteriori” quando si trova “nelle mani” dell’intelletto pratico, finendo, in quest’ultimo caso, per divenire ragione pratica, ovvero ragione che risolve cose pratiche. La natura razionale dell’uomo è la stessa natura razionale. Ogni essere ne è dotato per la propria realizzazione personale; in modo tale che il “bonum” è interno all’uomo, perché questo è razionale, e per questo motivo è detto “bonum morale”. Essa, dunque, non è un parametro astratto e generale da intendersi come specie comune a tutti gli uomini, ma è qualcosa di specifico che si immerge totalmente nelle circostanze che l’uomo vive.

Resumen: El presente trabajo intenta profundizar en las nociones de ley de dos de los mas importantes teologos escolasticos: Tomas de Aquino y Francisco Suarez. Sabemos que el Eximio pretende dar sentido e inteligencia a las palabras del Aquinatense. Usualmente se ha marcado el voluntarismo y distancia que toma Suarez con respecto a la teologia del Maestro Angelico, motivo por el cual hemos querido bosquejar una posible continuidad entre ambos doctores de la teologia escolastica: todo a partir del analisis del concepto de imperium. Palabras clave: Ratio legis, ley en general, imperium, determinacion. Abstract: This paper tries deeper into the notions of law of two of the most important scholastics: Aquinas and Suarez. We know that Suarez tries give sense and intelligence at the Aquinas´ words. Usually we mark the voluntarism and the distance that Suarez takes over the Aquinas’ theology; for this we wanted outline a possible continuity between the two doctors of scholastic theology: everything from the analysis of the concept of imperium. Keywords: Ratio legis, law in general, imperium, determination.

By analyzing the Byzantine sources, the author presents a thorough picture of the Arsenite faction and the internal schism occurred in the Byzantine society as a result of their actions. Beside their uncompromising position towards emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, always supported with spiritual arguments, the Arsenites also had concrete political-religious interests, making them an authentic political party.

This paper examines the potency of the concept of ›empire‹ in Carolingian history, arguing against the still recent trend in medieval studies of seeing the Carolingian empire as having been in a constant state of decay. An initial historiographical overview of medievalist’s perceptions of ›empire‹ over the past century is followed by a discussion of how Carolingian authors themselves constructed, perceived and were influenced by notions of ›empire‹. Biblical scholars like Hraban Maur initiated an authoritative discourse on imperium, which in turn, after the 840s, heavily influenced later authors, perhaps most interestingly Paschasius Radbertus in his Epitaphium Arsenii. While the writings of these authors who looked back at Louis’s reign have often been interpreted as revealing a decline of imperial ideals, they must rather be seen as testifying to a long-lasting concern for a universal Carolingian empire.

Ao direcionarmos nosso olhar para o mundo romano do final do século III d.C., verificamos um movimento interessante acerca estrutura política imperial. Foi a partir deste período que se intensificaram as guerras civis e as usurpações do poder e, ao mesmo tempo, que se estabeleceram uma série de transformações, englobando desde reformas administrativas, até a redefinição teórico-ideológica do poder imperial com a instauração do Dominato. O governo do Imperador Diocleciano foi um dos marcos deste processo, principalmente porque este soberano conseguiu empreender reformas de princípios autocráticos concernentes à administração, fiscalização e questão militar. Em tal contexto, a legitimação do soberano era um eixo importante para a manutenção da unidade. Este trabalho propõe analisar as relações de poder que movimentaram a política imperial durante a consolidação da Tetrarquia (284-305 d.C.), bem como os vínculos que se estabeleciam entre o governo imperial e as províncias, com foco no processo de legitimação do poder. Para tal, selecionamos como fonte os discursos panegirísticos produzidos no século III d.C., de autoria de Mamertino, Eumênio e anônima, o Breviarium Historiæ Romanæ, de autoria de Eutrópio, e Liber de Caesaribus, de Aurélio Victor, produzidos no século IV d.C. Mesmo que tais obras não tenham o objetivo de discutir sobre as relações de integração, ao promover um elogio ao Imperador, no caso dos panegíricos, e uma narrativa sobre a história do Império, no caso dos breviários, o autor é impelido a tratar estes elementos da sociedade e da política imperial, o que acaba por desvelar estas relações. Ao abordar a formação da Tetrarquia sob a ótica dos panegiristas e breviaristas, procura-se identificar o procedimento de estruturação desta forma de organização política. Para além da formulação de uma imagem idealizada dos governantes, a construção da legitimação dos soberanos que estavam à frente deste processo de reorganização era parte constituinte da construção de uma unidade imperial no século III d.C. When focusing our vision of the Roman world the end of the third century AD, we find an interesting move about imperial political structure. It was from this period that intensified civil wars and usurpations of power and at the same time, we settled a series of transformations, covering from administrative reforms, to the ideological theoretical redefinition of imperial power with the introduction of Dominato. The Emperor Diocletian government was one of the landmarks of this process, mainly because this sovereign could undertake reforms of autocratic principles concerning the administration, supervision and military subject. In this context, the legitimacy of the ruler was an important hub for maintaining unity. This work aims to analyze the relations of power that moved the imperial policy during the consolidation of the Tetrarchy (284-305 AD), and the links that were established between the imperial government and the provinces, focusing on the power of legitimation process. For such, we selected as the source panegyirícs discourses produced in the third century AD, authored Mamertino, Eumênio and anonymous, the Breviarium Historiæ Romanae of Eutropius, and Liber de Caesaribus of Aurelius Victor, produced in the fourth century AD. Even if such works do not on purpose of discuss the relations of integration by promoting a praise to the Emperor, in the case of panegyrics, and a narrative about the history of the Empire, in the case of breviaries, the author is compelled to treat these elements society and the imperial politics, which ultimately reveal these relations. When approaching the formation of the Tetrarchy from the perspective of panegyrists and breviarists, attempt to identify the structure of the procedures in this form of political organization. In addition to the formulation of an idealized image of the rulers, the construction of the legitimacy of sovereigns who were in charge of this reorganization was a constituent part of building an imperial unit in the third century AD. Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES

La genesi della nozione strettamente collegata a quella di imperium: securitas come sostituto di libertas?

During the Repubblic there was no such thing as a true military career per se.

Introduction Le dernier ouvrage de Fréderic Lordon (ci-après FL), Imperium, Structures et affects des corps politiques (ci-après Imperium) est un livre complexe, qui se prête à plusieurs niveaux de lecture. Cette richesse est cependant à l’origine d’une grande partie des critiques que nous formulerons. Nous l’avons lu, en effet, sous un angle particulier, celui de chercheurs qui essaient de développer une approche originale de la politique économique et du changement institutionnel : c’est l’...

Gottschalk iz Orbaisa (o. 805–868. ili 869), benediktinski redovnik, teolog, gramatičar i pjesnik, sin saskog grofa Berna. Najpoznatiji kao tvorac nauka o predodređenju (predestinaciji) pod utjecajem spisâ sv. Augustina. Uslijed otpora franačke crkvene hijerarhije njegovim teološkim stajalištima, prisiljen često mijenjati boravišta po Europi. Oko 846–848. gost hrvatskog kneza Trpimira na njegovu dvoru, potom u Bugarskoj. Kao heretik osuđen na nekoliko crkvenih sabora (Mainz 848., Quierzy 849.), do smrti konfiniran u samostanu Hautvillers. U kontekstu svojih teoloških nazora (razigranost konjâ prije bitke kao primjer predodređenja pobjednika, odnosno zadanosti budućih događaja) donosi i podatke o području Dalmacije i Hrvatske u Trpimirovo vrijeme. U spisu De Trina deitate tog kneza naziva kraljem Slavena (Tripemirus rex Sclavorum), opisuje njegov vojni pohod protiv „naroda Grka i njihova patricija“. Potonji događaj neki povjesničari povezuju s ratom između Bizantskog Carstva i Hrvatske ; drugi smatraju da se radilo o lokalnom sukobu s vojnim odredom pod zapovjedništvom bizantskog namjesnika iz Zadra. Ujedno spominje i jezična obilježja kolokvijalnog izražavanja toga kraja. Istrgnutim iz konteksta, ovim se odlomkom tumačilo da u nekadašnjoj rimskoj Dalmaciji sredinom 9. st. postoje dva odjelita kulturna entiteta, s različitim nazivima: Dalmatini (podanici Trpimira) i Latini (podanici Bizantskog Carstva). Međutim, iz nove kontekstualne i filološke analize teksta (Ž. Rapanić) proizlazi da pisac ovdje poistovjećuje Dalmatine s Latinima (odnosno latinofonim stanovnicima primorske Dalmacije), podanicima bizantskog cara, ne spominjući uopće na tom mjestu ni Slavene, niti njihova vladara. Gottschalk navodi da žitelji Bizantske Dalmacije svoga suverena nazivaju apstraktnim imenicama "kraljevstvo" i "carstvo". Ovo nije dalmatinska specifičnost, jer isti slučaj Gottschalk opisuje s Venecijancima (također Latini, koji svoga gospodara cara nazivaju "gospodstvo"). Isti se način izražavanja susreće već ranije u Rižanskom placitu (804.) gdje je figurativna upotreba pojedinih riječi i njihovo preneseno značenje poslužilo istarskim prosvjednicima protiv franačkog vojvode Ivana. Sva tri primjera ne odnose se na etničku, već na jezičnu pripadnost govornikâ (srednjovjekovni govorni latinski jezik). Jednako je tako moguće da se nije radilo o uobičajenom svakodnevnom govoru tamošnjeg pučanstva, već o utjecaju diplomatičkih formula iz poveljâ koje je izdavala bizantska carska kancelarija. U njima se car imenovao apersonalno i u množini, kao ἡ βασιλεία ἡμῶν ("naše veličanstvo" ili "naše carstvo", "naše kraljevstvo"), što odgovara latinskim izrazima dominatio nostra, imperium ili regnum, dakle baš apstraktnim frazama kakve se sreću kod Gottschalka. Ukoliko je ova pretpostavka opravdana, prodor tog formulaičnog jezika ukazuje da su administrativni kontakti Venecije, Istre i Dalmacije preko službenih dokumenata sa metropolom Carstva u prvoj polovici 9. st. bili prilično redoviti.

Gottschalk of Orbais (ca. 805–868/869), a Benedictine monk, theologian, grammarian and a poet, is best known as a staunch supporter of the doctrine of two-fold predestination (developed under the influence of St. Augustine’s writings). His theological ideas, however, met with negative reception among the ranks of Frankish ecclesiastical hierarchy, forcing Gottschalk to travel and move around Carolingian Europe frequently. In ca. 846–848 he resided at the court of Croatian prince Trpimir, afterwards leaving for Bulgaria. Several church synods convicted him of heresy (Mainz 848, Quierzy 849), ultimately resulting in his confinement in the monastery of Hautvillers, where he died. Within the context of his theory of predestination, his works contain several valuable informations on Dalmatia in the time of Trpimir, evidently picked up during his stay in Croatia. In his treatise De Trina deitate he attributed to this ruler the title of »king of the Slavs« (Tripemirus rex Sclavorum) and described his military expedition against the »people of Greeks and their patrician« (contra gentem Graecorum et patricium eorum). He also mentioned some linguistic peculiarities, apparently characteristic of this region. Interpreted out of context, this passage was thought to witness the existence of two different entities in mid-9th century Dalmatia: Dalmatini (Trpimir’s subjects in continental Dalmatia) and Latini (Byzantine subjects in coastal cities and islands). However, the recent contextual and philological analysis of the text (Ž. Rapanić) resulted in some new insights: namely, that Gottschalk identifies homines Dalmatini with homines Latini (i.e. with the Latin-speaking inhabitants of litoral Dalmatia), subject to Byzantine sovereignty. In other words, in this passage he never mentions (explicitly or implicitly) neither the Slavs, nor their ruler. Gottschalk simply states that the people of Byzantine Dalmatia call their sovereign using abstract nouns »kingdom« and »empire«. This manner of speech is by no means specific to Dalmatia, since the same is attested by Gottschalk for the inhabitants of Venice (also homines Latini, who call their sovereign, the Byzantine emperor, dominatio). The same phraseology is attested even earlier, in the so-called Plea of Rižana (Placitum Risanum) of 804, when it was used by Istrians protesting against the Frankish duke John (Ab antiquo tempore dum fuimus sub potestate Grecorum imperii [...] Et qui volebant meliorem honorem habere de tribuno, ambulabat ad imperium, qui ordinabat illum ypato). Michael McCormick was the first who, albeit in passing (and apparently unaware of the Istrian example), hypothesized that these were not mere lexical features used in everyday vulgar Latin. He assumed that the phrases in question reflect the influence of diplomatic documents, issued by Byzantine imperial chancery. Formulas used in these documents by which the emperor designated himself were written in plural form and using abstract nouns: ἡ βασιλεία ἡμῶν (»our majesty«, »our empire«, »our kingdom«). These exactly correspond to Latin titles dominatio, imperium or regnum, that is to say, to abstract nouns attested by Gottschalk. I will further develop the argument used by M. McCormick, using a number of written sources of various provenance, as well as sigillographic evidence. If this assumption is to be accepted, then the penetration of Byzantine diplomatic formulas into vernacular usage points to relatively regular administrative contacts between Venice, Dalmatia and Istria and the Byzantine metropolis, via official documents during the first half of the 9th century.

Medienimpulse, Bd. 52 Nr. 4 (2014): 4/2014 - Steuerung, Kontrolle, Disziplin/Medienpädagogische Perspektiven auf Medien und/der Überwachung

Predavanje održano u sklopu Ciklusa javnih predavanja Instituta za povijest umjetnosti-Centra Cvito Fisković, u Centru Studia Mediterranea. Istrgnutim iz konteksta, Gottschalkovim se odlomkom tumačilo da u nekadašnjoj rimskoj Dalmaciji sredinom 9. st. postoje dva odjelita kulturna entiteta, s različitim nazivima: Dalmatini (podanici Trpimira) i Latini (podanici Bizantskog Carstva). Međutim, iz nove kontekstualne i filološke analize teksta (Ž. Rapanić 2013.) proizlazi da pisac ovdje poistovjećuje Dalmatine s Latinima (odnosno latinofonim stanovnicima primorske Dalmacije), podanicima bizantskog cara, ne spominjući uopće na tom mjestu ni Slavene, niti njihova vladara.

Il contibuto è finalizzato all'edizione di una lettera di Vincenzo Arangio Ruiz a Edoardo Volterra sugli effetti regolativi dei decreti senatorii nell'ultimo periodo della repubblica romana. Secondo Vincenzo Arangio Ruiz un ruolo centrale è giocato dall'imperium dei magistrati romani. La lettera è analizzata nel suo contesto, con riguardo agli interessi scientifici dell'autore e, in particolare del destinatario della stessa

Gottschalk iz Orbaisa (o. 805–868. ili 869), benediktinski redovnik, teolog, gramatičar i pjesnik, sin saskog grofa Berna. Najpoznatiji kao tvorac nauka o predodređenju (predestinaciji) pod utjecajem spisâ sv. Augustina. Uslijed otpora franačke crkvene hijerarhije njegovim teološkim stajalištima, prisiljen često mijenjati boravišta po Europi. Oko 846–848. gost hrvatskog kneza Trpimira na njegovu dvoru, potom u Bugarskoj. Kao heretik osuđen na nekoliko crkvenih sabora (Mainz 848., Quierzy 849.), do smrti konfiniran u samostanu Hautvillers. U kontekstu svojih teoloških nazora (razigranost konjâ prije bitke kao primjer predodređenja pobjednika, odnosno zadanosti budućih događaja) donosi i podatke o području Dalmacije i Hrvatske u Trpimirovo vrijeme. U spisu De Trina deitate tog kneza naziva kraljem Slavena (Tripemirus rex Sclavorum), opisuje njegov vojni pohod protiv „naroda Grka i njihova patricija“. Potonji događaj neki povjesničari povezuju s ratom između Bizantskog Carstva i Hrvatske ; drugi smatraju da se radilo o lokalnom sukobu s vojnim odredom pod zapovjedništvom bizantskog namjesnika iz Zadra. Ujedno spominje i jezična obilježja kolokvijalnog izražavanja toga kraja. Istrgnutim iz konteksta, ovim se odlomkom tumačilo da u nekadašnjoj rimskoj Dalmaciji sredinom 9. st. postoje dva odjelita kulturna entiteta, s različitim nazivima: Dalmatini (podanici Trpimira) i Latini (podanici Bizantskog Carstva). Međutim, iz nove kontekstualne i filološke analize teksta (Ž. Rapanić) proizlazi da pisac ovdje poistovjećuje Dalmatine s Latinima (odnosno latinofonim stanovnicima primorske Dalmacije), podanicima bizantskog cara, ne spominjući uopće na tom mjestu ni Slavene, niti njihova vladara. Gottschalk navodi da žitelji Bizantske Dalmacije svoga suverena nazivaju apstraktnim imenicama "kraljevstvo" i "carstvo". Ovo nije dalmatinska specifičnost, jer isti slučaj Gottschalk opisuje s Venecijancima (također Latini, koji svoga gospodara cara nazivaju "gospodstvo"). Isti se način izražavanja susreće već ranije u Rižanskom placitu (804.) gdje je figurativna upotreba pojedinih riječi i njihovo preneseno značenje poslužilo istarskim prosvjednicima protiv franačkog vojvode Ivana. Sva tri primjera ne odnose se na etničku, već na jezičnu pripadnost govornikâ (srednjovjekovni govorni latinski jezik). Jednako je tako moguće da se nije radilo o uobičajenom svakodnevnom govoru tamošnjeg pučanstva, već o utjecaju diplomatičkih formula iz poveljâ koje je izdavala bizantska carska kancelarija. U njima se car imenovao apersonalno i u množini, kao ἡ βασιλεία ἡμῶν ("naše veličanstvo" ili "naše carstvo", "naše kraljevstvo"), što odgovara latinskim izrazima dominatio nostra, imperium ili regnum, dakle baš apstraktnim frazama kakve se sreću kod Gottschalka. Ukoliko je ova pretpostavka opravdana, prodor tog formulaičnog jezika ukazuje da su administrativni kontakti Venecije, Istre i Dalmacije preko službenih dokumenata sa metropolom Carstva u prvoj polovici 9. st. bili prilično redoviti.

Artykuł jest syntezą wyników badań dotyczących poszukiwania przyczyn i uwarunkowań kryzysu modelu demokracji w Unii Europejskiej (UE). Przedmiotem badania opisanego w niniejszym raporcie są wybrane mechanizmy, normy i wartości systemu Unii Europejskiej mające decydujące znaczenie dla funkcjonowania demokracji w UE. Jego celem jest projekcja scenariuszy dotyczących przyszłego rozwoju aktualnie diagnozowanego modelu demokracji (stanu demokracji) w UE w odniesieniu do hipotetycznych modeli funkcjonowania Unii jako federacji, imperium lub Europy à la carte. W oparciu o dostępne koncepcje teoretyczne autorka wykaże wielopoziomowy wymiar funkcjonowania demokracji w Unii Europejskiej. Posługując się znanymi kryteriami oceny legitymacji wielopoziomowych systemów, zostanie przyjęte założenie, że źródłem legitymacji działań UE są różne podmioty, nie tylko państwa członkowskie, działające na różnych poziomach. Model demokracji w UE ewoluuje, ale nie są to zmiany dynamiczne. W okresie występowania kryzysów, proces ten nabiera dynamiki. Ze względu na zmienny charakter zachodzących procesów nie da się uchwycić obowiązującego modelu demokracji w UE jako wzorca do pomiaru czy ustanowić jako niezmiennie wymagany standard. Demokrację w UE należy postrzegać jako cel. Demokratyczność systemu UE poddana została badaniu równolegle w trzech płaszczyznach: normatywno-aksjologicznej, instytucjonalno- proceduralnej oraz utylitarnej, stanowiących zmienne pod nazwami: throughput, input oraz output. Walorem prowadzonego badania jest zebranie i uporządkowanie wiedzy na temat funkcjonowania demokracji w Unii Europejskiej w jej trzech wyróżnianych aspektach. Wyniki badania zostały wyprowadzone w oparciu o triangulację wyżej opisanych zmiennych Narodowe Centrum Nauki Marta Witkowska