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Cilj ovoga rada je uočavanje određenih metoda koje bi dovele do autonomije djece u njihovim aktivnostima, a samim time i do razvoja kritičkog mišljenja. Pripremajući poticajno prostorno-materijalno okruženje, nastoji se imati na umu individualne sposobnosti djece i individualne interese prema pojedinim područjima. Podjelom prostora na mnoštvo različitih centara djeca samostalno biraju individualni pristup ili rad u manjim grupama. Podržavanjem samoiniciranih aktivnosti djece proizašlih iz poticajnog okruženja djeci se omogućava stjecanje znanja, konstruiranje znanja, samostalno donošenje odluka, smjer razvoja aktivnosti te preuzimanje odgovornosti za realizaciju iste. Postavljajući pitanja, nastoji se djetetu ukazati na zanimanje za ono što radi naglašavanjem važnosti djetetove aktivnosti i davanje podrške za daljnji nivo djetetova razmišljanja. Na taj se način potiče djetetovo samopouzdanje i samostalnost. Osim osiguravanja prostorno-materijalnog okruženja i podržavanjem samoiniciranih dječjih aktivnosti, odgojitelj podržava i prepoznaje rad djece na projektima proizašlih iz njihovih interesa. Rad djece na projektu, kao metoda apsolutne autonomije, omogućava atmosferu koja će rezultirati opuštenom realizacijom projekta, uvažavajući dječje mišljenje o daljnjem razvoju projekta. Rezultati praćenja kroz određeni vremenski period pokazali su da se ovakvim pristupom radu djeca osjećaju prihvaćena, jačaju samopouzdanje, konstruiraju vlastito razumijevanje, uče se dijalogu, neometano iznose mišljenja i stavove te postavljaju nove hipoteze i sve više ulaze u druge nivoe nadogradnje cjelokupnog razvoja.

Osnovni cilj ove disertacije bio je utvrditi je li zbog rapidnog razvoja tehnologije i novih sigurnosnih izazova došlo do transformacije pojma privatnosti, odnosno prava na privatnost u političkom smislu. Najprije je privatnost definirana kao mogućnost kontrole pristupa (podacima o) sebi. Definicijom privatnosti u terminima kontrole pojedinca se stavlja u središte njegova postojanja te se naglašava vrijednost privatnosti za autonomiju i uspostavu bliskih međuljudskih odnosa. Ugroze privatnosti su prema stupnju kontrole koju pojedinac nad njima ima ugrubo podijeljene na interne i eksterne ugroze privatnosti, odnosno na one ugroze u kojima kontrolu nad (podacima o) nama nekome dobrovoljno predajemo ili nam je netko oduzima bez našega znanja. Na primjeru masovnog nekritičkog nadzora koji provode pojedine strane obavještajne službe prikazane su opasnosti koje proizlaze iz eksternih ugroza privatnosti, dok je za eksterne korišten odnos najvećih svjetskih informacijskih tvrtki prema korisničkim podacima, a posebice činjenica kako ljudi olako prepuštaju svoje osobne podatke u zamjenu za digitalne usluge ili trgovačke pogodnosti. Kroz normativnu raspravu o intrinzičnoj i instrumentalnoj vrijednosti privatnosti obrazloženo je kako je privatnost temeljno ljudsko pravo koje istovremeno ima svoj značaj za pojedinca, društvo, političku zajednicu i demokraciju. Na taj način definirana privatnost suočena je s opsegom i razinom eksternih i internih ugroza privatnosti te je zaključeno kako je pojam privatnosti radikalno transformiran iz temeljnog ljudskog prava u robu kojom se trguje. U drugom dijelu rada, provedeno je empirijsko istraživanje čiji je cilj bio utvrditi način na koji ljudi razumiju koncept privatnosti. Istraživanje se sastojalo od kvalitativnog predistraživanja korištenjem metode polustrukturiranog intervjua provedenog na 16 sudionika te kvantitativnog anketnog istraživanja provedenog na uzorku od 966 sudionika.Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako većina ljudi deklarativno visoko vrednuje važnost privatnosti. No, istovremeno su tek umjereno zabrinuti za privatnost te, ono značajnije, tek rijetko iskazuju ponašanja kojima štite vlastitu privatnost. Prema tome, zaključeno je kako je trenutni odnos pojedinaca prema vlastitoj privatnosti te odnos država prema privatnosti svojih građana nespojiv s temeljnim postavkama liberalne demokracije. Budući da se temeljno ljudsko pravo na privatnost unutar liberalno-demokratske paradigme ne može normativno redefinirati, potrebno je bez odgode početi na odgovarajući način osiguravati, štititi i vrednovati pravo na privatnost svakog čovjeka. The main purpose of this dissertation was to determine whether the concept of privacy was transformed as a result of the rapid technological development and emerging security challenges in the last fifteen years. The thesis is based on two levels of analysis. At the level of a nation-state a thorough normative discussion was conducted and at the level of citizens an empirical research was conducted. At first, privacy was defined as the ability to control access to (information about) oneself. The definition of privacy in terms of control places the individual at the centre of her existence and emphasizes the value of privacy for autonomy and the establishment of close interpersonal relationships. After defining the concept of privacy and determining its value, next task was to observe current threats to privacy. Threats to privacy were divided into two broad groups based on the degree of control that an individual has over them. Depending on the locus of control of (information about) us the, there were two groups of threats – external and internal. External being those in which control over (information about) us was seized without our knowledge and/or against our will, whereas internal being those in which control over (information about) us was voluntarily given. As an example of dangers arising from external threats to privacy mass-surveillance carried out by certain large intelligence services was used. On the other hand, to illustrate the dangers arising from internal threats, the relationship between the world's largest digital and advertising companies and user data was used, and in particular the fact that people are reluctantly giving their personal information in exchange for digital services or virtually irrelevant convenience. Through a normative discussion on the intrinsic and instrumental value of privacy, privacy was carefully established as a fundamental human right, which at the same time has its significance for the individual, society, the political community and democracy.Privacy defined in this was faced with the extent and the level of external and internal threats to privacy we encounter today. It was concluded that the concept of privacy is radically transformed from basic human rights to a tradable commodity. In the second part of the thesis, an empirical study was conducted in order to get insights on the way people today view privacy. Research has collected some very valuable information on how people understand privacy and threats to privacy. In the qualitative pre-study 16 people were interviewed using a semi-structured interview method. Results have shown that people are very rarely thinking about privacy, but when they do, most of them find it very important and they value it. Findings from this study have been used it the following quantitative study that has been carried out on a much larger sample of 966 participants. Primary goal was to test the privacy paradox, which describes a phenomenon of disparity between the high importance of privacy and the ease with which they are willing to give it up. The results have confirmed the existence of a privacy paradox, that is, those participants who appreciated their privacy the most showed that they behave statistically isignificantly different from what could be expected of those who value their privacy highly. Furthermore, in both qualitative and quantitative study, we’ve collected a number of empirical data that contributes to better understanding of how individuals perceive privacy. These findings are complementary to the conclusion of the normative discussion on the radical transformation of the concept of privacy. Research results show that most people still highly value the importance of privacy. But at the same time, they are only moderately concerned about privacy and, more importantly, they rarely express privacy protecting behaviour. Therefore, it was concluded that the current relationship of individuals towards their own privacy as well as the way modern states respect privacy of their citizens is incompatible with the fundamental settings of liberal democracy. Since it is not possible to normatively redefine the fundamental human right to privacy within the liberal democratic paradigm, it is necessary to begin adequately securing, protecting the right of every person's privacy. However, due to the widespread voluntary waiving of their privacy in order to gain access to various services and benefits, states should be determined to securing the privacy rights of their citizens despite the wish of its citizens to renounce it. Although such paternalism may, to a certain extent, be justified within the liberal paradigm, it is unrealistic for it to happen. More so because the states themselves are motivated to stay aside in this matter because due to reduced sensitivity to internal threats at the same time citizens have become less sensitive to external threats to privacy. Today's consumer wants a free service, benefits and discounts, precise recommendations, tailored advertisements, and believes that sharing of personal information is a low price for that. This thesis should be seen as an attempt of contributing to this hot topic, having in mind that is just a small part of the extensive debate on the role and importance of privacy to follow. Despite the fact that this work represents a certain contribution to the restoration of privacy to its deserved normative framework, the results of the empirical research give little room to maintain optimism.

Darba nosaukums: Skolēnu kritisko domāšanu veicinošs sākumskolas mācību process. Darba autore: Egija Tīse. Darba vadītāja: Ingūna Lāce Darba mērķis: Teorētiski un empīriski pētīt jaunākā skolas vecumposma skolēnu kritisko domāšanu veicinošus pedagoģiskos nosacījumus sākumskolas mācību procesā. Darbs sastāv no divām daļām teorētiskās un empīriskās. Darba teorētiskajā daļā tiek analizētas un apkopotas zinātnieku un pedagogu atziņas par kritisko domāšanu un kritiskās domāšanas prasmju pilnveidi sākumskolas mācību procesā. Empīriskā pētījuma daļā tiek noskaidrotas mijsakarības starp skolēnu kritiskās domāšanas izpausmēm un skolotāja pielietotiem sākumskolas mācību procesa organizācijas paņēmieniem. Tika izmantotas šādas pētniecības metodes — aptauja sākumskolas perioda (1.–4. klase) skolotājiem (116 respondenti) un daļēji strukturizēta tipa intervija ar divām sākumskolas skolotājām. Pētījuma hipotēze: Jaunākā skolas vecumposma skolēnu kritiskā domāšana tiek veicināta, ja skolotājs mācību procesā: •rada vidi, kas pieļauj iespēju kļūdīties; •dod laiku domāšanai, iespējai izvērtēt savu domāšanas gaitu, iespējai patstāvīgi analizēt dažāda veida informāciju; •iesaista skolēnus apgūstamo tematu un problēmu izvēlē; •izmanto skolēnu aktivitāti veicinošas darba organizācijas formas un metodes, kas veicina diskusiju, jautājumu uzdošanu un iespēju patstāvīgi analizēt dažāda veida informāciju. Bakalaura darba pētījuma ietvaros tika konstatēts un apliecinājās, ka jaunākā skolas vecumposma skolēnu kritisko domāšanu īpaši veicina: •domāšanai un domāšanas gaitas izvērtēšanai atvēlētais laiks; •rosinājums izvērtēt domāšanas gaitu, kā skolēns nonāk līdz rezultātam; •iespēja skolēniem patstāvīgi analizēt dažāda veida informāciju. Darbs sastāv no 72 lapām., darbā iekļauti 7 attēli, 4 tabulas un 5 pielikumi. Darbā izmantoti 48 literatūras avoti. Atslēgas vārdi: kritiskā domāšana, jautājumu stratēģijas, reflektivitāte, autonomija, Thesis title:The Elementary School Study Process Facilitating Pupil’s Critical Thinking. Thesis author: Egija Tīse. Thesis scientific advisor: Ingūna Lāce. Thesis goal: Theoretical and empirical study of the pedagocial conditions facilitating critical thinking in the youngest school age pupils within the elementary school study process. The Thesis comprises two parts — theoretical and empirical. The theoretical part of the Thesis analysies and collects the notions of scientists and educators regarding critical thinking and development of critical thinking skills during the study process of elementary school. The empirical part of the study identifies the correlations between the expressions of pupils’critical thinking and the organisational methods of elementary school study process applied by the teacher. The following study methods were applied — survey among elementary school (Grades 1–4) teachers (116 respondents) and partially structured type interview with two elementary school teachers. Study hypothesis: The youngest school age pupils’ critical thinking is facilitated, if during the study process the teacher: •creates safe-to-fail environment; •allows time for thinking, evaluating one’s thought process, the opportunity for independent analysis of different types of information; •involves pupils in the choice of topics to be learnt and issues to be solved; •applies forms and methods facilitating pupils’ activity, promoting discussion, asking questions and the opportunity to independently analyse different types of information. Within the framework of the Bachelor Thesis research it was established and proved to be true that critical thinking in the youngest school age pupils’ is especially facilitated by: •time allowed for thinking and evaluation of the way of thinking; •encouragement for assessing the way of thinking how the pupil achieves the result; •the opportunity for pupils to independently analyse different types of information. Thesis comprises 72 page, there are 7 figures, 4 tables and 5 annexes included. There are 47 literary sources used in this Thesis: Keywords: critical thinking, question strategies, reflectance, autonomy.

This paper examines the links between student learning and school leadership focusing on Lithuania in comparative perspective. Different aspects of school leadership areas are being outlined, but after a more thorough analysis of the educational effectiveness perspective, it seems that the direct link between principal and student achievement is not that clear. In order to explain this, we further analysed the role which school autonomy plays in effective leadership and found that different countries chose different levels of power distribution. After revealing diversity in meta-analyses and reviews about the existing effect sizes of school decentralization we looked into different tasks on which school heads spend their time, and noticed that instructional leadership is most effective in adding value to student achievement. What exactly counts as instructional leadership is debated and may change depending on context. The presumption that leadership and school effectiveness are related, could be valid only if school accountability and autonomy particularities are taken into account, therefore the reforms in selection, recruitment and training of school heads could be expected to drive effectiveness of education systems only as far as the right balance of the three (accountability, autonomy, leadership) are found.

Bakalaura darba tēma ir “Profesionālās ētikas principu īstenošana interno māsu praksē”. Tēmas aktualitāte norāda, ka māsas praksē visai bieži sastopas ar ētiskām problēmām. Māsai ētikas principi ir jāizprot un jāprot pielietot profesionālajā darbā. Darba mērķis ir noskaidrot, profesionālās ētikas principu pielietošanas problēmas interno māsu praksē. Pētniecības uzdevumi ir apkopot un analizēt informācijas avotus par māsu profesionālās ētikas principiem, analizēt Virdžīnijas Hendersones māszinību teoriju saistībā ar profesionālās ētikas principu ievērošanu interno māsu praksē, izstrādāt datu ieguvei nepieciešamo pētījuma instrumentu – intervijas jautājumi, veikt interno māsu intervijas, apkopot iegūtos rezultātus, izdarīt secinājumus. Izvirzītais pētījuma jautājums: Kā internās māsas praksē pielieto profesionālās ētikas principus? Par pētniecības metodi tika izvēlēta kvalitatīvā pētniecības metode, kuras pētniecības instruments ir daļēji strukturēta intervija. Pētījumā tiek atrasta atbilde uz izvirzīto pētījuma jautājumu un izdarīti secinājumi., The theme of the bachelor's thesis is “Implementing the principles of professional ethics in nursing practice”. The actuality of the topic indicates that nurses often encounter ethical problems in practice. The nurses need to understand ethical principles and know how to use them in prosesional work. The aim of the work is to find out the problems of applying professional ethics principles in nursing practice. The tasks of the research are to summarize and analyze the sources of information on the principles of professional ethics of nurses, to analyze Virginia Nursing Nursing Theory in relation to observance of the principles of professional ethics in nursing practice, to develop the research tool necessary for data acquisition - interview questions, to conduct nursing interviews, to summarize the obtained results, to draw conclusions. The research question raised: How do internally nurses apply the principles of professional ethics in practice? A qualitative research method was chosen as a research method, the research tool of which is a partially structured interview. The research finds the answer to the research question and make conclusions.

Nuo 1922 iki 1939 m. Lietuvos, vėliau Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto Teisių fakulteto Teisių skyriuje buvo įteikta beveik tūkstantis diplomų. Viena iš sąlygų gauti diplomą buvo rašto darbas. Išsaugoti 529 Teisių fakulteto diplominiai darbai. Studentai rašė įvairiausiomis teisinėmis temomis – nuo 1918 m. Lietuvos valstybės sukūrimo teisinių aspektų iki Užjordanės teisinio statuso. Šešiolika darbų buvo skirta Klaipėdos krašto teisės analizei. Straipsnyje siekiama išanalizuoti darbus apie Klaipėdos krašto teisę, įvardyti dėstytojus, vertinusius darbus, apžvelgti studentų naudotą literatūrą, pateikti, autorės nuomone, vertingiausias darbų citatas. Straipsnyje daugiausia remiamasi Vilniaus universiteto bibliotekos Rankraščių skyriuje ir Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve rastais dokumentais. Atliekant tyrimą naudotasi istoriniu, lyginamuoju, analitiniu metodais. During the period from 1922 to 1939, close to one thousand lawyers‘ diplomas were awarded at the Law Department of the Lithuanian and later Vytautas Magnus University. One of the conditions for obtaining a diploma was a written work. In total, 529 diploma theses have been preserved. Students wrote on various legal topics – from the legal aspects of the creation of the state of Lithuania up to the legal status of the Transjordan. Sixfteen theses were dedicated to the analysis of the law of the Memel Territory. The article is mainly based on documents found in the Department of Manuscripts of Vilnius University Library and the Central State Archives of Lithuania. Historical, comparative, and analytical methods were used in the research.

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito „baskijskim“ smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još „prozor mogućnosti“, koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im „prozor mogućnosti“ za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization (“devolution”) as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, “proto-states” of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as “subversive institutions” towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco’s dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques’ grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no “autonomic” institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton’s problem), a “new governance” with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce’ s theory of “subversive institutions”, which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been „defined“, the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new „nations-in-the-making“, took advantage of the situation („window of opportunity“) and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce’s theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, „state-in-waiting“, and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, “counter argument”. The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other “counter-subversive action” of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce’s theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, „state-in-waiting“, and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, “counter argument”. The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other “counter-subversive action” of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a “segment-state”, in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal (“subversive”) institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner’s “language of high culture” (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as “only Basques”, 21% as “more Basque than Spanish”, 35% “equally Basque and Spanish”, 3% “more Spanish” and 3% “only Spanish”. As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a “Basque direction” of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for “regional languages” to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by “dictate”, as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel “only Basques”, 5% “more Basques”, 24% “equally Basques and French”, 16% “more French and 36% “only French”. In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no “Basque direction” or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites’ building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a “Basque direction”, e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more “Basque direction” of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi’s Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a “Basque direction“. In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes’ directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi’s Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a „free association“(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish “carte blanche” for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the “velvet divorce” of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a “new Ibarretxe Plan” leading to a “velvet divorce” and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a “window of opportunity” (Bunce, 1999). But if the “window” opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak “velvet divorce”, an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a “Basque direction” and an intensive “basquization” within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French “new governance”, initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the “subversive institutions”. They have become increasingly “Basque” and have taken a “Basque direction”. However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any “Basque direction”. The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a “window of opportunity” to grow.

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito „baskijskim“ smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još „prozor mogućnosti“, koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im „prozor mogućnosti“ za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju., In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization (“devolution”) as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, “proto-states” of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as “subversive institutions” towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco’s dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques’ grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no “autonomic” institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton’s problem), a “new governance” with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce’ s theory of “subversive institutions”, which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been „defined“, the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new „nations-in-the-making“, took advantage of the situation („window of opportunity“) and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce’s theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, „state-in-waiting“, and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, “counter argument”. The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other “counter-subversive action” of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce’s theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, „state-in-waiting“, and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, “counter argument”. The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other “counter-subversive action” of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a “segment-state”, in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal (“subversive”) institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner’s “language of high culture” (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as “only Basques”, 21% as “more Basque than Spanish”, 35% “equally Basque and Spanish”, 3% “more Spanish” and 3% “only Spanish”. As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a “Basque direction” of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for “regional languages” to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by “dictate”, as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel “only Basques”, 5% “more Basques”, 24% “equally Basques and French”, 16% “more French and 36% “only French”. In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no “Basque direction” or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites’ building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a “Basque direction”, e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more “Basque direction” of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi’s Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a “Basque direction“. In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes’ directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi’s Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a „free association“(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish “carte blanche” for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the “velvet divorce” of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a “new Ibarretxe Plan” leading to a “velvet divorce” and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a “window of opportunity” (Bunce, 1999). But if the “window” opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak “velvet divorce”, an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a “Basque direction” and an intensive “basquization” within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French “new governance”, initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the “subversive institutions”. They have become increasingly “Basque” and have taken a “Basque direction”. However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any “Basque direction”. The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a “window of opportunity” to grow.

1905 m. gruodžio 4–5 d. į Didįjį Vilniaus Seimą, paskatintą revoliucijos, vykusios daugelyje Rusijos žemių, taip pat ir dabartinėje Lietuvos teritorijoje, susirinko apie du tūkstančiai krašto gyventojų. Audringuose susirinkimuose lietuviai diskutavo ne tik apie Rusijos caro Nikolajaus II pasiūlyto būsimo parlamento, t. y. Dūmos, rinkimą. Kalbėta apie savivaldos aktualijas, iškilo ir krašto politinio savarankiškumo idėja. Didžiojo Vilniaus Seimo posėdžiuose dalyvavo 11 iš 20 būsimųjų 1918 m. Lietuvos Nepriklausomybės Akto signatarų. Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas jų indėlis rengiant šį suvažiavimą ir išryškinamas politinis, idėjinis šio suvažiavimo ir Lietuvos Tarybos ryšys. Vienas iš Didžiojo Vilniaus Seimo sumanytojų ir veikliausių rengėjų buvo Jonas Basanavičius, turėjęs svarią tautinės kultūrinės veiklos patirtį, net 25 metus gyveno plačią politinę autonomiją turėjusioje Bulgarijoje. Antanas Smetona, Jonas Vileišis, Steponas Kairys dalyvavo rengiant suvažiavimą, pirmininkavo jo posėdžiams arba talkino formuluojant nutarimus. Po 10 metų jie tapo svarbiomis dešiniosios ir kairiosios politinės srovės figūromis, Vilniuje telkusiomis bendraminčius. Ne tik jie, bet ir Donatas Malinauskas, Mykolas Biržiška, Jonas Vileišis įgyvendino 1905 m. subrendusius sumanymus, dalyvaudami Vilniaus lietuvių visuomeniniame gyvenime. Kunigai Kazimieras Steponas Šaulys, Vladas Mironas, Alfonsas Petrulis rūpinosi lietuviškos tautinės minties sklaida savo parapijose. Saliamonas Banaitis jau 1905 m. rudenį įkūrė lietuvišką spaustuvę Kaune – pradėjo leisti religinę, šviečiamąją spaudą ir publicistiką. Stanislovas Narutavičius ėmėsi socialinio teisingumo idėjų įgyvendinimo savo gimtajame krašte. Jų atkaklumas ginant savas nuostatas ir kartu gebėjimas prireikus bendradarbiauti turėjo didelę įtaką Lietuvos Tarybos darbui 1917–1918 metais. The Great Seimas (Assembly) of Vilnius, held on December 4 and 5, 1905 (November 21–22, 1905 O.S.) in Vilnius, Lithuania, was inspired by the Russian Revolution, which had spread through the vast areas of the Russian Empire, including Lithuania. Around 2000 inhabitants of the future state took part in the congress. During the meetings, the participants held very intense discussions not only about the future Parliament of the Russian Empire, Duma, offered by the Tsar Nicholas II, but also about current situation of local self-government and an idea of general political autonomy of the country. 11 people out of 20 future signatories of the Act of Independence of Lithuania, which was signed in 1918, took part in this first assembly. Their contributions in preparation of the congress, as well as political and ideological connections of the two great events, are highlighted in the paper. One of the initiators of the Great Seimas of Vilnius, Jonas Basanavičius, had a valid experience of national cultural activities. Some other future signatories, like Antanas Smetona, Jonas Vileišis, and Steponas Kairys, took part in preparations of the congress, conducted its meetings or helped in stating of declarations. In ten years, these people became greatly important in both right and left wing political movements. Together with Donatas Malinauskas, Mykolas Biržiška, and Jonas Vileišis, they unified congenial members of Lithuanian community of Vilnius and realised the ideas, developed in 1905. The priests Kazimieras Steponas Šaulys, Vladas Mironas, and Alfonsas Petrulis, took care of spreading national Lithuanian ideas in their parishes. In autumn of 1905, Saliamonas Banaitis established the 1st Lithuanian printing house in Kaunas. He was publishing topicalities of Lithuanian religious, educative and journalistic matters. Stanislovas Narutavičius implemented the ideas of social rights in his native area. Later on, the persistence in defending their attitudes together with ability to cooperate had a great impact on the work of the Council of Lithuania in 1917–1918. By patiently revising and expanding the small rights, given to the country by then occupant German politics, the 20 members of the Council of Lithuania have turned the statements about autonomy, held at the Great Seimas of 1905, into the Act of Independence of Lithuania.

Leteće krilo predstavlja jednu od najnaprednijih letjelica. Razvoj ove letjelice ne bi bio moguć bez paralelnog značajnog napretka više grana znanosti – od razvoja informatičke tehnologije do naprednih tehnologija. Ovaj rad je napravljen sa svrhom da služi kao baza (razvojna platforma) budućim studentima za edukaciju te pruža dodatnu mogućnost razvoja vršenjem eksperimenata na ovakvoj robotskoj platformi u budućnosti. To podrazumijeva mijenjanje komponenata od same konstrukcije letećeg krila do programske opreme te računalne sklopovne podrške ili nošenje dodatne senzorike koja bi omogućila uspješno izvođenje raznih misija (djelovanja). U praktičnom dijelu rada odabrane su komponente za izradu fizičkog modela letećeg krila te obavljeno njegovo sastavljanje i testiranje. Sa izrađenim modelom moguće je upravljati manualno no moguće mu je i zadavati samostalne misije pomoću softvera za autonoman let. The flying wing represents one of the most advanced aircrafts. The development of this aircraft would not be possible without the parallel significant advances in several branches of science - from the development of information technology to advanced technologies. This work is designed to serve as a platform for future students for education and provides additional development opportunities for conducting experiments on this robotic platform in the future. This involves changing components from the wing design itself to the programming equipment, computer hardware support, or carrying additional sensors that would allow successful performance of various missions. In the practical part of the work, components were selected for the assembly of the physical model of the flying wing as well as its testing. It is possible to manage the aircraft manually but it is also possible to set up autonomous missions using autonomous flight software.

The aim of this study was to investigate whether satisfied basic psychological needs reduce the perception of threat generated by job insecurity, defined as self-assessment of the availability of the working role to its performers in the foreseeable future. The study included 310 participants employed in 24 companies, who completed the Perception of Job Insecurity Scale and Need Satisfaction Scale. The hypotheses were tested with multiple regression analyses. The results point to the importance of two basic needs – Autonomy and Competence – as factors that reduce the level of perceived job insecurity. This study broadens the understanding of personality resources as factors that moderate the perception of job insecurity and confirms the self-determination theory in the organisational context. Satisfying the needs for autonomy and competence can serve as a basis for interventions aimed at strengthening resilience to stress in employees., Cilj ovoga istraživanja je bio ispitati smanjuju li zadovoljene psihološke potrebe percepciju prijetnje koja proizlazi iz nesigurnosti zaposlenja, koje je određeno samoprocjenom dostupnosti radne uloge u budućnosti. U istraživanju je sudjelovalo 310 zaposlenika u 24 tvrtke, koji su popunjavali Ljestvicu percepcije nesigurnosti posla i Ljestvicu zadovoljenosti potreba. Hipoteze su provjeravane višestrukim regresijskim analizama. Rezultati su pokazali značaj dviju osnovnih potreba – autonomije i kompetentnosti – kao čimbenika koji smanjuju razinu opažene nesigurnosti posla. Proširujući razumijevanje resursa ličnosti kao čimbenika koji moderiraju percepciju nesigurnosti posla, ovo istraživanje predstavlja primjenu teorije samodeterminacije u organizacijskom kontekstu. Zadovoljenje potreba za autonomijom i kompetencijom može poslužiti kao osnova za intervencije čiji je cilj jačanje otpornosti na stres u zaposlenih osoba.

The question this paper is concerned with is: what if Immanuel Kant found a solution to the problem of the dualism of practical reason before Henry Sidgwick even came to formulate it? A comparison of Sidgwick’s and Kant’s approach to the problem of the dualism of practical reason is presented only in general terms, but the author concludes that this is sufficient for grasping the advantage of Kant’s solution to the problem. U ovom tekstu postavlja se pitanje šta ako je Imanuel Kant rešio problem dualizma praktičkog uma pre nego što je Henri Sidžvik uopšte stigao da ga formuliše? Komparacija između sidžvikovskog i kantovskog pristupa problemu dualizma praktičkog uma ovde se pruža tek u opštim crtama, ali autor zaključuje da je i to dovoljno kako bi se uvidela prednost Kantovog rešenja tog problema.

Bakalaura darbs aplūko radošās telpas konstruēšanu, pagaidu lietošanas apstākļos, veidojot Jauno radošo kvartālu (JRK) Rīgā. Argumentējot, ka caur pagaidu lietošanas simbolisko un materiālo telpu kultūras industriju pārstāvji var realizēt individuālus un grupas mērķus, kā arī piekļūt pilsētvides resursiem. Galvenās datu gūšanas metodes ir strukturētas, nestrukturētas, līdzi došanās intervijas un līdzdalīgais novērojums. Būtiskākie secinājumi atklāj, ka ar JRK teritorijas apguvi, kultūras darbinieki piedalās pilsēta veidošanā, kā arī piekļūst pilsētvides resursiem piešķirot vērtību pagaidu izmantojamas telpas materialitātei, kā arī uz sabiedrisko labumu orientētam kultūras darbam. Būtiskas ir savstarpējās attiecības JRK, tajā pašā laikā kvartāla veidotājus pavada nedrošības sajūta., The Bachelor’s thesis explores the construction of interim creative space in the development of the Jaunais radošais kvartāls (JRK) in Riga, arguing that the symbolic and material space of interim use enables representatives of cultural industries to realize individual and group goals, and to gain access to urban resources. The main data gathering methods employed are semi-structured and unstructured – go-along interviews and participant observation. The key take-away is that, through claiming the territory of JRK, cultural workers take part in city development and access urban resources, placing value on the materiality of interim space, as well as on cultural work aimed towards creating benefits for the public. Relationships are key at JRK, even as a sense of insecurity looms over its users.

Kurdski faktor ima dugoročan potencijal za promjenu umjetno konstruiranih granica Bliskog istoka, koje ih već preko jednog stoljeća drže u okovima nacija kojima ne pripadaju. "Siročad svijeta", kako su ih više puta oslovljavali, s kaosom koji je donijelo Arapsko proljeće, dobila su priliku da na razvalinama Sirije i Iraka započnu borbu za svoja prava i učvrste svoje političke položaje. Za razliku od iračkih Kurda, koji su nakon dva rata protiv Sadama Huseina dobili i dalje konsolidirali svoju autonomiju, Kurdi u Siriji tek s eskalacijom građanskog rata stupaju u borbu za ostvarenje određenog stupnja samostalnosti.

The existing procedures for Autism Spectrum Disorder diagnosis are time consuming and challenging both for human evaluators and children being evaluated. The diagnosis of ASD relies solely on behavioral observations by experienced clinicians and occurrence of low agreement rates between different clinicians when evaluating a child suggests that there exists a need for a more objective approach to diagnostics and intervention. This thesis addresses that need by proposing a robot-assisted ASD diagnostic protocol consisting of four tasks adapted from ADOS. In this work the focus is on robot reasoning for ASD diagnostics. The main contribution of this thesis is a hierarchical Partially Observable Markov Decision Process framework that enables a humanoid robot to process the observations of child’s behavior, infer information about the unobservable state of the child and autonomously make decisions by selecting actions and tasks within the robot-assisted ASD diagnostic protocol. Each task of the protocol is modeled using a Mixed Observability Markov Decision Process model as a template. In order to formulate observation probabilities of task models, ASD experts are surveyed and their knowledge is encoded in the observation probabilities of task models. Expert knowledge also allowed for implementation of child behavioral models which are used to validate developed models. The model of the protocol is defined as a POMDP whose actions are tasks of the protocol. The interface between task and protocol models is formulated using regions of belief space of the task as observations for the protocol model. Following the successful validation through simulations with child behavioral models, task and protocol models are validated through experimental sessions with seven typically developing children and eight children with ASD. Results obtained through experiments show that the robot is capable of recognizing the behavior of the child and capable of differentiating different types of children, since the belief of the robot over the states of the child was comparable to assessment of autism experts. Unatoč tome što postoje standardizirani testovi za dijagnostiku poremećaja iz autističnog spectra, dijagnostika predstavlja značajan izazov za stručno osposobljene ispitivače. Razlog tome je iznimna složenost dijagnostičkog postupka, koji se zbog nedostatka medicinskih markera oslanja isključivo na opažanje ponašanja djeteta. S obzirom na navedene problem, uočava se potreba za objektivnim mjerama socijalnih funkcija te se smatra da moderni roboti mogu biti korisni u istraživanju poremećaja iz autističnoga spektra. Roboti su već pronašli primjenu u intervencijskim postupcima za djecu s autizmom, ali se još uvijek ne koriste u dijagnostičkom postupku. Cilj je ove doktorske disertacije proširiti postojeće stanje u području korištenja robota za osobe s poremećajem iz autističnoga spektra postavljanjem temelja za autonomno izvođenje robotom potpomognutog protokola za dijagnostiku autizma. Glavni doprinos disertacije nova je hijerarhijska struktura upravljanja zasnovana na djelomično osmotrivim Markovljevim procesima (POMDP) odlučivanja koja omogućuje humanoidnom robotu obradu detekcija dječjeg ponašanja, zaključivanje o stanju djeteta te autonoman odabir akcija i zadataka dijagnostičkog protokola. Predložena struktura upravljanja sastoji se od modela dijagnostičkih zadataka koji su zasnovani na modelu Markovljevih procesa odlučivanja s mješovitom osmotrivošću (MOMDP). Modelima zadataka nadređen je model dijagnostičkog protokola koji je zasnovan na standardnom POMDP modelu. Sučelje između modela protokola i zadataka izvedeno je korištenjem regija stanja uvjerenosti robota na kraju zadataka kao opservacija za model protokola. Znanja stručnjaka s iskustvom u radu s djecom s autizmom zapisana su u obliku vjerojatnosti opservacija dječjeg socijalnog ponašanja u modelima dijagnostičkih zadataka. Saznanja o učestalosti određenih ponašanja kod djece korištena su za razvoj ponašajnih modela djeteta koji omogućuju simulaciju interakcije djeteta i robota s ciljem podešavanja i validacije razvijenih modela. Nakon provedenih simulacija, modeli zadataka i protokla eksperimentalno su provjereni provođenjem ispitivanja sa sedmero djece tipičnog razvoja i osmero djece s autizmom. Rezultati detaljne analize provedenih ispitivanje pokazuju da se stanje uvjerenosti robota na kraju protokola podudara s ocjenama stručnjaka za dijagnostiku autizma čime je utvrđeno da robot ima mogućnost prepoznavanja ponašanja djeteta te mogućnost razlikovanja djece iz različitih grupa.

U radu je istražen odnos međunarodnih podružnica inovativne farmaceutske industrije u Republici Hrvatskoj i njihovih matičnih poduzeća. Cilj je bio utvrditi autonomiju međunarodnih podružnica i identificirati njihovo samoinicijativno djelovanje na lokalnoj i međunarodnoj razini. U istraživanju je sudjelovalo 17 međunarodnih podružnica inovativne farmaceutske industrije u Republici Hrvatskoj od ukupno 23 međunarodne podružnice inovativne farmaceutske industrije. Rezultati su pokazali značajnu ovisnost poslovanja međunarodnih podružnica o strategijama matičnog poduzeća te njihovu visoku prilagodbu lokalnom tržištu. Međunarodne podružnice pokazale su afinitet za provođenje vlastitih inicijativa, koje ovise o podršci matičnih poduzeća. Odnosi s matičnim poduzećem variraju među podružnicama, no može se zaključiti kako je stupanj autonomije međunarodnih podružnica u Republici Hrvatskoj ograničen., The paper represents research on the relationship between international subsidiaries in the Innovative Pharmaceutical Industry and their parent companies. The aim was to determine the autonomy of international subsidiaries and to identify their self-initiative activities on both local and global level. The research included 17 international subsidiaries in the Innovative Pharmaceutical Industry in the Republic of Croatia of overall 23 international subsidiaries in the Innovative Pharmaceutical Industry. The results showed a significant dependence of management of international subsidiaries on strategies of a parent company and also their high adaptation to the local market. International subsidiaries showed the affinity to conduct their own initiatives, which depend on the support of the parent companies. The relationships with parent company vary from one international subsidiary to another, but it can be concluded that there is a limited level of autonomy of the international subsidiaries in the Republic of Croatia.

The paper addresses the issues of euthanasia and thoroughly analyses Kantian response to the practice in question. In reference to Kant’s views on many related issues, such as murder, suicide, autonomy, rationality, honor and the value of human life, the main goal of this paper is to offer an explanation for one probable Kantian view on euthanasia in general, as well as an explanation for a specific form of euthanasia with regard to those patients suffering from dementia. The author’s arguments, according to which Kant could even argue that those persons who have begun suffering from dementia have a duty to die, have all been given special importance in this paper. The question is could and should this specific moral ever be allowed to become universal when considering the patients’ willingness to commit suicide once they start suffering from dementia or perhaps once they start experiencing a loss of rationality? Should suicide even become a patient’s duty? Furthermore, if a patient shows absolutely no intention or willingness of taking her/his own life, ‘should’ the doctor perform a non-voluntary euthanasia over the patient? This paper analyses the author’s arguments which are actually in favor of aforementioned questions, and aims to examine the plausibility of the act as well as to criticize it. The issue of euthanasia is very important, because the key question is what in fact constitutes the fundamental value of human life, which lies at the heart of this problem. U radu se obrađuju pitanja eutanazije i detaljno se analizira kantovski odgovor na dotičnu praksu. U vezi s Kantovim stajalištima o mnogim srodnim pitanjima, kao što su ubistvo, samoubistvo, autonomija, racionalnost, čast i vrednost ljudskog života, glavni cilj ovoga rada jeste da se pruži objašnjenje za jedan uopšteno mogući kantovski pogled na eutanaziju, kao i objašnjenje za jedan određeni oblik eutanazije s obzirom na one pacijente koji pate od demencije. Argumenti autora, prema kojima je Kant čak mogao da tvrdi da su osobe koje su počele patiti od demencije imale dužnost da umru, u ovom radu su bili od posebne važnosti. Pitanje je da li bi se moglo i trebalo ikada dozvoliti da ovaj specifični moral postane univerzalan kada se razmatra želja pacijenata da počini samoubistvo, kada počnu patiti od demencije ili možda jednom kada počnu doživljavati gubitak racionalnosti? Da li bi samoubistvo trebalo čak da postane pacijentova dužnost? Nadalje, ako pacijent ne pokazuje apsolutno nikakvu nameru ili spremnost da oduzme sebi život, „treba li“ doktor obaviti nedobrovoljnu eutanaziju nad pacijentom? Ovaj rad analizira argumente autora koji zapravo podržavaju navedena pitanja i ima za cilj ispitivanje verodostojnosti tog čina kao i njegovo kritikovanje. Problem eutanazije je vrlo važan, jer je ključno pitanje šta u stvari konstituiše temeljnu vrednost ljudskog života, koja leži u srcu ovog problema,idrugihformičovekovogpravanaživot.

UVOD. Autonomija pacijenta vezana za odluke o oživljavanju, suzdržavanje od reanimacije na zahtjev pacijentove obitelji i najveća korist za pacijenta različite su sa stajališta pacijenta, obitelji i pružatelja zdravstvenih usluga. CILJ. Istražiti stavove studenata različitih studijskih programa (medicina, sestrinstvo, filozofija, pravo i teologija) o autonomiji pacijenata i najboljem interesu pacijenata vezanim uz reanimaciju. METODE. Provedeno je prospektivno istraživanje na studentima medicine, sestrinstva, filozofije, prava i teologije, prve i zadnje godine studija, na Sveučilištima u Zagrebu i Ljubljani. U istraživanju je korišten anketni upitnik Janniver et sur. u kojem su opisana osam kliničkih scenarija. Studija je završena tijekom akademske godine 2016./2017. REZULTATI. Na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu smo imali 37, 9% odgovora (812 studenata) i na sveučilištu u Ljubljani 45, 4% (512 studenata). Studija je pokazala da studenti vjernici imaju višu vjerojatnost za početak oživljavanja u svim dobnim skupinama. Muški studenti koji su vjernici u obje zemlje imaju manje izglede poštivati želje obitelji za uskraćivanje reanimacije. Hrvatski studenti imaju veće šanse da poštuju želju obitelji za uskraćivanje oživljavanja. Studenti medicine i sestrinstva stava su da reanimacija u 80-godišnjeg pacijenta nije u njegovom najboljem interesu, čak i u slučaju kada je pacijent partner ili bliski ili širi rođak. Muški studenti koji su vjernici željeli bi biti oživljavani ukoliko bi se našli u istim uvjetima kao i pacijenti koji su bili predstavljeni u kliničkim slučajevima iz upitnika. Svi studenti se slažu da bi prvo trebali oživljavati djecu ako bi imali prioritet među pacijentima. Nije bilo statistički značajne razlike između odgovora studenata iz prve i posljednje godine studija. ZAKLJUČAK: Muški spol, vjerska uvjerenja, vrsta studija i nacionalnost glavni su čimbenici koji utječu na odluku studenata o poštivanju želje obitelji kada je u pitanju reanimacija, autonomija i najbolji interes pacijenta.

Brodarstvo već se danas suočena s nedostatkom pomorskog osoblja. Trenutni trend prema sporijim brzinama plovidbe, opravdanim ekološkim i ekonomskim razlozima, povećava veličinu broda, a time se i produžava vrijeme koje pomorci provode na brodu i moru. Stoga autonomni brodovi bez posade predstavljaju izlaz iz slijepe ulice nestašice pomoraca zbog percipirane neatraktivnosti posla i rastuće potražnje za pomorcima uzrokovanim sporom prijevozom i povećanjem volumena prijevoza. Ekonomske i ekološke prednosti također se očekuju uvođenjem autonomnih brodova [4]. Nadalje, komercijalni razlozi za izgradnju autonomnih brodova odavno su jasni. Američka obalna straža procijenila je da 96 posto svih pomorskih nezgoda uzrokuje ljudska pogreška. Ukupni troškovi posade brodova iznose gotovo 44 posto svih troškova broda. Pomorce najprije valja školovati i obučiti, a zatim tu su troškovi koji se odnosi na plaće, troškovi ukrcaja/iskrcana posade, troškovi smještaja za posadu, hrana, voda, grijanje, hlađenje, i drugi sadržaji. Na brodu će automatski biti više prostora za teret budući, stambene prostorije posade biti će minimizirane, a ishrana na bazi catering-a. Prema podacima kompanije, brod će biti 5 posto lakši i trošiti 15 posto manje goriva u odnosu na brodove s posadom [3].

Klasične igračke i igre sve više ustupaju svoje mjesto plastičnim i elektroničkim igrama koje ubrzavaju razvoj kognitivnih funkcija, ali i značajno usporavaju razvoj emocionalnih funkcija i nekih aspekta socijalnih odnosa. U dječjim vrtićima stručni su kurikulumi temeljeni na promatranju i praćenju identiteta svakog djeteta. Praćenjem djece u Waldorfskim vrtićima procesno se prikupljaju podaci koji se holistički rezimiraju. U ovom radu izdvojen je segment jednogodišnjeg akcijskog istraživanja u Waldorfskom vrtiću, u kojem su se svakodnevno pratile karakteristike razvoja socijalnih odnosa i identiteta u mješovitoj skupini djece u kojima su i djeca s teškoćama u ponašanju. Praćeni su i analizirani su procesi u aktivnostima ručne izrade igračaka i igre s njima u doba svetkovina Martinja kroz pet etapa provedbe aktivnosti i njihove refleksije. Aktivnostima izrade igračaka i igre s njima, posebno su se izdvojile kategorije etičnosti, solidarnosti i tolerancije djece u komunikaciji s drugom djecom. Ove kompetencije odnosile su se na uspješno interpersonalno, socijalno funkcioniranje sve djece, bez gubljenja osobnih identiteta jer se procesom ručne izrade igračaka i gradnje jačalo samopouzdanje, motorička spretnost, imaginacija, bogatili su se jezični pojmovi. U raspravi su posebno naglašene nestrukturirane ili malo strukturirane igračke koje su različitim procesima potaknule socijalnu transformaciju, a koje su utjecale na promjene ponašanja svih uključenih sudionika istraživanja, a koja se promatra sa stanovišta socijalne dobrobiti u inkluzivnom duhu.

Što je bila Banovina Hrvatska? U kojem kontekstu je ona nastala, koliko je ona bila autonomna unutar Kraljevine Jugoslavije, kakvo je bilo njeno unutrašnje uređenje, kako je na nju kroz povijest gledala historiografija, a kako politika pitanja su na koja ćemo odgovore tražiti u razgovoru s dr. sc. Ivicom Šuteom. Autor i voditelj emisije je Josip Mihaljević.

Suvremeni teoretičari obrazovanja često ističu da su europska sveučilišta iznevjerila humboldtovske ideale obrazovanja, kao i da je sama ideja sveučilišta u krizi. Kritičari upozoravaju na ugrožavanje akademskih sloboda, komercijalizaciju znanja, politizaciju sveučilišta i uplitanje države u procese koji bi trebali biti u nadležnosti akademske zajednice. Središnja tema izlaganja je upravo odnos između države i sveučilišta. Razmotrit će se idealan model takvog odnosa, a kako ga vide njemački filozofi iz 18. i s početka 19. stoljeća čiji su radovi utjecali na oblikovanje moderne ('humboldtovske') ideje sveučilišta. Valja istaknuti da u tim utemeljujućim spisima ne postoji usuglašenost oko naravi veze između države i sveučilišta. U izlaganju će se sagledati sličnosti i razlike između ponuđenih koncepata, a posebno s obzirom na neobičan zahtjev da bi država trebala na sve načine, pa i financijski, podupirati instituciju nad kojom nema nikakvoga utjecaja.

Autonomy, understood as self-rule, is almost routinely accepted as one of the core liberal concepts. Still, a closer view reveals that both the status and meaning of autonomy are controversial. The text departs from a short summary of the main theoretical disputes surrounding the concept. A critique of the standard internalist account is followed by an attempt to offer reasons for accepting a relational reading of autonomy. The central question of the text is context-specific. It asks about the possibility and meaning of liberal autonomy in a society whose past is marked by mass regime-sponsored (and sometimes widely supported) crimes. The background assumption is that mass crime leaves actors in heteronomous condition. At stake is reestablishing individual autonomies of two types of actors, whose group-specific identities have been created by crime: the ethical community of those who share collective identity with victims, and the ethical community of those who share collective identity with perpetrators. Autonomija, shvaćena kao samovladavina, danas se gotovo rutinski prihvata kao jedan od temeljnih koncepata liberalne političke misli. Međutim, pojam i status autonomije su sadržinski i proceduralno kontroverzni. Prvi deo rada sumira osnovne teorijske sporove o autonomiji, nudi kritiku dominantnog „internalističkog“ pristupa, te pokušava da odbrani argumente za prihvatanje „relacionog“ razumevanja autonomije. Drugi deo rada analizira jedan konkretan tip situacije. Centralno pitanje tiče se mogućnosti i značenja individualne autonomije u društvu čija je prošlost obeležena masovnim režimskim zločinima, kao i značajnom podrškom „običnih ljudi“ takvim zločinačkim praksama. Osnovna hipoteza glasi da masovni zločin ostavlja u nasleđe stanje suprotno autonomiji. Zadatak post-zločinačkog društva sastoji se u ponovnom uspostavljanju autonomije za pripadnike dve grupe čiji grupno-specifični identiteti definisani zločinom: reč je o etičkoj zajednici onih koji dele kolektivni identitet sa žrtvama i etičkoj zajednici onih koji dele kolektivni identitet sa počiniocima. Izazovi personalne autonomije za pripadnike ove dve grupe su različiti.

Straipsnyje aptariama Jono Basanavičiaus „savistovios Lietuvos“ vizija ir tautinio atgimimo ir kitų tautos veikėjų žvalgymaisi į Lietuvos praeitį svarstant apie valstybės ateitį. Išsamiai nagrinėjamas. J. Basanavičiaus požiūris į Lietuvos praeitį laikotarpyje iki „Aušros“ išleidimo, išskiriami ir aprašomi trys jo etapai – studijų Maskvos universitete laikai bei ryšys su latviais ir bulgarais, tada – Bulgarijos nepriklausomybės etapas bei trečiasis – kelionės po Pietų Europą laikai ir pažintis su čekų tautiniu sąjūdžiu. Teigiama, jog istorija aušrininkams buvo reikalinga, kad lietuviai, didžiuodamiesi ja, puoselėtų kalbinę savigarbą ir tautinį orumą. „Varpo“ leidimo laikais kalbėta apie savos valstybės sukūrimą, kurioje turėjo susidaryti nauja politinė lietuvių tauta, kurios prototipu buvo imama Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės politinė lietuvių tauta. Prieš susirenkant Didžiajam Vilniaus seimui, Basanavičius surašė memorandumą, kuriame istoriniais argumentais pagrindė lietuvių tautos teises į politinį savarankiškumą, išreiškė atgimusios tautos siekį tęsti senąsias Lietuvos valstybingumo tradicijas, bei pabrėžė pasirinktą orientaciją į pilietinę visuomenę. Basanavičiaus vizijose iškelta Lietuva su sostine Vilniumi – tai LDK kraštas, kurio gyventojai išlaikę seną lietuvių kalbą ir kuriam norėtų priklausyti sugudėję, sulenkėję pakraščių lietuviai, o straipsnio pabaigoje aptarti visi šios būsimosios valstybės gyvenimo aspektai.

Bioetika i primjena načela supsidijarnosti u društvu može pomoći u napretku kvalitete rada i života osoba s invaliditetom. Sinergija primijenjene bioetike i razvoja stručne prakse jača autonomiju i ravnopravnost najranjivijih skupina u aktualnom, klimavom vrijednosnom sustavu koji danas svi živimo. Cilj ovog rada je smanjiti raskorak između očekivanog i stvarnog načina života osoba s invaliditetom te potaknuti društvenu svijest na veću osjetljivost prema slabijima. Autor vidi izlaz u realizaciji principa solidarnosti i supsidijarnosti. Nužno je živjeti dobročinstvo na račun legalizma uz holistički pristup kroz metode timskog rada, bolje komunikacije primjenom aktivnog slušanja i kontinuiranog učenja empatije. Rješenje je implementacija supsidijarnosti na svim društvenim razinama i među svim ljudima, ne samo kao teorijski model bioetike već kao svakodnevni način života.

Rad se bavi mogućnostima, granicama, sličnostima i razlikama Kantova i Levinasova poimanja religije s obzirom na njen (ne)prosvjećujući karakter u cjelini njihove filozofije. Poseban osvrt, pri tome, posvećen je odnosima religije i morala/etike, subjekta i Boga/Beskonačnog, imanencije i transcendencije, autonomije i heteronomije, uma i objave., Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit den Möglichkeiten und Grenzen, Ähnlichkeiten und Unterschieden zwischen Kants und Levinas’ Verständnis der Religion, mit Rücksicht auf ihren (un)aufklärerischen Charakter in der Ganzheit ihrer Philosophie. Ein besonderes Augenmerk wird der Beziehung zwischen Religion und Moral/Ethik, Subjekt und Gott/dem Unendlichen, Immanenz und Transzendenz, Autonomie und Heteronomie, Vernunft und Offenbarung gewidmet.

Klasične igračke i igre sve više ustupaju svoje mjesto plastičnim i elektronskim igrama koje ubrzavaju razvoj kognitivnih funkcija, ali i značajno usporavaju razvoj emocionalnih funkcija i nekih aspekta socijalnih odnosa. Promatranjem i praćenjem dječje igre u Waldorf vrtiću analizirani su nastali procesi za vrijeme izrade ručno rađenih igračaka, a koje se koriste u segmentu Waldorf pedagogije. Tijekom godine dana, koliko je trajalo ovo akcijsko istraživanje, svakodnevno su se pratile karakteristike razvoja socijalnih odnosa i identiteta u grupi djece u kojima su i dvoje djece s ponašajnim i emocionalnim teškoćama. U aktivnostima izrade igračaka i igre s njima, posebno su se izdvojile kategorije etičnosti, solidarnosti i tolerancije djece u komunikaciji s drugom djecom. Ove kompetencije odnosile su se na uspješno interpersonalno, socijalno funkcioniranje, bez gubljenja osobnih identiteta. Ovo istraživanje pokazuje da su se procesom ručne izrade igračaka i igrom s njima, povećavalo samopouzdanje, motorička spretnost, imaginacija i obogatili jezični pojmovi. Posebno su značajni rezultati igranja s nestrukturiranim ili malo strukturiranim igračkama. Mogućnost osobnog dječjeg stvaralaštva u izradi igračaka i transformacija igračaka kroz igru, utjecale su na promjene ponašanja djece s ponašajnim teškoćama.

Autonomy, understood as self-rule, is almost routinely accepted as one of the core liberal concepts. Still, a closer view reveals that both the status and meaning of autonomy are controversial. The text departs from a short summary of the main theoretical disputes surrounding the concept. A critique of the standard internalist account is followed by an attempt to offer reasons for accepting a relational reading of autonomy. The central question of the text is context-specific. It asks about the possibility and meaning of liberal autonomy in a society whose past is marked by mass regime-sponsored (and sometimes widely supported) crimes. The background assumption is that mass crime leaves actors in heteronomous condition. At stake is reestablishing individual autonomies of two types of actors, whose group-specific identities have been created by crime: the ethical community of those who share collective identity with victims, and the ethical community of those who share collective identity with perpetrators. Autonomija, shvaćena kao samovladavina, danas se gotovo rutinski prihvata kao jedan od temeljnih koncepata liberalne političke misli. Međutim, pojam i status autonomije su sadržinski i proceduralno kontroverzni. Prvi deo rada sumira osnovne teorijske sporove o autonomiji, nudi kritiku dominantnog „internalističkog“ pristupa, te pokušava da odbrani argumente za prihvatanje „relacionog“ razumevanja autonomije. Drugi deo rada analizira jedan konkretan tip situacije. Centralno pitanje tiče se mogućnosti i značenja individualne autonomije u društvu čija je prošlost obeležena masovnim režimskim zločinima, kao i značajnom podrškom „običnih ljudi“ takvim zločinačkim praksama. Osnovna hipoteza glasi da masovni zločin ostavlja u nasleđe stanje suprotno autonomiji. Zadatak post-zločinačkog društva sastoji se u ponovnom uspostavljanju autonomije za pripadnike dve grupe čiji grupno-specifični identiteti definisani zločinom: reč je o etičkoj zajednici onih koji dele kolektivni identitet sa žrtvama i etičkoj zajednici onih koji dele kolektivni identitet sa počiniocima. Izazovi personalne autonomije za pripadnike ove dve grupe su različiti.

Hrvatska Vlada nastavlja kontinuirani rad s ciljem kurikularne reforme na čelu s premijerom Plenkovićem koji je postavljen da bi se osigurao nastavak rada. Talijanska Vlada je usvojila Zakon o reformi nacionalnoga odgoja i obrazovanja, tzv. „Dobra škola“. Jasno su bili definirani svrha i ciljevi, alati, načini realizacije i vrednovanja te dodaci za rad za nastavnike i školu te za sve one koji žele ulagati u školsku infrastrukturu. Postoje dvije vrlo slične realnosti u školama koje imaju potrebu za snažnom podrškom društva., The Croatian government has continued with its work aiming at curriculum reform with premier Plenković at its head: he has been given this task in order to ensure that this reform will continue. The Italian government has incorporated a law concerning the reform of national education tiltled as the „Good School“. The aims and means have been clearly defined, the tools required, the means of realisation and evaluation, as well as additions for teachers, schools and all those who desire investing in school infrastructure. There are two very similar realities in schools that have the need for the strong support of the community., Il Governo croato sta continuando a lavorare alla Riforma curricolare e a capo della Commissione per l'attuazione della stessa è stato eletto il premier Plenković per garantire la continuità. Il Governo italiano ha approvato la Legge sulla Riforma del sistema nazionale di istruzione e formazione, la cosiddetta Buona Scuola. Sono stati chiaramente definiti gli scopi, gli obiettivi, gli strumenti, le modalità di attuazione e valutazione, i bonus per docenti e gli school bonus per coloro che vogliono investire nell'infrastruttura scolastica. Sono due mondi scolastici molto simili che abbisognano di un forte sostegno della società.

How are small states adjusting to a changing security environment and managing tensions with greater powers in their neighbourhood? Much of the recent literature on small states spends a great deal of time examining challenges to small states and their security policies. Scholars offer several strategies that small states can employ to adjust to a changing security landscape. Small states have two broad options – to focus on their own defence posture, trying to keep their autonomy and stay neutral, or use different cooperative schemes – bandwagon with larger powers, form alliances against dominant powers, or seek shelter and develop hedging strategies. This article reviews survival strategies employed by small states and provides a basis to better understand the behaviour of small states in today’s contested security environment.

Autonomija sportskih organizacija temeljni je princip koji sportu na specifičan način omogućuje razvoj. Sportsko pravo predstavlja skup specifičnih pravnih propisa koji sportskim organizacijama omogućuje upravljanje odnosima između sportskih subjekata. S druge strane, nužno je koristiti opća pravna pravila pa, s tim u vezi, ponekad ima problema koje bi sportska pravila trebala uzimati u obzir. Princip autonomije Nacionalnog olimpijskog odbora predstavlja jednu od okosnica olimpijskog pokreta pa je stoga važno znati gdje autonomija predstavlja poseban oblik neovisnosti, a gdje je ograničavaju drugi subjekti. Evo pitanja povezanih s autonomijom sportske organizacije: Jesu li sportske organizacije doista neovisne?; Jesmo li svjesni političkog utjecaja – pritiska vlade i drugih institucija; Gdje je okosnica subordinacije sportske organizacije u odnosu na vladajuće?; Koji odnos postoji između sportskih tijela i vladajućih? Radi li se o partnerskom odnosu ili je takav odnos iluzija? Nakon analize različitih situacija u organizaciji modernog sporta, autori smatraju da je njihov zaključak više nego evidentan. Konstruktivni i inkluzivni dijalog između politike i sportskih organizacija potreban je radi izgradnje konzistentnih mjera u sportu i onog zakonodavnog okvira koji je kompatibilan kako s općim nacionalnim pravom tako i s pravilima međunarodnih sportskih organizacija.

The French university system is said to give quite a lot of autonomy to teachers as opposed to secondary education. The LRU law (2007), which modified the status of French universities and made them autonomous, may impact teachers’ professional autonomy on the long-term. This led us to conduct a pilot study and then a national survey to know more about this topic. In this paper, we would like to focus on the qualitative aspect of this survey. Through this national survey, we asked higher education language teachers to define what professional autonomy meant for them and to what extent it could influence their teaching. This allowed us to pinpoint some features about team work, teachers/students relations and teachers’ assessment. We will thus focus on what teachers’ professional autonomy is, what can reduce it and what can enhance it at the crossroads of Social Sciences and Humanities. Manoma, kad Prancūzijos universitetų sistema, lyginant su vidurinio išsilavinimo sistema, suteikia dėstytojams gana daug autonomijos. 2007 metų LRU įstatymas, pakeitęs Prancūzijos universitetų statusą ir sudaręs sąlygas jų autonomijai, gali ilgalaikėje perspektyvoje paveikti ir dėstytojų profesinę autonomiją. Ši hipotezė pastūmėjo mus atlikti pilotinį tyrimą ir nacionalinę apklausą gilinantis į šią temą. Straipsnyje susitelkėme ties kokybiniu tyrimo aspektu. Nacionaliniu mastu kreipėmės į aukštojo mokslo kalbų dėstytojus su prašymu apiūdinti, ką jiems reiškia profesinė autonomija ir kiek ji turi įtakos dėstymui. Tai leido įžvelgti tam tikrus komandinio darbo, dėstytojų ir studentų santykių ir dėstytojų vertinimo bruožus. Mes aprašome, kas yra dėstytojų profesinė autonomija, kas ją riboja ir kas ją išplečia socialinių ir humanitarinių mokslų sankirtoje.

Straipsnyje siekiama patikrinti kai kuriuos akademinio Naujosios viešosios vadybos (NVV) diskurso teiginius Lietuvos atveju, pasitelkiant vadovaujančias pareigas užimančių valstybės tarnautojų apklausos duomenis. NVV taikymą analizuojančiose publikacijose pateikiami teiginiai, kurie nusako NVV bei po-NVV iniciatyvų tikslus, priemones ir jų taikymo pasekmes. Mokslininkai teigia, kad NVV pasižymi vadybos instrumentų iš privataus sektoriaus naudojimu viešajame sektoriuje, didesnės autonomijos vadovams suteikimu, mažesniu viešojo administravimo politizacijos lygiu bei neigiamu poveikiu horizontaliam koordinavimui. Duomenų analizė parodo, kad empiriniai ryšiai tarp NVV ir po-NVV „etosų“ elementų bei koordinavimo, politizacijos ir vadovų autonomijos patvirtina kai kuriuos NVV doktrinos teiginius ir atskleidžia po-NVV įtaką., In the article the relations among the extent of New Public Management (NPM), coordination, politicization and autonomy in Lithuania are analysed based on COCOPS data (project „Monitoring public sector reforms“, financed by Lithuanian Science Council, 2012-2013, agreement no. PRO-10/2012). The analysis is based on the propositions that relate coordination, politicization and autonomy in NPM and post-NPM eras. The operationalization of these variables and construction of scales are demonstrated. The analysis of averages and correlations among extent of NPM, coordination, politicization and autonomy confirms some of the postulated propositions, e.g., high politicization and high level of NPM practices are incompatible; higher managerial autonomy is congruent not only with NPM, but also with post-NPM elements.

Sestrinstvo se kroz povijest temeljilo na skrbi za nemoćne, siromašne i napuštene, te na tradiciji njegovanja bolesnih i ranjenih. Sestrinska praksa i danas njeguje temeljne moralne vrline: suosjećanje, brižnost, pažnju prema drugima, prihvaćanje drugih i uzajamno povjerenje. Najstarija profesija u zdravstvu ima dugu tradiciju školovanja. Tijekom povijesti ova je profesija prolazila trnovitim putem, sve do danas kada je medicinskim sestrama otvorena mogućnost obrazovanja sve do doktorata znanosti. Sestrinstvo se prvotno razvijalo kao poziv, kroz osjećaj za zadovoljavanje potreba drugih ljudi. Poslovima njege bolesnika najčešće su se bavile žene, što je bilo u skladu s očekivanjima tadašnjeg društva u odnosu na ulogu majke i čuvaricu „vatre na ognjištu“. Medicinske sestre danas kao mlada profesija pokušavaju postići što veću prepoznatljivost u društvu, iako taj proces sporo napreduje. Vrlo važnu ulogu u jačanju sestrinske profesije ima profesionalna etika, koja uključuje daljnju raspravu o esenciji sestrinske struke, njenu važnosti u društvu, među pacijentima te statusu sestrinstva. Uvodeći profesionalnu sestrinsku etiku u profesionalni život medicinskih sestara, pokušavaju se unaprijediti očekivane vrline u teoretskom i praktičnom smislu, a koje su sestrinstvo uvijek obilježavale kao humano zvanje, praksu i profesiju. Kako sestrinstvo kao profesija u središtu svojega zanimanja ima čovjeka, koji je najčešće ranjiv i zdravstveno ugrožen, još je više izražen interes za vrline sestrinstva koje bi trebale biti učinkovite u moralnim dimenzijama djelovanja.. Povećanje razine stupnja obrazovanja medicinskih sestara rezultira uvođenjem novih i složenijih metoda i postupaka u zdravstvenoj njezi, utemeljenih na znanstvenim istraživanjima, pa sestrinstvo danas možemo promatrati kroz znanstvenu i moralnu dimenziju. U Republici Hrvatskoj sestrinstvo je samostalna profesija, ima najviše stupnjeve obrazovanja i vrlo kvalitetno školovane medicinske sestre. Preddiplomski i diplomski studiji postali su sastavni i važni dio nastavnih aktivnosti na sveučilištima. No, na jedno veliko pitanje još nije dobiven jasan odgovor: ima li sestrinska profesija svoj dokazani identitet, jer je upravo identitet određen jasnim i specifičnim determinantama koje razlikuju jednu profesiju od druge. Autentično vrednovanje medicinske skrbi i njege u društvu i zdravstvu osigurava uvjete za jačanje sestrinske svijesti o vrijednosti vlastite profesije. Razvoj medicinske znanosti stvorio je pretpostavke za veće znanstveno udaljavanje sestrinstva, no uvijek valja imati na umu da su iako autonomne, liječnička i sestrinska profesija za svagda i uvijek komplementarne i da im je bolesnik u središtu pozornosti. Nursing trough the history was based on need to care for the weak, poor and abandoned, as well on the tradition to care for the sick and wounded. Nursing practice to this day cherishes compassion, caring, attention, acceptance and trust. It is the oldest profession in health care, and has a long schooling tradition that has had a difficult time, but in spite of that, today it is able to achieve all it's goals our founders fought for, we're reaching highest levels of education in PhD programs. Nursing is developing as a profession that is not for everyone. It is considered a female profession because women have been assigned to take care of the home, children, elderly and the weak. Nursing, as a young profession, is trying to achieve higher recognition in society. The most important role in strengthening the nursing profession has professional ethics, which includes interpersonal disagreement on the content of the nursing profession, it's importance in society, among patients and the status of nursing as a complex. It seeks to improve virtues of nursing in theorethical and practical ways, that have always described it as a humane practice and profession. Nursing as a profession has human being, who is usually vulnerable and at risk as well,as a clear interest for the virtues of nursing, because of that, interest in virtues of nursing practice that should be more effective in moral dimension, is more expressed. Increasing the level of education for nurses results in the introduction of health care methods and procedures in health care, based on scientific researches, so nursing can be observe through scientific and moral dimension. Nursing in Croatia is an independant profession with varying degrees of education and the best educated nurses. Undergraduate and graduate courses have become an important and crucial part of the curriculum on Croatian universities. But there is still one more question that has not been answered : does nursing as profession has it's on proved identity, beacuse identity is determined with clear and specific determinants with are making the difference between each other. Authentic evaluation of care in society and health care provides the necessary conditions to strengthen the awareness about the value of our own profession and independently acquired skills. The development of medical science has created assumptions for a greater scientific distancing of nursing, but we have to always know that doctoral and nursing professions are complemetary and that patient is always in the center of attention.

Pagrindinis šio magistro darbo tikslas yra išanalizuoti moralinius manipuliacijos reklamoje klausimus, remiantis teorinėmis manipuliacijos reklamoje studijomis. Darbas sudarytas iš dviejų dalių: reklamos, manipuliacijos ir manipuliacijos reklamoje studijų, kartu apžvelgiant šiuolaikinių ekonominių teorijų kitimą, bei moralinių manipuliacijos reklamoje klausimų analizės. Pirmoje dalyje aptariama šiuolaikinė reklama, manipuliacija bendrąja prasme, manipuliacijos įtaka reklamai bei jos tipai ir šiuolaikinių ekonominių teorijų kitimas. Antroje dalyje analizuojami praktiniai moraliniai manipuliacijos reklamoje klausimai: moralinė – etinė perspektyva, laisvės – autonomijos koncepcija, atsakomybės pasidalijimo moralinė problema, galios ir dominavimo klausimas ir naujų ekonominių teorijų generavimas. Šios dalies pabaigoje pateikiamos išvados. Magistro darbas parašytas remiantis literatūra lietuvių ir anglų kalbomis. Siekiant iliustruoti pagrindinius teorinius ir praktinius analizuojamos temos aspektus, panaudoti 2 paveikslai ir 38 literatūros šaltiniai., The main purpose of this Master’s Thesis Paper is to analyze the moral questions of manipulation in advertising, based on the theoretical research of advertising and manipulation in general. The paper consists of two parts: theoretical studies of advertising, manipulation and manipulation in advertising, together with the review of changes in nowadays economic theories, and the research of moral questions of manipulation in advertising. The first part discusses the concept of nowadays commercial advertising, manipulation in general, manipulation impact to advertising and its types, together with the review of changes in nowadays economic theories. The second part analyses the practical moral questions of manipulation in advertising: a moral – ethical perspective, freedom – autonomy concept, moral problem of sharing the responsibility, question of power and dominance and the generation of new economic theories. The conclusions are given at the end of this part. Master’s Thesis Paper is based on literature in Lithuanian and English languages. In order to illustrate the main theoretical and practical aspects of the analyzed topic, 2 pictures and 38 literary sources were used.

Straipsnyje pateikiama metakognityvumo ir jo sudedamųjų dalių samprata, klasifikavimas. Šis terminas nagrinėjamas pateikiant keletą apibrėžimų, bandant supažindinti skaitytojus su šio termino supratimu pasaulyje. Pateikiamas išsamus metakognityvumo sudedamųjų dalių klasifikavimas, kuris padeda visapusiškai analizuoti šį reiškinį. Viena iš daromų išvadų yra ta, kad metakognityvumo komponentai, kurių ugdymas turtina besimokančiųjų autonominę kalbinę veiklą, skatina jų motyvus, todėl jų žinios ilgiau išlieka atmintyje, gerėja jų rezultatai. Metakognityvumas yra neatsiejama ir labai svarbi autonominio kalbinės veiklos turtinimo proceso dalis. Thearticledealswiththeconceptionandclassificationofmetacognitionanditsconstituentparts.Theterm is being tackled through a range of definitions in an attempt to make readers acquainted with the perception of this term abroad. A detailed description of metacognition constituent parts (metacognitive knowledge, metacognitive skills) is given, which helps to analyze this phenomenon comprehensively. One of the conclusions made is that education of metacognitive components leads the learners towards autonomous foreign language enrichment, encourage their motivation. As a result their knowledge becomes long-term, learners.marks are higher. Metacognition is a very important as well as an inherent part of the autonomous foreign language enrichment process.

U ovom članku autor analizira razvitak autonomije Vojvodine nakon 1848. godine i ukazuje na svojevrsnu pretvorbu njezinih temeljnih osobenosti u tom razdoblju. Ona je uistinu ponajprije nastala kao izraz težnji Srba u Južnoj Ugarskoj za uspostavom vlastite autonomije. No, tijekom 20. stoljeća, a posebice u Drugom svjetskom ratu, njezini se obrisi mijenjaju i to na način da autonomija Vojvodine od negdašnje izričito etničke postaje multietnička i to sve do suspendiranja 1988. godine. Autor zato smatra kako je to via facti ukinuće autonomije Vojvodine bio samo jedan od inicijalnih događaja vezanih za urušavanje složenoga jugoslavenskog federalizma početkom 1990-ih. Niti nova politička gibanja u Srbiji nakon 2000. godine nisu doprinijela da se takvo stanje izmjeni. Štoviše, autor zaključuje da će i inače urušena autonomija Vojvodine unutar Republike Srbije i dalje postupno nestajati i/ili atrofirati, te da će njezin građanski i multietnički identitet biti nanovo marginaliziran, uključivo i kulturološke, povijesne, zemljopisne i ostale posebnosti toga dijela zemlje., In this article, the author analyzes the development of the autonomy of Vojvodina after 1848, and points to a transformation of its fundamental characteristics in this period. Indeed, Vojvodina was created primarily as an aspiration of Serbs in Southern Hungary to establish their own autonomy. However, during the XX century, especially during World War II, the character of autonomy has changed from explicitly ethnic to multiethnic, until its suspension in 1988. The author, therefore, considers that this via facti abolition of Vojvodina’s autonomy was just one of the initial events related to the collapse of the complex Yugoslav federalism in the early 1990s. New political trends in Serbia after 2000 have also not contributed to changing this situation. Moreover, the author concludes that the otherwise collapsed autonomy of Vojvodina within the Republic of Serbia will continue to gradually disappear and that its civil and multiethnic identity will be marginalized again, including the cultural, historical, geographical and other unique characteristics of this part of the country.

Paul Tillich cijeli je život bio na ´razmeđu´ filozofije i teologije, odnosno religije i kulture, pri čemu je posebnu pozornost posvetio odnosu između religije i kulture, odnosu koji će biti predmet našega uvodnog poglavlja. Potom ćemo, u prvom dijelu rada, razmotriti uzroke koji su doveli do raskola između ovih dviju temeljnih odrednica ljudskoga života, odnosno čovjekov prijelaz iz ´esencije´ u ´egzistenciju´ kroz simbol njegova ´pada´ i konflikt unutar razuma koji se odnosi na ´autonomiju´ i ´heteronomiju´, a što rezultira i stalnom borbom između autonomne i heteronomne kulture. U drugom ćemo dijelu razmatrati autorovu ´teonomnu interpretaciju kulture´, kako bismo pokazali na koji način konačna objava ´Novoga Bitka u Isusu kao Kristu´ nadvladava te sukobe, odnosno kako se putem teonomije ponovno uspostavlja ´temeljno jedinstvo´ između autonomije i heteronomije, a naše ćemo istraživanje zaključiti njegovim viđenjem ´kulture pod utjecajem Duha´ koju naziva ´teonomnom kulturom´. Kritičkom analizom autor je došao do zaključka da je Tillich, na temelju svoje analize odnosa između religije i kulture, koji je sažeo poznatom formulom: ´religija je supstancija kulture, a kultura je oblik religije´, uspješno povezao bitne odrednice religije i kulture te je pokazao kako je svekolika kultura utemeljena na religijskoj supstanciji pa kao takva predstavlja istinsko ´jedinstvo´ oblika i značenja u kojem dolazi do izražaja bezuvjetno značenje, bez kojega bi sva njezina djela, sa svojim posebnim značenjima, postala prazna i besmislena., Paul Tillich spent all his life walking the line between philosophy and theology, or religion and culture, and he paid special attention to the relationship between religion and culture, the relationship which will be the subject of our introductory chapter. Then, in the first part of the paper, we will examine the causes that brought about the schism between these two fundamental determinants of human life; namely, man's transition from 'essence' to 'existence' through the symbolism of his 'fall' and the conflict within the reason pertaining to ‘autonomy’ and ‘heteronomy’, which also results in an unceasing struggle between an autonomous and heteronomous culture. In the second part, we will discuss Tillich’s ‘theonomous interpretation of culture’ in order to show how the final revelation of the ‘New Being in Jesus as the Christ’ overcomes these conflicts; namely, how theonomy re-establishes the ‘fundamental union’ between autonomy and heteronomy, and we will conclude our investigation by discussing his vision of ‘culture under the influence of the Spirit’ which he calls a ‘theonomous culture’. Through critical analysis we came to the conclusion that Tillich, on the basis of his analysis of the relationship between religion and culture which he summarised with the well-known formula, ‘religion is the substance of culture, culture is the form of religion’, succeeded in connecting the seminal determinants of religion and culture, and showed that the whole culture is founded on a religious substance and as such represents a true ‘union’ of form and meaning that brings out the unconditional meaning, without which all cultural products with their special meanings would become empty and meaningless.

Straipsnyje siekiama patikrinti kai kuriuos akademinio Naujosios viešosios vadybos (NVV) diskurso teiginius Lietuvos atveju, pasitelkiant vadovaujančias pareigas užimančių valstybės tarnautojų apklausos duomenis. NVV taikymą analizuojančiose publikacijose pateikiami teiginiai, kurie nusako NVV bei po-NVV iniciatyvų tikslus, priemones ir jų taikymo pasekmes. Mokslininkai teigia, kad NVV pasižymi vadybos instrumentų iš privataus sektoriaus naudojimu viešajame sektoriuje, didesnės autonomijos vadovams suteikimu, mažesniu viešojo administravimo politizacijos lygiu bei neigiamu poveikiu horizontaliam koordinavimui. Duomenų analizė parodo, kad empiriniai ryšiai tarp NVV ir po-NVV „etosų“ elementų bei koordinavimo, politizacijos ir vadovų autonomijos patvirtina kai kuriuos NVV doktrinos teiginius ir atskleidžia po-NVV įtaką. In the article the relations among the extent of New Public Management (NPM), coordination, politicization and autonomy in Lithuania are analysed based on COCOPS data (project "Monitoring public sector reforms", financed by Lithuanian Science Council, 2012–2013, agreement no. PRO-10/2012). The analysis is based on the propositions that relate coordination, politicization and autonomy in NPM and post-NPM eras. The operationalization of these variables and construction of scales are demonstrated. The analysis of averages and correlations among extent of NPM, coordination, politicization and autonomy confirms some of the postulated propositions, e.g., high politicization and high level of NPM practices are incompatible; higher managerial autonomy is congruent not only with NPM, but also with post-NPM elements.

Programi obveznog cijepljenja koji su prisutni u mnogobrojnim državama imaju brojne protivnike koji, važno je naglasiti, nemaju jedinstven stav kad su posrijedi razlozi zbog kojih se protive cijepljenju. Protiv ove medicinske preventivne mjere od samih početaka ističu se „znanstveni prigovori“ oko njezine učinkovitosti i sigurnosti, prigovori utemeljeni na savjesti (vjerski i filozofski), prigovori protiv državnog ograničenja ljudskih sloboda i autonomnog odlučivanja o vlastitu tijelu. Svrha je ovog rada pružiti kritički prikaz etičkih i pravnih pitanja vezanih uz obvezno cijepljenje. U ovim znanostima vodi se široka rasprava oko pitanja mogu li koristi obveznog cijepljenja odnijeti prevagu nad svim problemima povezanima s tom praksom. Cilj nam je odrediti granicu državnog upletanja s osobnom autonomijom i roditeljskim slobodama. Ovo pitanje ima i šire političke i društvene reperkusije koje se odražavaju u zakonodavnim i sudskim raspravama. U vezi s tim posebno ćemo razmotriti razloge koji se nalaze u rješenju Ustavnog suda Republike Hrvatske iz siječnja 2014. o neprihvaćanju prijedloga za pokretanje postupka za ocjenu suglasnosti s Ustavom određenih odredbi Zakona o zaštiti pučanstva od zaraznih bolesti.

Članak predstavlja političko-teološku i fenomenološku razradu temeljne ideje o prevladavanju društva zajednicom (Jean-Luc Nancy). U prvom dijelu rada razlikujemo sreću (Aristotel) i autocentrično prisvajanje (Valdenfels) kao osnovna iskustva i temeljne političke imperative predmodernog (zajednica) i modernog (društvo) iskustvovanja egzistencije. Iz njih proizilaze: autonomija (Dugin) kao samostalno organizovanje zajedničkog života (zajednica) te suverenitet (Šmit; Anidjar) kao autocentrično prisvajanje životnog prostora (društvo). Posljedica suvereniteta je neprijateljstvo (pitanje protiv-egzistencije) i sekularizacija (deontologizacija) svijeta. U završnom dijelu rada naglašavamo bitne aspekte ponovnog (ekstatičkog) utemeljivanja (desekularizacije) zajednice (svijeta)., The article elaborates from a political-theological and phenomenological point of view the idea of overcoming the society by community (Jean-Luc Nancy). The first part of the article distinguishes happiness (Aristotle) from the self-centered appropriation (Valdenfels) as basic experiences and basic political imperatives of a premodern (community) and modern (society) existence. From these follow autonomy (Dugin) as a self-organizing community life (community), and sovereignty (Schmitt; Anidjar) as self-centered appropriation of living space (society as lebensraum). The consequence of sovereignty is hostility (the issue of counter-existence) and secularization of the world (de-ontologization). The final part of the article highlights the important aspects of a renewed (ecstatic) foundation (de-secularization) of the community (the world).

Bakalaura darbā tiek pētītas Latvijas pašvaldību autonomo un valsts uzdoto funkciju nošķiršanas metodes, to nozīme un šo funkciju nenošķiršanas sekas. Kā būtiskākās problēmas darbā apskatītas: 1) nepieciešamība iekļaut pašvaldību funkciju nošķiršanas kritērijus normatīvajā regulējumā, jo tam ir ne tikai teorētiska, bet liela praktiska nozīme, kas, to neizprotot, var izpausties dažādās pašvaldībai negatīvās sekās, 2) normatīvā regulējuma ietekme uz pašvaldību autonomiju dažādu funkciju veikšanā, kā arī 3) normatīvā regulējuma pretrunas ar funkciju klasifikāciju praksē, to veicot pēc nošķiršanas kritērijiem. Darba mērķis ir izstrādāt pašvaldību autonomo un valsts uzdoto funkciju nošķiršanas kritērijus, kā arī pamatot šo funkciju nošķiršanas nepieciešamību praksē un sekas, kas var iestāties pašvaldību funkcijas nenošķirot, tādējādi konstatējot arī praksē pastāvošās problēmas pašvaldības kompetences jomā. Autore secinājusi, ka pašvaldības funkciju nošķiršanai ir praktiska nozīme, jo, neizprotot vai funkcija ir autonoma vai valsts uzdota, pašvaldībai var rasties tādas negatīvas sekas kā līdzekļu izlietošana no tās budžeta, atbildības uzņemšanās par funkcijas izpildes vai neizpildes sekām. Tāpat secināts, ka nošķirt pašvaldības funkcijas iespējams pēc vairākiem kritērijiem, tostarp, pēc finansējuma avota, kā arī pēc subjekta, kas faktiski organizē funkcijas izpildīšanu., Bachelor thesis investigates methods of dividing autonomus and state delegated functions of local governments in Latvia, their importance and the consequences of not dividing those functions. As the main problems in bachelor thesis viewed: 1) necessity to include the dividing criteria of local government functions in regulatory framework, because of it’s meaning in practice not only in theory, which in the case of incomprehension can make different negative consequences for local governments, 2) influence of regulatory framework on autonomy of local governments in different execution of functions and 3) contradictions of regulatory framework and classification of functions in practice dividing it by the criteria as well. The aim of thesis is to make criteria by dividing local government autonomus and state delegated functions, motive the necessity of dividing functions of local government showing the cosnequences of not dividing those functions and to show the existing problems of dividing functions of local government in practice. The author concluded that dividing functions of local government is important in practice because if local government doesn’t understand what kind of function it is, it can make negative consequences for local government as spending their resources from it’s budget or taking responsibility of functions execution. It’s possible to divide functions of local government by different criteria, as source of funding and by the subject who organize execution of function in practice.

Ljudi sa psihopatskim poremećajem ličnosti predstavljaju značajni moralni, sigurnosni i ekonomski problem u društvu. U sve većem broju radova argumentira se da psihopate ne bi trebalo držati moralno ili kriminalno odgovornima za njihova krivična djela. Argumenti se temelje na premisi da psihopati nemaju slobodu volje jer imaju značajno oštećenu sposobnost da donose autonomne, a time i slobodne odluke. Ovi argumenti se obično temelje na nekritičkom korištenju neuroloških i bihevioralnih istraživanja. U ovom članku pristupam problematici na posvećujući više pažnje samim empirijskim istraživanjima na kojima se temelje takvi zaključci. Istražujem sposobnost psihopata za donošenje autonomnih odluka povezujući dostupne empirijske podatke i teorije, posebice onu koju je razvio psiholog Joseph Newman, s nedavnim uvidima iz filozofskih teorija o ljudskoj autonomiji. To činim na način da povezujem uvide Newmana o vezi psihopatije i funkcionalnog djelovanja s teorijama autonomnog djelovanja koje, osim praktičnih, ističu važnost epistemičkog zahtjeva da budemo prijemčivi na dostupnu evidenciju. Ne obvezujući se na radikalnu tvrdnju da su psihopati neuračunljive osobe, identificiram neka neuropsihološka svojstva korelirana s psihopatijom koja bi mogla indicirati da psihopati imaju specifična oštećenja u fokusiranju pažnje koja mogu utjecati na njihovu slabiju prijemčivost na opažajnu evidenciju. Ova pretpostavka otvara zanimljive mogućnosti za specifične tretmane, primjerice, usmjereno instrumentalno učenje i neurofeedback terapiju, koji bi kod psihopata mogli poboljšati sposobnost donošenja odluka, a time i njihovu autonomiju.

Bakalaura darba tēma ir “Medicīnas ētikas principi operāciju nodaļā”. Tēmas aktualitāti nosaka tas, ka bieži vien māsām praksē nākas saskarties ar dažādiem ētiskas dabas jautājumiem un sarežģītām situācijām, tāpēc māsām jābūt gatavām tās atrisināt. Jāizprot un jāmāk pielietot ētikas principus savā ikdienas darbā. Darba mērķis ir noskaidrot kādi ētikas principi un cik lielā mērā tiek ievēroti operāciju māsas praksē. Pētnieciskie jautājumi ir kā praktizējošas operāciju māsas izprot un pielieto ētikas principus un kādi operāciju māsas prakses faktori ietekmē ētikas principu ievērošanu? Par pētniecības metodi tika izvēlēta kvalitatīvā pētniecības metode, kuras pētniecības instruments ir strukturēta anketa. Galvenie pētījumā iegūtie rezultāti, saistībā ar izvirzītajiem pētnieciskajiem jautājumiem: Praktizējošas operāciju māsas pilnībā izprot intervijā iekļautos ētikas principus – autonomijas, nekaitēšanas, laba darīšanas, taisnīguma un patiesīguma principu. Galvenie pozitīvie faktori, kas ietekmē ētikas principu pielietošanu ir laba sadarbība un darba organizācija, bet negatīvie faktori - emocionālais un fiziskais nogurums, un darba steiga., The work theme is “Medical Ethical Principles ir operation department”. This topic provides practice that sisters often face a different ethical issues and difficult situations, so nurses must be able to resolve them. To understand and know how to apply ethical principles in your day-to-day work. The objective is to clarify what ethical principles and the extent to which the sisters are complied with in practice. Research questions are as praktizējošas operation sister understands and applies the principles of ethics and the operating nurses practice factors affect compliance with principles of ethics? The method was chosen for the research, qualitative research method, which research tool is a structured questionnaire. The main study of the results obtained in relation to the research questions: Practicing operation sisters is fully aware of the ethical principles in an interview – autonomy, nonmaleficence, beneficence, justice and veracity. The main positive factors affecting the application of the principles of ethics, good cooperation and work organisation, but negative factors - the emotional and physical fatigue, and the rush.

Studiju procesā ir novērojamas problēmas, kas saistās ar studentu zemo patstāvīgās mācīšanās prasmju līmeni jeb plašākā izpratnē autonomiju, kas skaidrojamas ar patērētājsabiedrības kultūras ienākšanu augstākās izglītības vidē, kā arī nepietiekamu autonomijas attīstību vidējās izglītības iestādēs. Situācijas uzlabošana sekmētu augstākās izglītības kvalitāti un veidotu uz ilgtspējīgu attīstību orientētus sabiedrības locekļus. Darbā pētīti un piedāvāti veidi, kā efektīvāk pilnveidot studentu autonomiju franču valodas kā svešvalodas apguves procesā topošajiem franču valodas skolotājiem. Gadījuma pētījuma un pamatotās teorijas pētījuma sintēzes rezultātā izstrādāta studentu autonomijas attīstības stratēģija, kuru ir iespējams pielāgot dažādiem studiju kursiem. Intervēti kursu docētāji, jomas eksperts, analizēts studiju kursa plāns un franču valodas skolotāja kvalifikācijas modulis. Darbā realizēta autonomijas attīstības stratēģija Latvijas Universitātes profesionālās bakalaura studiju programmas “Skolotājs” studiju kursā “Integrētais kurss franču valodas skolotājiem”. Darbs strukturēts kā skolotāja pieredzes darbs, piedāvājot autonomijas stratēģijas realizācijas plānošanas, organizēšanas, vērtēšanas un dalīšanās profesionālajā pieredzē aspektus, sniedzot stratēģijas teorētisko pamatojumu un praktiskos pierādījumus., The study process is diminished by the problems related to the low level of students` independent learning skills or in a broader sense – students` autonomy. It can be explained by the influences of the consumer society values on the higher education environment, as well as the lack of the development of students` autonomy in secondary education. The improvement of the situation would enhance the quality of the higher education and create sustainable development-oriented members of the society. The research studies and offers ways to effectively improve students' autonomy in French as a foreign language learning process for future French teachers. As a result of case study and grounded theory study, the strategy to develop students` autonomy has been designed and it can be applied to various study courses. To develop the strategy, the interviews with faculty lecturers and a field expert were conducted, as well as the course syllabus and the qualification module for French teachers were analysed. The strategy was piloted in the study course “Integrated Course for French Teachers” at professional bachelor's programme "Teacher" of the University of Latvia. The Master’s Paper - Teacher`s Portfolio presents the planning, organization, evaluation and dissemination of professional experience of the development aspects of students` autonomy. The theoretical justification and practical evidence of the strategy have been provided.

The subject of discussion are the attitudes of citizens towards the qualities that children should be encouraged to learn in the family, based on the data collected in the fourth wave of the World Values Survey (1999-2004). The aims of this paper are: to determine the hierarchy structure of citizens’ values regarding the qualities that children should be encouraged to learn as part of their family upbringing; to determine whether the priority is given to the development of autonomous or conformist personality, as well as the correlates of each of these two orientations; to determine what the position of Serbian public opinion is in comparison to the European countries encompassed by the World Values Survey. The analysis comprises representative samples from 33 European countries, in total 48,220 respondents. The research in Serbia comprised 1200 citizens aged 18 and above. It was shown that Serbian public opinion gives priority to the development of the qualities of an autonomous personality over conformist. Regarding the values and goals of upbringing, Serbia is at the level of average of the European countries as a whole. The younger and more educated respondents give priority to the development of autonomous qualities, as well as those who acquired post-materialist values. Progressive goals of upbringing which are supported by the public can be accomplished with significant changes in the direction of increase of social standard, quality of education and competence of all those people who participate in the upbringing of the young. Predmet razmatranja su stavovi građana o osobinama koje deca treba da usvoje u porodici na osnovu podataka koji su prikupljeni u okviru četvrtog talasa Svetske studije vrednosti (1999-2004). Ciljevi rada su: utvrditi hijerarhijsku strukturu vrednosti građana s obzirom na osobine koje kod dece treba razvijati u okviru porodičnog vaspitanja; utvrditi da li se prednost daje razvoju autonomne ili konformističke ličnosti, kao i korelate svake od ove dve orijentacije; ustanoviti kakva je pozicija srpskog javnog mnenja u odnosu na evropske zemlje koje su obuhvaćene Svetskom studijom vrednosti. Ispitivanje je sprovedeno na reprezentativnim uzorcima građana 33 evropske zemlje u Srbiji sprovedeno je na reprezentativnom uzorku 1200 građana uzrasta od 18 i više godina. Nalazi dobijeni u Srbiji poređeni su sa 32 evropske Pokazalo se da srpsko javno mnenje prednost daje razvoju osobina autonomne ličnosti u odnosu na konformističku. U pogledu vrednosti i ciljeva vaspitanja, Srbija se nalazi na nivou proseka evropskih zemalja kao jedne celine. Razvoju autonomnih osobina prednost daju mlađi i obrazovaniji ispitanici, kao i oni koji su usvojili postmaterijalističke vrednosti. Progresivni vaspitni ciljevi koji imaju podršku javnog mnenja mogu se ostvariti uz značajne promene u pravcu povećanja društvenog standarda, kvaliteta obrazovanja i kompetentnosti svih koji učestvuju u vaspitanju mladih.