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Laleh Khalili's account begins with histories of "route-making", focused on the making of colonial shipping networks. 4 Watkins E (2021) Review of Sinews of War and Trade: Shipping and Capitalism in the Arabian Peninsula by Laleh Khalili. In 1974, at the moment when the oil related boom was in full swing, Fred Halliday (1974: 17) opened a landmark account of politics in the Arabian peninsula, with an account of the region's "uneven and combined development": Arabia underwent a striking transformation in the two decades after 1950. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of The Iraqi University is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences (2522-3380) is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The primary objective of this article is to describe how the children of soldiers critiqued and examined media representations of war. Taken from a more extensive qualitative case study involving eight teachers, this article examines one social studies teacher and her students' perspectives on media coverage of war through two Socratic Seminar discussions focused on two wars: the American Civil War and Gulf War. Data was collected through interviews, focus groups, and classroom observations. Students leveled a specific set of critiques at television media and those who consume it. They also grappled with two ethical quandaries: censorship and the justness of war. This article emerged from an unusual place - a Mathew Brady photograph. The teacher, a lecturer typically, decided to engage her students in discussion. This discussion was designed to provide "process and sense-making time," according to their teacher, Ms. Jones, after four days of lecture on the American Civil War. Yet, the discussion grew into something much different than Ms. Jones's original plan. It evolved into an interrogation of how the media represents war. Inspired by the thoughtful discussion, several months later, Ms. Jones engaged the same students in an examination of media representations of the first Gulf War. Ms. Jones is the focus of this article because out of the eight other teachers in the larger qualitative study, she was the only one to focus on classroom time (two entire class sessions) on media representations of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, literature has always played a key role in forming societies' cultural heritage. Children Literature, in specific, is highly important since it helps the young readers to develop love and passion for reading which will eventually improve their emotional intelligence and creativity. It also nurtures significant social skills that enable the readers to have more positive attitudes about their lives. Nevertheless, children's literature can turn into a tool to control children and brainwash them. Studying Iraqi children's short stories during the 1980s shows how children are enculturated and treated as rich soil to sow the seeds of violence. In this paper, a selected number of short stories that were written during Iran-Iraq war are studied. It examines how these texts are engaged in literature of propaganda. It also focuses on the tools that are used to covey certain ideologies. The normalization, historicization, and mythologization of war are proved to be highly influential methods. Propagandistic and militaristic subjects and illustrations are also employed to convey implied ideological messages. The soldiers' suffering is hidden while their death is celebrated. Instead of portraying the ferocity of war to remind young readers of its inhumane side, violence is encouraged, and the idea of peace is trivialized and rejected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Iran-Iraq war there were extensive rumours in the press regarding Iran's use of Iranian Military Procurement Offices (IMPOs) in London to purchase arms. This article seeks to interrogate the facts behind these rumours: what was going on inside the IMPOs? How much intelligence did the British government have about this? Not a huge amount – largely a result of the IMPOs being a challenging target and Britain's intelligence priorities in London lying elsewhere. More broadly the paper seeks to provide insights into the challenges of gathering intelligence from – and responding to the activities of – foreign government targets on home turf, as well as providing insights into an under-considered area of intelligence – that surrounding embargoes and sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the post-war reconstruction experience of Qasr-e-Shirin, Iran, in the aftermath of the Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988). Compared with the war-damaged cities in southwest Iran, western cities such as Qasr-e-Shirin lack a post-war reconstruction assessment and documentation. With an objective view, the author aims at documenting the situation of the city almost thirty years after its reconstruction. To this purpose, ten criteria based on the other national and international experiences, as well as the primary aims of the reconstruction plan itself and the community's needs have been developed. Data is acquired through extensive fieldwork, interview, reviewing governmental documents and other relevant national and international literature. Moreover, for the assessment of the reconstruction plan, a GIS analysis is conducted. The results show that the reconstruction process of Qasr-e Shirin was not successful in reviving the city nor in encouraging the migrants to return to their hometown. Analysis of this experience confirms that a detailed assessment of pre- and post-war reconstruction, preparing a flexible and long-term plan based on the resources and needs, documentation and monitoring, coordination and harmony between the stakeholders, community participation and empowerment and using technologies such as remote sensing and modern communication means are among the influential factors in yielding positive results in the post-war reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the social components of national resilience as the source of the Islamic Republic of Iran's ability to cope with possibly lethal blows and economic setbacks through four stages: (I) an account of the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War and the surprising outcome that left Iran undefeated, (II) a review of several theories that can aid us to analyze Iran's national resilience ability, (III) an analysis of Iran's wartime survival using the abovementioned theoretical infrastructure, (IV) a concise review of current issues in Iranian society which concludes with an evaluation of the state of Iran's resilience regarding attacks on their nuclear program and its ramifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using newly available Iraqi records, this article revisits Saddam Hussein's decision to attack Iran in 1980. His decision defies easy categorization as offensive or defensive, strategic or ideological. The invasion's rationale reflected a diverse array of factors rather than any single overriding determinant. Simultaneously a defensive response to Iranian provocations and an attempt to exploit post-revolutionary Iranian weakness, the invasion was also thoroughly wound up in Saddam's ideological proclivities and exalted self-conception. Additionally, Saddam viewed attacking Iran as a step toward assuming his destiny as a great Arab leader and—more intriguingly—as a potential springboard to an eventual war against Israel. Strategy, ideology, and personality flowed together, creating a potent mix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1979 Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War that began in 1980 have played an effective role in reconstructing contemporary Iranian culture, history, and politics. The war was beneficial to Ayatollah Khomeini and his new regime in defining themselves and their ideas and suppressing opposition, so he refused to end the war for eight years until 1988. However, by the end of the war, neither Iran nor Iraq had achieved their aims: Iraq's attempts to bring down the revolutionary government in Iran failed, and Iran could not provoke a revolution in Iraq. The Islamic Revolution and the war imposed new kinds of restrictions on women in all social domains, including cinema. Since the new regime regarded women as the ones to blame for the corruptions of the Pahlavi era, they censored women's bodies and intimacy between women and men. Additionally, revolutionary ideological codes shaped gender representations in media and close-up shots of females were banned in the cinema. This article focuses on a well-known live-action puppet movie for children, The City of Mice (1985), and its sequel, which were directed by a female Iranian director, Marzieh Boroumand. It aims first to depict the way The City of Mice represents gender to its audience (mainly children) based on socially-constructed notions of gender within Islamic discourse and Islamic ideology during the Iran-Iraq War in Iran, and second, to study the way gender practice changed thirty years later within The City of Mice 2 (2014). To do so, the essay provides a brief introduction and a summary of both movies' stories, then analyzes the costumes, characters, actions, dialogue, objects, and camera work to respond to the statement of the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The battle between Iran and Iraq ended with a ceasefire being signed in 1988 but the war continued for most Iranians and their leadership. Even today after three decades, the war continues for Iranians who live in the borderlands as they struggle with the landmines and left-overs of the battles. Mehdi Monem, a celebrated Iranian war photographer, frames the pain of Iranians in the borderlands as the counter-narrative that challenges the mainstream frames of propaganda. He challenges the master narrative of the Islamic Republic of Iran that generates meanings for the frames of the war through notions of martyrdom and sacrifice. Hence, I follow his work in the context of the visual culture of martyrdom via an ethnography that explains how Iranians receive the pain of others 30 years after the war at home and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Iraqi forces invaded the Iranian border shortly after the Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) participated in the battle along with the debilitated Iranian Army. The IRGC was a young religious-revolutionary institution that lacked the resources that revolutionary armies and militias conventionally rely on. Nevertheless, it survived the battle pressure and even achieved relative military successes in the second year of the war. By examining personal narratives written by Iranian veterans, this article argues that in the void of conventional resources in the first year of the war, the Guards retrieved elements of their Shia background to recognize a religiously inspired charisma in every combatant who would devotedly step up for martyrdom. This shared understanding of the omnipotent charisma was then acknowledged in action—by commanders' deployment of it to impose order and through frequently held Shia rituals on the battlefield. It thereby created an alternative source of cohesion and motivation that led to the IRGC's survival and prepared them for further successful steps by the end of the war's first year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emotions and feelings overwhelm mnemonic practices of any collective with traces of violence in its history. The violent history has become the means for the Iranian regime to regulate the nation's political consciousness. The regime formulates the political consciousness by way of politics of memory and enforcing a master narrative drawn from Shi'i history. I trace elicited emotions, within the war veterans' memoirs, to explain feelings and consciousness in the realm of situated bodies. By way of those emotions, the article outlines an anthropology of emotions that rejects universal codes of emotions and instead proposes following an embodied consciousness through emotions along with histories that evoke them. My argument broadens Sarah Ahmed's idea of history and emotions to arrive at the assemblage of mnemonic practices in post‐war Iran and advocate a historically informed anthropology of emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article gives an analysis of the combat employment of the strike aviation of the Iraqi Republic in the fight against sea targets during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988. The purpose of the article is to identify the application and effectiveness of various types of Iraqi air force combat aircraft against merchant shipping and warships in the Persian Gulf during the most active outbreak of hostilities at sea during the so-called “tanker war” of 1983-1988. Based on the use of statistical and mathematical methods of historical analysis, the low effectiveness of the fatal attacks of Iraqi pilots against tankers and bulk carriers of the enemy is revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deconstructs how religious musical eulogies, as the most important discursive practices of Shi'a rituals (Ghaffari 2019), were used as "war songs" serving to construct the Iranian national identity during the 1980–1988 Iraq-Iran war. These musical practices (in)formed the wider ideological and persuasive rhetoric of Iranians. In this paper, I analyse the textual and musical features of the audio-recorded versions of ten well-known war songs. The Discourse-Historical Approach (Reisigl and Wodak 2016) is used to analyse the discursive strategies and persuasive rhetorical tools within the lyrics. I draw on Machin (2010), Machin and Richardson (2012) and van Leeuwen (1999) to analyse various features of voice and the modality of sounds. This paper concludes that, by reflecting the power of religious discourse in the non-religious and highly nationalistic occasion of war, Iranian war songs were inspired by the religious eulogies in encouraging the Iranian nation to attend the war fronts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of Iran's urban population experienced the war with Iraq (1980–1988) through the burden of privation and the fear of possible airstrikes. Thus, state-produced media on national television became the main apparatus through which they connected their daily lives to the national conflict. Ravayat-e Fath [The Narrative of Triumph] was one docudrama, comprised of five seasons that the state produced at different intervals between 1984 and 1987. Although Ravayat-e Fath has been presented and received as a journalistic work, it enters the realm of fiction to fulfill its objective: To recruit soldiers. Through a collage of mythical stories, epic narratives, dramatic cinematography, mourning songs accompanied by reports from war fronts, and live interviews with soldiers, the series tells a story of a promised triumph through martyrdom. Through studying Ravayat-e Fath, the most important state-supported television production of the Iran-Iraq war era, this article investigates the ways in which war propaganda in general, and the concept of martyrdom in particular, generated tools like shaming to control the population during and after the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the domestic causes of the Iran-Iraq War. It delves into secret discussions among Iranian political and military elites during the conflict, their analyses of their own performance on the battlefield, and their revealing public disputes and blame game decades later. It contends that an underexplored and yet critical driving force behind Iran's prosecution of the war was factional politics. Along with state-level geo-strategic, regime-level security and individual-level ideological concerns, factional factors must also be examined to understand Tehran's war-time decisions. Iran's factional rivalries began between the Islamists and the nationalists; and between the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the army at war's outbreak, and eventually penetrated into the heart of the Islamist camp between the militant clerics and the IRGC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an assessment of the Ballistic-Missile and Space Program of Iran. The author says that ballistic missiles play an important role in the country's defense and deterrence strategy with its significance during the war between Iran and Iraq, strict sanction regimes, and the country's advancement in missile capabilities. The author expresses the view that Tehran's determination to acquire and develop missiles and its willingness to pay a high price need to be examined.

Studies arms sales during the Iran-Iraq war. Summary of information on arms sales to Iraq; Weapons imported by Iran from the U.S. during the 1970s; Extent of support received by Iraq from country to country, reflecting five types of arms sales with differing degrees of government involvement.

This article examines the impact of the Iran-Iraq War on the neighboring countries and MNCs that conduct business in the region. It identifies the political pressures exerted on the Gulf Cooperation Council (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates) and discusses the changes that these countries undertook to guard against the possible spillover of military and revolutionary operations. Sales, investments, and contracts in these countries were statistically tested for significant effects on MNCs. This article also explains the historical roots of the Iran-Iraq War and the underlying political risks faced by governments in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]