Search

This article aims to contribute to the nascent field of critical phenomenology in geography by elaborating on a feminist-phenomenological understanding of the conceptual binary of weight–relief and Nietzsche’s (self)overcoming. These notions provide a theoretical language for the universality of the human condition, transcending the tendency for theoretical-political reification of marginalized subjects’ lives and agencies. The empirical component consists of in-depth interviews with predominantly non-white, immigrant women who have either learned or taught other adult women to swim in a women-only swimming school founded in the multicultural suburb of Fisksätra, Stockholm, Sweden. By historicizing and contextualizing this setting, it is argued that the lack of swimming ability in Sweden (and elsewhere) is today a partly racialized phenomenon, where this deficiency constitutes a socio-phenomenological weight in individuals’ everyday geographies. What this gender-exclusionary space enables, in its quality as a ‘safe space’, is not so much the integration or securing of minority identities as the possibility to overcome one’s own fears and bodily challenges regarding water through shared experiences of safety, convivial solidarity and the joyful pleasures of being-in-water together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Precarious migrants must cope with various restrictions and exceptional policies while challenging anti-migrant images and crisis discourses. Using the concept infra political mobilities, this article draws attention to minor acts that resist and/or navigate the constraints imposed by the racialization and criminalization of migrant (im) mobilities. We emphasize the agency and practices performed by migrants and their allies, that, intentionally or not, challenge mobility rules related to expulsability, transient (im)mobilities, and insecure livelihoods. Our attention to infra politics of mobility exposes not only how mobility rules often work in practice, but also how they are resisted, negotiated, and reshaped by apparently minor acts that have unintended political effects of co-producing mobility rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing presence of African women (especially Moroccans) in the support services for survivors of gender-based violence in Catalonia (Spain) highlights how the perception of difference in contexts of significant cultural diversity can fuel othering processes based on racialized assumptions, which may ultimately lead these women to experience situations of additional vulnerability. Through the results of an anthropological study based on African (mainly Moroccan) women, we show how their racialized "otherness" is a cultural construct resulting from a combination of five main variables: gender, ethnicity, nationality, phenotype and religion. One of the most critical consequences of activating this reductionist mechanism is the creation of additional vulnerability for other women in the same situation. We then analyze how these women mobilize cultural, ethnic, religious and socioeconomic markers, with results that ultimately impede the formation of sisterhood and mutual support relationships, thus increasing their sense of being neglected and their vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses a set of videos which featured public figures encouraging racially minoritised people in the UK to take the COVID‐19 vaccine or get involved in related research. As racially targeted health communication has both potentially beneficial and problematic consequences, it is important to examine this uniquely high‐profile case. Using a purposive sample of 10 videos, our thematic content analysis aimed to reveal how racially minoritised people were represented and the types of concerns about the vaccine that were expressed. We found representations of racialised difference that centred on 'community' and invoked shared social experiences. The expressed concerns centred on whether ethnic difference was accounted for in the vaccine's design and development, plus the overarching issue of trust. Our analysis adopts and develops the concept of 'racialisation'; we explore how 'mutuality' underpinned normative calls to action ('ethico‐racial imperatives') and how the videos 'responsibilised' racially minoritised people. We discuss two points of tension in this case: the limitations for addressing the causes of mistrust and the risks of reductivism that accompanied the ambiguous notion of community. Our analysis develops scholarship on racialisation in health contexts and provides public health practitioners with insights into the socio‐political considerations of racially targeted communications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding power and resistance dynamics from below requires focusing on the micropolitics of oppressed group existence. This involves exploring the ways members of the oppressed and resisting groups make sense of power in terms of identity, community, culture, and politics. As Kurdish researchers living in Turkey and Bakurê Kurdistan, we conducted in‐depth interviews with 16 Kurds in Van and Istanbul. We explored contemporary Kurdish epistemologies and praxis of racial critical consciousness toward contents and sources of Kurdish power. In this pursuit, we contextualized and synergized tenets of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and anticolonial approaches. Our analysis shows that Kurdish understandings of power involve both representations and boundaries. Both themes are influenced by the multifaceted Kurdishness as an exteriority, a reclaimed racialized identity, an epistemology of existence, and a praxis of resisting in response to Turkish coloniality. Furthermore, the sub‐themes of power highlighted senses of agency, capacity, resources, community bonds, and social organization. We suggest that Kurdish power is constituted beyond a dualistic understanding of power, capable of creating subaltern strategies. We contribute to the transnational extensions of CRT and provide a contextualized account of antiracist and anticolonial resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hemoglobin (Hb) variants are qualitative abnormalities due to production of structurally abnormal globin proteins. They are categorized based on the type of mutation present in the α1, α2, β, Gγ, Aγ and δ globin genes. So far, more than 1550 Hb variants are reported in the database. They could lead to Hb polymerization, Hb instability, altered oxygen affinity and decreased oxygen‐carrying capacity of Hb or have no clinical manifestations. In India, ethnic diversity, consanguinity, regional variations and migration result in the presence of different Hb variants. We have compiled all the variants of α, β and δ globin chains in heterozygous, homozygous and in compound heterozygous forms reported from India in the last 52 years. Of the 63 rare and novel hemoglobin variants reported from India, 22 were α‐globin chain variants, 37 were β‐globin chain variants and 4 were δ‐globin chain variants. Twelve novel Hb variants (Hb J Rajappan, Hb Koya Dora, Hb Rampa, Hb Godavari, Hb Chandigarh, Hb D Agri, Hb Lucknow, Hb Vellore, Hb Midnapore, Hb Bijnor, Hb A2Tianhe and Hb A2Saurashtra) were identified among persons of Indian origin. Majority of them were picked up on HPLC. Some of the variants like Hb Titusville, Hb Shimonoseki, Hb Chandigarh, Hb D Agri, Hb Yaizu and Hb Vellore eluted in the HbS window whereas variants like HbD Iran, Hb St. Louis, Hb G Coushata, HbM Saskatoon, Hb Lucknow, Hb Grange‐Blanche and Hb Tianshui showed falsely elevated HbA2. Hence, careful and systematic investigations are required to identify them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars have understood conspiracy theories as sense-making mechanisms. Among them, a particular strand further inspected them in parallel with religion and magic. This comparison bears the risk of framing conspiracy theories as irrational interpretations and anachronisms with respect to contemporary ways of explaining reality. This contribution takes off from the reflections of those who have highlighted this risk. It tries to confront the possibility of using the concept of enchantment without implying a normative judgment on the irrationality of conspiracy theories. This paper carries out this effort by closely inspecting Max Weber's texts. I argue that Weber's notion of enchantment and disenchantment allows for a punctual use of both, devoid of normative implications. After setting out this non-normative notion of enchantment, this paper examines the characteristics of the enchanted worldview and its usefulness in reading conspiracy theories. Finally, this paper supports this effort using the identified characteristics to systematise a reading of conspiracy-based accounts of the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Asian adoptee-authored research, this article conceptualizes a critical adoptee standpoint. It underscores the significance of adoptees as knowledge producers and offers new insights into family dynamics, racialization processes, and adoptee personhood. Through three conceptual themes derived from adoptee-authored research, it illuminates the intersectional power dynamics shaping adoptees' lived experiences and challenges traditional adoption narratives. This approach repositions adoptees as agentic subjects who have cultivated a group consciousness that transcends traditional boundaries of belonging. While focused on Asian adoptees, the essay ultimately calls for broader recognition of adoptees' contributions to adoption discourse and a more comprehensive understanding of a critical adoptee standpoint in both academic and advocacy settings and among the broader adoptee population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(1) Background: Although culturally grounded health interventions (CGHI) have shown efficacy in improving Indigenous health, few CGHI for Queer and Transgender Pacific Islander (QTPI) communities exist to address their health promotion. This study explores QTPI experiences of health for cultural mechanisms to develop CGHI for QTPI health promotion. (2) Methods: Using Indigenist community-engaged research methodologies, we collaborated with the United Territories of Pacific Islanders Alliance of Washington and Guma' Gela' to conduct 11 exploratory semi-structured interviews with QTPI community members living in the Puget Sound area of Washington state. These interviews were analyzed using thematic analysis. (3) Results: QTPI well-being was greatly influenced by how settler colonialism impacted their connectedness to their families, communities, and cultures. We also found that inágofli'e' and alofa, relational values in CHamoru and Sāmoan culture, played essential roles in facilitating QTPI health. Many participants fostered these values through chosen family, community care, and Indigenous mobilities. (4) Conclusions: Our findings indicate a need for CGHI that facilitate inágofli'e' and alofa for QTPI to combat settler colonialism's impacts on QTPI well-being. Finally, we present a community-centered conceptual model for culturally grounded health promotion in QTPI communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes two distinct periods in the migratory flow of the Japanese to Mexico under the framework of settler colonialism. A historical review revealed that some agriculture colonies were formed by the Japanese in the south of Mexico with the goal to settle those lands. This was possible thanks to inter-governmental agreements in the early 1900s. Recently, the migration flow of the Japanese to Mexico is due to corporate mobility, mainly in the Bajío region in Mexico where many Japanese automakers are located. The implications of both types of immigration in both regions are described as part of this research. This research contributes to the understanding of migration flows and mobility patterns of the Japanese in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's racial history is largely siloed and compartmentalized, separating minority group experiences as if they were neat rows of isolated, discernable categories. Resisting binary narratives, this article reframes history by focusing on the largely unknown lives of the Chinese immigrants and African American communities in the segregated south. An examination of the intimate histories between the two marginalized groups illuminates how structures of the central white power enforced racial projects that pit Asians and African Americans against each other, laying roots to the tensions we see continuing to play out today. Through my documentary film, Blurring the Color Line, which follows my grandmother's family growing up in a Black neighborhood, I dive into the obscure but illuminating space of in-betweenness to disrupt hegemonic productions of knowledge and to reveal nuanced stories of how cross-pollinating communities moved amongst and against one another in order to survive and thrive. Stories of conformity and co-mingling between two disempowered communities beg us to question how the language of skin informs social placement and how silenced histories speak deeper truths about the processes and consequences of racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates "civic recreation"—a type of collective action found among participants of alternative lifestyle sports, such as mountain biking, surfing, and rock climbing. Although scholarship celebrates civic recreation for fostering resource stewardship and local environmentalism, the literature largely fails to acknowledge that it also perpetuates access to romanticized notions of "wilderness" among the privileged, while marginalizing other social/cultural relationships to nature. We examine how the logic of white environmentalism serves as an orienting framework for much civic recreation, thus extending civic recreation theory to anticipate not only its constructive outcomes, but also the perpetuation of socio-cultural-political marginalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the lens of state control over mobilities of residents both migrants and citizens to move away from assumptions that position them as competitors for the privileges of membership. I begin by critiquing the migrant/citizen binary, claiming that it promotes as actuality Fantasy Citizenship of equality and accessible rights when the reality is one of banal citizenship. This Fantasy citizen is a Worker Citizen. However, the substance of the 'right to work' is the right to the welfare safety net and the banal citizen finds access to this safety net restricted by the 'duty to work'. Taking the example of the UK and specifically, England, I examine how citizens' mobility is restricted and controlled, firstly by social housing allocation policies which effectively turns citizens into 'migrants' via worker citizenship, and secondly through the restrictions of COVID-19 including its racialised policing. In this way, I suggest closer attention to state restrictions on the mobilities of citizens can help draw out connections in practice between the citizen and the migrant, connections that are obscured by Fantasy Citizenship and the migrant citizen binary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of 9/11 and the Trump campaign in 2016, organized Islamophobia has been on the rise in the U.S. In this article, I ask: How do those leading and participating in anti-Muslim mobilizations justify this discriminatory activism? To answer this question, I conducted a frame analysis of an anti-Muslim mobilization in Aberdeen, SD from 2016–2017. I analyzed the content of public meetings during this period (n = 8), the public Facebook posts of a local hate group, the Americans First, Task Force (n = 454), and individual Facebook user comments (n = 1370). I find that color-blind racist frames, place-based racial storytelling , white victimhood, and racialization are the central justifications deployed in this mobilization's frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates processes of spatially ordered marginality of Roma in a former industrial town in Hungary. The analysis focuses on local poverty governance tactics and practices that aim to maintain social and spatial order through the regulation and selective displacement of Roma within the city. These practices of controlling Roma marginality are clear manifestations of the spatialization and racialization of poverty and I argue that spatial containment constitutes a new mode of poverty governance that aims to temper local tensions and cement local power. Moreover, these local policies reflect continuity from socialist era practices in terms of governing Roma marginality through disciplining and displacement. In the present context, EU-funded urban rehabilitation projects represent a vital local resource. While ostensibly targeting social integration, the local government in question has used these resources to promote the mobility of 'deserving' vulnerable groups and control 'undeserving' marginalized Roma through enclosure. Those who are seen as undeserving are racialized and subject to punitive containment while the 'deserving' enjoy material support and a sense of belonging to local society, provided they accept the conditions dictated by local government actors. In this way, the emphasis on individual responsibility masks the structural deficiencies of social housing and related social issues and perpetuates different forms of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a critical discourse analysis of three Asian American organizations' rhetoric around race and education, we explore the activism of Asian Americans working against affirmative action and other race-based educational policies. We examine the way these groups engage ideological discourses regarding race, civil rights, and the freedom to compete in their fight to protect Asian Americans' access to elite educational institutions. Drawing on the scholarship on neoliberal educational policy and neoliberal racialization, we argue that the organizational activism of Asian American opponents of affirmative action embodies the intersection of neoliberal approaches to education and neoliberal conceptions of race and racialization. Thus, we consider that Asian American anti-affirmative activists are neoliberal racialized subjects who view education, particularly higher education, as a private good that should go to the most successful student/consumer. They embrace and repurpose the language of civil rights to fight for their individual rights as educational consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the ways ageing migrants perceive and experience a sense of belonging in a mediascape during the pandemic. It underscores how 15 elderly people from Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) backgrounds in Victoria, Australia stayed connected among their networks in and beyond Australia by accessing and consuming COVID-19 information via traditional and digital channels. By analysing the data based on conducting remote interviews in 2020 and 2021, the findings highlight the paradoxical nature of mediated belonging. On the one hand, ageing migrants forged connections at a distance with their familial and social networks by circulating and consuming COVID-19 information. This practice provided ageing migrants an assurance of their safety and their networks. On the other hand, differentiation and racialisation stirred frustrating, polarising and exclusionary-mediated environments. In this case, they deployed connective strategies to negotiate connections and belonging. In sum, this paper reveals the possibilities and politics of mediated belonging fuelled by intersecting structural and technological divides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Treball Social is the property of Col·legi Oficial de TreballSocial de Catalunya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to investigate how and to what extent 'critical' global citizenship is reflected in middle school English textbooks in Korea. Framed within Freire's concept of critical literacy, the study is concerned with analyzing the written texts in two English textbooks, with a focus on the issue of representations. Using critical content analysis, the research centers on unpacking how race, racism, or racialization, especially in the United States, is represented, and to what extent these representations may be associated with global citizenship education in English language learning. The major findings indicate a notable absence of sufficient sociohistorical and cultural contexts of race in the United States as presented in the concerned English textbooks. Based on the analysis, this paper calls for an expansion of the dimensions of critical global citizenship in English language learning settings, aiming to provide students with broader opportunities to question colonial discourse and challenge issues related to power and systemic oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary research question driving this paper is the following: "What are the schooling experiences of young people who are at risk of or experiencing homelessness?" Through interviews with 28 young people in two cities in Ontario, Canada, the authors identified several common experiences, including the following: lack of available information that could help them cope with their housing difficulties; prejudice and bullying from other students, sometimes stemming from their housing problems but also due to factors such as racialization, gender identity, poverty, and substance use; and individual support from some teachers and support staff, although this was dependent on being in school. They proposed changes to help young people still in school, including the inclusion of non-judgmental information and guidance on dealing with poverty and homelessness in school curricula, educating school staff about the 'symptoms' of homelessness to help them identify students at risk, and creating more safe and supportive school environments overall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do White Americans operationalize Whiteness? This article argues that religion, in conjunction with country of origin, alters how self-identified White Americans assign ethnoracial labels to other groups. To test the role of religion in White assignment, this article uses the case of Muslims and of Americans from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Although MENA individuals are legally classified as White in the United States, they are subjected to racialization and often conflated with Muslims. Using an historical analysis of racial prerequisite court cases and a survey experiment, I find that country of origin and religion play separate, additive roles in racial assignment decisions, both historically and today. These findings also extend to perceived skin tone. This is important because many of the benefits that come from being White depend on whether others perceive an individual as White. Understanding the constitutive parts of Whiteness compels research to be specific when discussing White people and why some "White" people are excluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociolinguistic frameworks of race have not been widely applied to non-Latinx Spanish learners in the United States. Consequently, there is limited insight into the impact of race on different learners' use of Spanish in their communities, including the local or national raciolinguistic dynamics between Latinxs and non-Latinxs that inform these outcomes. This article examines ethnographic interviews of women recounting interactions and experiences of using Spanish in different U.S. contexts. In their accounts, I identify three racialized sociolinguistic processes central to their Spanish learning journeys, which I title racialized positionality, racialized embodiment, and indexical fields of racialization. These processes highlight, respectively, (1) the raciolinguistic dynamics enacted by Spanish language usage in the U.S. by non-Latinxs, (2) the sociolinguistic input a learner comes across as raciogendered subjects, and (3) the social meaning they ascribe to racialized terms and discourses in Spanish. As critical approaches to Spanish language learning and pedagogy continue to emerge, more research is warranted on these three processes to trace the impact of race on Spanish language learning and use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Planning Education & Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a rationale and strategy for bringing urgent attention to 'minority', 'excluded', and 'marginalised' perspectives within contemporary mainstream criminology. Russell (2022) has previously called for the development of 'Black criminology', whilst Phillips and Bowling (2003) further argued that there is a need to develop 'minority perspectives' within mainstream criminology. In allyship with these traditions, this article applies a Critical Race Theory lens to provide a rationale for a new criminological perspective presented here as Critical Race Criminology (CRC). CRC is applied here to demonstrate the necessity for centring on 'race and the racialization of crime' within the discipline of criminology specifically, and within a global context more widely. It further calls for the development and articulation of a 'counter narrative' around race and crime within the discipline of criminology itself. Achieving this requires transcending the binary of the Global North–South divide, moving towards a unifying 'Critical Race Criminology' (CRC). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Berliner Journal für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the Africanization of architectural labor in Ghana during the late colonial and early postindependence periods (1951–66). It focuses on the state-supported emergence, advancement, and emancipation of Indigenous architects and institutions in the context of decolonization and the Cold War. Using archival materials held in Accra, Kumasi, and London, the article shows how professionals and administrators negotiated between their double obligations: to fast-track governmental development plans and to Africanize the Public Works Department and its successors. These decision makers addressed temporal dilemmas concerning recruitment, standards, allocation, and racialization of architectural labor. In so doing, they redefined both colonial-era racial categories and racialized Cold War imaginaries of who counted as an African and who counted as an Other. This study advances the architectural history of postcolonial Ghana and broadens the debate about racialization of architecture beyond North America and Western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this critical, political discourse analysis, we trace how two concepts, equity and quality, became discursively linked and contested in the administration of postsecondary education policy over time (1968–1994)—a developmental process we refer to as (e)quality politics. By engaging in a historical analysis, we investigate (a) the racialized political origins and discursive processes by which arguments over educational "quality" are advanced as part of an antiequity policy paradigm and (b) how this paradigm reinscribes racial inequity into administrative and organizational action over time. We illustrate how, once an (e)quality politics paradigm is established, racialized policy designs can persist, even in the absence of explicit references to racialized social constructions of target populations in later periods of policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I develop a perspective of nativized exoticism to describe how discourses around Peruvian Chineseness as both assimilated and exotic promote a multicultural mestizo national narrative that nevertheless overlooks questions of representation and the subject gaze. Using a qualitative approach, my argument connects micro-level analysis of spoken and mediated discourse to the broader contemporary and sociohistorical context. Findings extend existing work on processes of racialization in diaspora and the image of Asians as "perpetual foreigners" as well as imagined societies (Anderson, B. 2006. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso) and myths of equalizing mestizaje in Latin America. Findings further connect cotidian discourses to broader issues of appropriation and materiality within the national identity narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Living in a wasted world is an educational problem that requires a radical shift in more-than-human relationships. Education has served as a means for re/producing socio-ecological waste by legitimizing discrimination among earthly beings. Ecofeminism reveals a common mechanism underlying different hierarchies as well as embodied connections between more-than-human beings. I explore an alternative way to envision more-than-human education in a wasted world by combining ecofeminism with other fields. First, the relationship between more-than-human subordination and more-than-human entanglement is investigated in terms of waste-bodies. As waste-bodies reflect a crisis of world reproduction, I examine how gendered reproduction, education, and waste reinforce each other while creating fissures. The ferality of waste-bodies breaks forth from the ruptures, forming a more-than-human sociality. This creates a space for an ecofeminist education of ecotone that appreciates the exuberance of the liminal. I suggest more-than-human education as a transspecies responsibility materialized through sensual kinship with the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racialized housing markets are a cornerstone of systemic racial inequality in the United States, affecting socioeconomic, wealth, health, and educational outcomes. To enrich critical sociological research on housing, we examine how low-income renters perceive, experience, and navigate racialized dispossessing, or the everyday processes by which people of color are severed from place, home, and stability in rental markets. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 43 low-income American Indian, Black, Latinx, and White renters across two research sites, we find that low-income renters of color routinely experience other-race landlord and property manager non-responsiveness to housing quality and safety issues while White renters experience responsiveness. We also show how renters of color perceive and experience landlords and property managers racializing them as inferior, at times to justify this dispossession. In contrast to most of their counterparts of color, we demonstrate how low-income American Indian renters in our sample with same-Tribe landlords or property managers are protected from the harms their counterparts face. Finally, we show how low-income renters of color use a variety of strategies to resist this racialized dispossessing, often at great emotional or financial cost. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for research and housing policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In considering how knowledge reproduces the dynamics of coloniality in Geography, scholars have looked beyond the Global North and Global South as cartographical sites, instead seeing them as conceptual frameworks and epistemic positions. Building on this rich work, we draw attention to specific issues obscured within it. Whilst geographical scholarship has moved to recognizing how the Global North and South bleed into each other, it frequently continues to locate scholars themselves within specific territories, labelling them of the Global North or of the Global South, thereby re‐territorializing scholars and their work and reflecting and revealing processes of racialization within the academy. We ask how those who do not fit into neat geographical imaginations of North and South represent ways to understand and know the world? Specifically, how can we centre the idea of diaspora as part of wider geo‐ and body political projects that aim to decentre knowledge production? We bring diaspora back into debates on knowledge production to explore how their understanding of the world, rooted in hybrid and transnational ways, can enrich engagements around postcoloniality and decoloniality. We detail how such voices illuminate how racialization, coloniality and difference continue to mark how we know and teach the world. Our argument makes imperative the case for de‐territorializing scholars and scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prisoners in the Arizona Department of Corrections, Rehabilitation, and Reentry (ADCRR) coordinate to circumvent full racial housing integration, revealing how "race" and adherence to the "racial code" is used as an organizing concept in carceral settings that is distinct from conceptualizations of race and politics of identity within free society. In addition to providing a review of the literature on the complexity of prison racialization, we base our discussion of racialization and adherence to the racial code on our combined experience as formerly racialized and gang-affiliated inmates, as well as on insights from informal and semi-structured interviews with prisoners who have navigated attempts at racial integration as part of the ADCRR's recently adopted Integrated Housing Program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pandemics and food consumption have long been racialised against non-Western peoples. Yellow Peril tropes of Chinese as disease vectors and consumers of 'weird' wildlife, such as bats, were conjoined again with COVID-19. US politicians and media have especially deployed these themes to blame Chinese for the pandemic, alongside tropes of Chinese as cruel, deceitful incompetents, thus serving a wider mobilisation against China that fuels a new Cold War and anti-Asian attacks. Wildlife consumption as a spur to COVID's Wuhan outbreak is, however, an unverified supposition. Many societies consume wildlife, but it was uncommon in China and mostly shunned by the time of COVID-19's onset. Meanwhile, significant US wildlife consumption continues. Yellow Peril racialisation of the pandemic and demonisation of China also continue, both despite and because of Western politicians' COVID-19 failings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Special Issue celebrates the 50th anniversary of Review of International Studies. Since 1975, the Review has published over 200 issues and over 1300 articles. The journal has played a key role in shaping the discipline of International Relations (IR), leading, or critically intervening in, key debates. To celebrate 50 years of Review of International Studies , we have curated a Special Issue examining the challenges facing global politics for the next 50 years. IR has regularly turned its attention backwards towards its historical origins. Instead, we look to the future. In this Introduction, we start by outlining four traditions of future-oriented thinking: positivist, realist prediction; planning, forecasting, and scenario-building; utopian dreams of an ideal political future; and prefigurative thinking in activist politics. From these traditions, we learn that thinking about the future is always thinking about the present. We then outline four themes in the Special Issue articles: How do we think about the future at all? How do we think about imperial pasts and the ongoing questions of colonization and racialization in the present? How will technological change mediate and generates geopolitical change? How are socioecological crises, and in particular climate change, increasingly shaping how we think about the future of global politics? Overall, these provide us with a diverse, stimulating, and thought-provoking set of essays about the future of global politics, as both discipline and set of empirical problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how neoliberal multiculturalism and racialized emotions function to inhibit racial justice in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd. To do so, I trace how the proliferation of the discourse of anti-racism in education alongside the rise in popularity of anti-racist books, contributes to a racial project that embraces critical language but fails to enact tangible forms of racial equity. Drawing from the connections between 1960s race novels and modern anti-racist books, I argue that the notion of 'feeling anti-racism' becomes a conduit for neoliberal multiculturalism which effectively constructs race liberal subjectivities and dispositions. As a result, anti-racist books function to produce racialized emotions that legitimize anti-racist feelings over anti-racist actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hierarchical views of the world such as the great chain of being have come under sustained critique in recent decades, and rightly so. They have justified not only the domination of non-human creatures but also the devaluation (via animalization/racialization) of many humans. The rejection of hierarchy and the great chain of being, however, does not require the rejection of the Christian Platonic theological vision upon which hierarchy is often based. In this paper, I argue that Christian Platonic theology has always been in tension with the great chain of being and is better suited to a non-hierarchical view of creaturely value. I then develop the ethical implications of this view in dialogue with both environmental and animal ethics and anti-racist and decolonial scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To justify the hardening of borders the populist radical right sometimes uses environmental rhetoric to frame migrants as a threat. The radical right's environmental politics has been analysed through a focus on state borders, but less attention has been paid to the (re)production of bordering within and beyond the nation-state and to the racialising effects of such rhetoric, in other words how racial differences and hierarchies are (re)produced and justified through language on nature. Drawing on geographical literature on bordering and nationalism and postcolonial theory, this article investigates the semantic structures that convey the racist messaging. The article argues that the 'racialized Other' is bordered from the 'green' homeland and Western space by utilising determinist conceptions of nature, through animalistic and environmental disaster metaphors, and by mobilising an idea of the environmentally conscious Finn as the opposite of the littering migrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an effort to move beyond reproductions of racializations in leisure studies and anti-racialism, this specific call for anti-racist inquiry reflects an urgent need for critical dialogue on issues of race reflective of intersectional so-called Canadian subjectivities. The purpose of this special issue was to develop a collection of papers that respond to the calls and discuss race/racism/racialization as it is held in tension with leisure and from a 'canadian' perspective, location, and/or consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The White Card (2018) and Fairview (2018), two recent plays by contemporary Black female playwrights Claudia Rankine and Jackie Sibblies Drury, raise questions about how overcoming socially constructed racial categories presupposes the idea of a (theatrical) community as the conceptual framework that informs theater's political efficacy. As such, The White Card and Fairview register the inherent fissures and cleavages that result from various processes of racialization structuring the theatrical performance itself. This article suggests that the plays by Rankine and Drury create a form of theatrical dissensus that fundamentally disrupts how issues of race and racism are rendered tangible in theatrical performances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study analyzes public housing residualization as a multiscalar phenomenon, providing specific details about how it happened in a Central and East European context via the marketization of the housing system, the peripheralization of 'the social' and the racialization of 'unhouseables'. It employs secondary statistical data, interviews, and document analyses to examine the endemic features of global capitalism within Romania's housing regime. The study shows that the dismantlement of the state‐socialist establishment has resulted in a lower social rental rate than in core capitalist countries. It observes that when the public housing stock has generally been depleted, newly established social housing is relocated to the peripheries of cities as a nonmarketable component of the dualist public housing sector. In Baia Mare, the municipality has created social housing enclaves for vulnerable groups associated with dangerous behavior by excluding them from other forms of public housing, whereas in Cluj‐Napoca, it has attempted to exclude marginalized people from public housing by turning it into a site of class warfare. In both cases, the housing stock under scrutiny is associated with the racialized Roma ethnicity. The approach adopted in the study enables the residualization of public housing to be addressed across the peripheralization–racialization nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the impact of language policies influenced by political ideologies, particularly during apartheid in South Africa, where indigenous African languages were marginalized in favor of Afrikaans. Topics include the role of language as a tool of domination and suppression, the historical suppression of indigenous languages, and the pivotal student protests in 1976 that challenged the apartheid language policies in education.