Search

In my thesis, I explored pronoun use strategies utilized by presidential candidates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton in the 2016 NBC presidential debate, as well as by presidential candidates Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović and Zoran Milanović in the 2019 RTL presidential debate. My goal was to uncover manipulative tactics achieved through strategic pronoun use, and to conduct a comparative analysis of strategic pronoun use in US and Croatian political rhetoric. I opened my thesis by summarizing the theoretical framework through a short examination of the role of power in critical discourse analysis and political discourse analysis. To highlight the importance of pronouns in political rhetoric, I proceeded by listing several manners in which politicians can use pronouns to manipulate an audience and achieve their political goals, which I then demonstrated with several historical examples of strategic pronoun use in political discourse. Afterwards, I provided a general overview of the debates I chose, the 2016 NBC debate and the 2019 RTL debate, and explained my reasoning for choosing them. Following this, I utilized relevant resources to construct a general idea of each candidates’ rhetoric, as well as some general expectations for strategic pronoun use in the debates. The analysis consisted of picking out illustrative examples of language use from the debates, isolating said examples and interpreting implicit and explicit meanings with the help of relevant literature from the fields of critical discourse analysis and political discourse analysis. In the “discussion” segment, I highlighted a lack of the solidary “We” in Croatian political discourse, as well as common use of the pronoun to denote in-group and out-group membership. When it comes to the pronoun “I”, I discovered its presence in emphasizing personal involvement and manipulation of perceived agency in Grabar-Kitarović and Trump’s rhetoric, and in individualization strategies in Trump and Milanović’s rhetoric. The establishment of an “us” vs. “them” dichotomy through pronoun use as a means to achieve political polarization and gain soft power was a staple in most of the candidates’ rhetoric. I found that Milanović commonly used possessives to highlight his adversary’s association to controversial figures and groups and, along with first-person pronouns, to concede responsibility for past failures. Gendered pronouns were mostly found in character attacks and heated moments. I also uncovered a lack of research on strategic language use in Croatian political discourse and emphasized its importance for future research.

En este trabajo analizamos dos aspectos de las cuentas de los partidos políti - cos en Twitter durante la campaña del 26J: la estructura semiótica de los tuits y su función comunicativa. El análisis de estas dos varia - bles permite concluir que 1) las cuentas de los partidos carecen en general de voz insti - tucional y tienen sobre todo carácter ecoico respecto a las cuentas de los líderes, espe - cialmente los candidatos; 2) existe equilibrio entre el uso de texto e imagen; 3) la función predominante es el tuit de cita; 4) las cuentas son uniformes, solo destaca la de IZQUIER - DA UNIDA por su alto índice de especta - cularización de la política. No hay, en defi - nitiva, un estilo de gestión específico para la comunicación del partido en la red social. Two aspects of the accounts of political parties on Twitter during the 26J campaign are analyzed: the semiotic struc - ture of the tweets and its communicative function.The analysis of these two variables allows to conclude that 1) the accounts of the parties lack in general of an institutional voice, and have an echoic character over the accounts of the leaders, especially the can - didates; 2) there is a balance between the use of text and image; 3) the predominant function is the quote tweet; 4) the accounts are uniform, only highlights IZQUIERDA UNIDA for its high rate of spectaculari - zation of politics. In short, there is not a specific management style for the party’s communication in the social network.

Helal Gıda Sertifikası Türkiye’de 2005 senesinden itibaren uygulanmaya başlayan bir sertifikalama süreci olup o günden bu yana farklı platformlarda ve konu başlıklarıyla tartışılmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın konusunu da bu tartışma başlıklarından birisi olan Helal Gıda Sertifikası Türkiye iç piyasasında uygulanmalı mıdır? sorusu oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, canlı bir televizyon programında HGS’yi savunan ve karşısında olan tarafların argümanları, Fairclough ve Fairclough’a ait olan Politik Söylem Analizi metodu ile analiz edilerek “iki taraf arasında uzlaşma zemini için bir içgörü oluşturulabilir mi” sorusuna cevap aranacaktır. Helal Gıda Sertifikası dini bir kavramdan türemiş olsa da taraflar arasındaki tartışma daha çok insan hakları ve kutsal bir kavramın pazarlaştırılması konu başlıklarına odaklanmaktadır. Tarafların gerek din ve dünya görüşleri gerekse teknik ve bilimsel altyapıları çok farklı olduğu için derin bir anlaşmazlık içinde görünseler de, aralarında bir uzlaşı zemininin sağlanabileceği mümkün görünmektedir. Halal Food Certification is a certification process that has been implemented since 2005 in Turkey and it is discussed on different platforms and with topics since then. The subject of this study is, one of the discussion topics of “Halal Food Certification” that whether it should be implemented in the domestic market in Türkiye or not? In this study, the arguments of the parties arguing and opposing HGS in a live television program will be analyzed with the Political Discourse Analysis method of Fairclough and Fairclough (2012), and it will be searched that whether it is possible to create insight for the ground for a compromise between the two parties? Although the Halal Food Certificate is derived from a religious concept, the discussion between the parties is mostly focused on human rights and the marketization of a sacred concept. Although the parties seem to be in deep disagreement due to their very different religious and world views, as well as their technical and scientific infrastructures, it seems possible that a compromise ground can be established.

This paper builds on recent work on “third spaces” to analyze political talk in comments on news about nonpublic affairs. It draws on content and discourse analyses of comments on news published by a leading Costa Rican media organization on Facebook. The article develops five categories of issues that triggered political talk (institutionality, identity, political inclinations, factual aspects, and criticism of the media) and examines the discursive strategies through which these comments became political. This allowed to broaden understanding of the political relevance of discussions about nonpublic affairs on social media. Espacio de Estudios Avanzados de la Universidad de Costa Rica (UCREA) UCR::Vicerrectoría de Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Centro de Investigación en Comunicación (CICOM)

There is a long tradition of linguistic research on political discourse, but little attention has been paid to what the concept of political discourse itself encompasses. With this in mind, this article aims to understand what types of discourse are categorized as ‘political’ in linguistic research and what their characteristics are (form, type of actors, policy domains, geographical coverage). To this end, we conducted a systematic literature review of 164 scientific articles from the Scopus database. Overall, the findings show that political discourse is generally limited to the discourses of (institutionalized) political elites and most specifically to oral monological speeches. The review also highlights discrepancies regarding the geographical scope and the policy domains covered by the empirical analyses, more specifically a bias toward the Western world and issues related to external defense policies, justice and home affairs.

Although opinions vary as to the degree of assertiveness of China’s leadership under the Xi Jinping rule in comparison to Hu Jintao, the fact that China under Xi has set out on a new, more persuasive discursive path regarding its historical role and position global futures has been confirmed both by analysts inside and outside of the PRC – particularly after the 2018 PRC Constitution Amendment, which introduced “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era”, among other additions. This paper serves the purpose of explaining the meaning of the official discursive strategies behind the “New Era” (新时代) concept as presented by Xi Jinping during his Report at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China by examining the grand narratives that surround it, ultimately contributing to the research of the logic behind Xi Jinping’s agenda vis-a-vis China’s desired position. A total of three overarching New Era narratives have been established: the mission narrative, the international influence narrative, and the party governance narrative. The paper argues that the main task of all three narratives is to provide arguments in support of Xi Jinping’s ideological innovation. Methodologically, the paper draws on the Political Discourse Analysis theory. Lai gan viedokļi par Ķīnas valdības pašpārliecinātības pakāpi Sji Dzjiņpina laikā salīdzinājumā ar Hu Dziņtao laiku mēdz atšķirties, faktu, ka Ķīna Sji vadībā ir izvēlējusies jaunu, pārliecinošāku diskursīvu stratēģiju attiecībā uz tās vēsturisko lomu un vietu globālajā nākotnē, apstiprina pētnieki gan ĶTR, gan ārpus tās – it īpaši pēc 2018. gada ĶTR Konstitūcijas grozījumiem, kurā tika iekļauta arī “Sji Dzjiņpina doma par sociālismu ar ķīniešu nokrāsu Jaunajam laikmetam”. Šī raksta mērķis ir izskaidrot “Jaunā laikmeta“ (新时代) koncepcijas pamatā esošās oficiālās diskursīvi konstitucionālās stratēģijas izpausmes Sji Dzjiņpina ziņojumā Ķīnas Komunistiskās partijas 19. Nacionālajam kongresam, šādi veicinot Sji Dzjiņpina darba kārtības izpēti. Kopumā ir atklāti trīs visaptveroši “Jaunā laikmeta naratīvi”: misijas naratīvs, starptautiskās ietekmes naratīvs un partijas pārvaldes naratīvs. Rakstā secināts, ka visu trīs naratīvu galvenais uzdevums ir sniegt argumentus Sji Dzjiņpina ideoloģiskās inovācijas atbalstam. Metodoloģiski raksts balstās tiesiski politiskā diskursa analīzes teorijā.

Since Seattle, the media attention to the antiglobalisation movement has been bound to the issue of public (dis) order. This greater media attention has promoted the consolidation of the movement. It has also increased the political costs of the physical repression of non-violent action and has led to the gradual modiñcation of the authorities responses. In this sense, the locus of contention has moved (or expanded) from the streets to the symbolic domain, to a focus on the process of configuraron of its public identity (or image) through media discourse. This paper inquires into the nature of this process through the analysis of discourses displayed in the news published in El País during the Spanish Presidency of the EU in 2002. Desde Seattle, la atención prestada por los medios de comunicación al movimiento antiglobalización ha estado vinculada a la cuestión de la violencia. Su mayor presencia mediática ha impulsado su consolidación como movimiento global. También ha elevado el coste político de la represión física de las acciones no-violentas y ha fomentado un cambio gradual en la respuesta de las autoridades. En este sentido, el espacio central de confrontación parece haberse desplazado (o extendido) desde las calles al terreno de lo simbólico, para localizarse en el proceso de configuración de la imagen (o identidad) pública del movimiento a través del discurso en los medios. Este trabajo indaga en la naturaleza de este proceso mediante el análisis de los discursos recogidos en las noticias publicadas en El País durante la presidencia española de la UE en el año 2002.

This article investigates the political resistance to fiscal stability institutions in Romanian context, as revealed in political discourse. To ascertain the a priori political predisposition against the fiscal stability framework, the theoretical findings of the public choice school of economics are utilized. Insights from the political discourse analysis body of literature are employed to the study of discourse against established fiscal stability institutions. Since the consensus arising from this literature is that politics is both acting and talking, the unit of analysis in our examination is the statement that can be classified as political discourse. After briefly analyzing the broader institutional context that provides the background for political discourse, the main storylines against fiscal stability recently emerged are reviewed. Seeking to determine the traits of the dominant political discourse against fiscal stability displayed by Romanian politicians in recent years, a quantitative assessment of the usage of these storylines is given. We find that publicly expressed disagreement with established fiscal stability institutions from the part of politicians and high-ranking bureaucrats has drastically increased over the analyzed period. The research has also revealed that the most employed storyline has been the one that belittles the significance of fiscal stability if the state uses the fiscal revenues for investing in transport infrastructure.

Starting from the research framework developed on verbal violence by Auger et al. 2008, Moses 2011, 2012, Fracchiolla et al. 2013b, the hypothesis developed here is that verbal violence and euphemism would today be the two main discursive modalities of political function and would be part of the same continuum articulated on the notion of indirection. This, from the commonly shared implicit assumption that what one says indirectly would be less violent; nevertheless, as the works cited on verbal violence have shown, indirect structures can also, in a less visible manner, be carriers of verbal violence. They are thus very present in political language - insofar as in particular it would be unwelcome for politicians to insult each other publicly and head on, without damaging their ethos (image), and therefore their probability of being elected ( Amossy 2010; Auchlin 2000). The studied corpus is made up of exchanges around terrorism and radicalization in the debate between two rounds of the presidential elections in 2017, between Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, between minutes 57 and 82 of the debate. The study endeavors to analyze the elements of indirection and more particularly the euphemisms and the implicit and ironic expressions with value of direct or defensive attack on this subject which aim, simultaneously, to disqualify the adversary in his capacities to assume the highest responsibilities; and parry his attacks without ever apologizing - which would immediately mean electoral defeat. We will explain from this distinction, how a continuum exists between verbal violence and euphemism, to conclude on the relationships between euphemism and excuse. The theoretical framework is here, within the language sciences, that of pragmatics and philosophy of language articulated with performativity (Austin 1962). Language is considered here more generally from the perspective of the promise and the "word given" and its taking into account in a relational interactional perspective (Allouch et al. 2010; Fracchiolla 2013b; Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1992; Vion 1999)., En partant du cadre de recherche développé sur la violence verbale par Auger et al. 2008, Moïse 2011, 2012, Fracchiolla et al. 2013b, l’hypothèse ici développée est que violence verbale et euphémisme seraient aujourd’hui les deux principales modalités discursives de la fonction politique et s’inscriraient dans un même continuum articulé sur la notion d’indirection. Cela, à partir du présupposé implicite communément partagé que ce que l’on dit de manière indirecte serait moins violent ; néanmoins ainsi que l’ont montré les travaux cités sur la violence verbale, les structures indirectes peuvent également, de manière moins visible, être porteuses de violence verbale. Elles sont ainsi très présentes dans le langage politique – dans la mesure notamment où il serait malvenu pour des politiques de s’insulter publiquement et frontalement, sans que cela nuise à leur ethos (image), et donc à leur probabilité d’être élus (Amossy 2010 ; Auchlin 2000). Le corpus étudié est constitué des échanges autour du terrorisme et de la radicalisation dans le débat d’entre deux tours des élections présidentielles en 2017, entre Emmanuel Macron et Marine Le Pen, soit entre les minutes 57 et 82 du débat. L’étude s’attache à analyser les éléments d’indirection et plus particulièrement les euphémismes et les expressions implicites et ironiques à valeur d’attaque directe ou défensive portant sur ce sujet qui visent, simultanément, à disqualifier l’adversaire dans ses capacités à assumer les plus hautes responsabilités ; et à parer ses attaques sans jamais s’excuser – ce qui signifierait d’emblée une défaite sur le plan électoral. Nous expliquerons à partir de cette distinction, en quoi un continuum existe entre violence verbale et euphémisme, pour conclure sur les relations entre euphémisme et excuse. Le cadre théorique est ici, au sein des sciences du langage, celui de la pragmatique et de la philosophie du langage articulées à la performativité (Austin 1962). Le langage est ici envisagé plus globalement dans la perspective de la promesse et de la « parole donnée » et à sa prise en compte dans une perspective interactionnelle relationnelle (Allouch et al. 2010 ; Fracchiolla 2013b ; Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1992 ; Vion 1999).

[ES]En esta tesis se estudian los discursos que se produjeron en el Parlamento español entre 2004 y 2005 con motivo del debate sobre la propuesta de reforma del Código Civil que permitía el acceso de parejas homosexuales al matrimonio. El estudio se aborda desde una perspectiva crítica, asumiendo el enfoque sociocognitivo de los estudios del discurso. El propósito del estudio es suministrar las herramientas necesarias para poner de manifiesto las estrategias persuasivas utilizadas a la hora de legitimar las posturas políticas en torno al debate. Del mismo modo, se estudia la manera en la que se representó la homosexualidad para comprender qué actitudes se fomentaron hacia los sujetos homosexuales. Para ello, se ha llevado a cabo un análisis de las estrategias en los planos léxico, semántico y retórico, tratando siempre de relacionar los resultados obtenidos con las intenciones comunicativas de los ponentes políticos y sus creencias ideológicas. Los resultados mostrarán que, para legitimar sus posturas, los grupos políticos construyeron dos relatos diferentes sobre la sociedad apelando a los principios persuasivos que mitigan y/o aumentan el estímulo del miedo., [EN]The discourses of the debate on the access of homosexual couples to marriage delivered in the Spanish Parliament between 2004-2005 are studied in this thesis. The research is carried out assuming the socio-cognitive approach of the critical discourse analysis. The purpose is to supply the necessary instruments to reveal the persuasive strategies used by the politicians in order to legitimize their ideological positions on the debate. In addition, the means by which homosexuality was represented are examined in an attempt to comprehend the attitudes that were encouraged towards homosexuals. Accordingly, an analysis of the strategies in the lexical, semantic and rhetoric levels is developed. The results obtained in the linguistic level are related to the communicative purposes of the politicians and their ideological affiliations. The results show two different stories about society narrated by the politicians, who appealed to the principles of persuasion that mitigate/increase the stimulus of fear in the audience

In the years 1990/2000, the Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State and Weak State upset the international political thought. What definition (s) could we bring to these states in one or more meanings that political science would hear? In what way would they contribute to enriching political theory?Fearing the normative effects and lack of scientific objectivity of a provisional definition at the outset, we have chosen to define the concept descriptively, that is to say at the end of an empirical analysis. The problem was then methodological: how to describe an object that we did not suspect existed there is little? And how to analyze it?We started from the idea that Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State and Weak State were synonymous notions from the same concept, "failing states". The use of this philosophical term therefore gave us the task of determining all the meanings, notions and uses attached to it. The concept could also be characteristic of a paradigm. This term borrowed from the philosophy of science made it possible to envisage the existence of a community of thinkers, co-authors of the concept-paradigm thanks to their socio-political lexical uses, even to their theories.With these two reflective frameworks, we had to follow the lexicographer's approach. Supported by the tools of discourse analysis, especially on form and lexicological methods, it was a question of retracing the history of the concept over a long period of time: from its genesis, its phases of construction and deconstruction to our days.From this diachronic approach, three results have emerged:The first was to discover the theoretician of the concept-paradigm "Failling State" in the person of René de Lucinge, Sieur des Allymes. The ambassador of Savoy to the Court of France under King Henry III, friend a time of Giovanni Botero, exposes for the first time, the theory of failure that is to say the fall of the state in his little political treatise De la Naissance, Duree et Cheutte des Estats, published in 1588 in Paris. Disgraced in 1602 for having signed the Treaty of Lyon, his name and his works were damnati for three hundred years. Through the discovery of René de Lucinge, the original community of the paradigm's thinkers can be revealed. The "failing state" thus appears at the same time as the concept of "state" itself, that is to say in the sixteenth century.The second result concerns the cognitive changes of the concept-paradigm between Naissance and the 2000s. For example, it loses one of its key concepts, the antonym, the conservation of state. And, the dominance of the jurists, at several moments of the "life" of the concept, exerts an effect stopping on its meaning. Words having a "memory", it is indeed no longer possible to think or use it without associating it with the terms "deficiencies", "duties" or "obligations". This second result makes it possible to reveal other communities of scientists thanks to their socio-political uses.The last result allows us to evaluate the American contribution in the history of the concept. Certainly, this innovation pushes the paradigm towards its climax. It is enriched by models that reveal the existence of analytical rules common to the communities of the paradigm. However, American domination makes it enter the international political field. However, this evolution leads to the creation of a competitor, the Fragile State, whose gradual emergence causes, in the end, the concomitant extinction of the concept-paradigm "failling states", Dans les années 1990/2000, les termes Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State et Weak State bouleversent la pensée politique internationale. On s’est alors posé la question de savoir s’ils n’étaient pas en train de créer une nouvelle catégorie d’États dans le champ de la science politique, une catégorie des États « déviants » ? De quelles déviances s’agissait-t-il alors ? Quelles normes politiques et internationales avaient-t-ils transgressé ? Au final, quelle(s) définition(s) pouvions-nous apporter à ces États dans un ou des sens que la science politique entendrait ? En quoi contribueraient-t-elles à enrichir la théorie politique ? Craignant les effets normatifs et l’absence d’objectivité scientifique d’une définition provisoire de départ, nous avons choisi de définir le concept de manière descriptive c’est-à-dire au terme d’une analyse empirique. Le problème était alors d’ordre méthodologique : comment décrire un objet dont on ne soupçonnait pas l’existence il y a peu? Et comment l’analyser ? Nous sommes parties de l’idée que les Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State et Weak State étaient des notions synonymes issues d’un même concept, « États défaillants ». L’emploi de ce terme philosophique nous donnait donc pour tâche de déterminer tous les sens, notions et usages rattachés. Le concept pouvait également être caractéristique d’un paradigme. Ce terme emprunté à la philosophie des sciences permettait d’envisager l’existence d’une communauté de penseurs, co-auteurs du concept-paradigme grâce à leurs usages lexicaux socio-politiques voire à leurs théories.Il nous restait à emprunter la démarche du lexicographe. Appuyée sur les outils de l’analyse du discours, en particulier sur les méthodes formulaire et lexicologiques, il s’est agi de retracer l’histoire du concept sur un temps long : de sa genèse, ses phases de construction et de déconstruction à nos jours.De cette approche diachronique, trois résultats ont été dégagés :Le premier a été de découvrir le théoricien du concept-paradigme « État-défaillant » en la personne de René de Lucinge, Sieur des Allymes. L’ambassadeur de la Savoie à la Cour de France sous le roi Henri III, proche un temps de Giovanni Botero, expose pour la première fois, la théorie de la défaillance c’est-à-dire de la chute de l’État dans son petit traité politique De la Naissance, Duree et Cheutte des Estats, publié en 1588 à Paris. Disgracié en 1602 pour avoir signé le traité de Lyon, son nom et ses œuvres ont été damnati trois cents ans durant. À travers la découverte de René de Lucinge, la communauté originelle des penseurs du paradigme peut ainsi être révélée. L’ « État défaillant » apparaît donc au même moment que le concept d’ « État », lui-même, c’est-à-dire au XVIe siècle.Le second résultat porte sur les évolutions cognitives du concept-paradigme entre Naissance et les années 2000. Il perd, par exemple, une de ses notions phares, la notion antonyme de conservation de l’État. Et, la domination des juristes, à plusieurs moments de la « vie » du concept, exerce un effet dirimant sur son sens. Les mots ayant une « mémoire », il n’est, en effet, plus possible de le penser ou de l’employer sans lui associer les termes de « manquements », « devoirs » ou « obligations ». Ce second résultat permet de révéler d’autres communautés de savants grâce à leurs usages socio-politiques. Le dernier résultat permet d’évaluer l’apport américain dans l’histoire du concept. Certes, cette innovation pousse le paradigme vers son apogée. Il s’enrichit de modélisations qui révèlent l’existence de règles analytiques communes aux communautés du paradigme. Cependant, la domination américaine le fait entrer dans le champ politique international. Or, cette évolution conduit à la création d’un concurrent, le Fragile State, dont l’émergence progressive provoque, au final, l’extinction concomitante du concept-paradigme « États défaillants »

An force-dynamic analysis of illocutionary force in political discourse.; International audience

The recent Chinese national blockbuster My People, My Country (MPMC), a movie consisting of 7 stories recounting 7 memorial moments and events since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, has evoked strong emotions among domestic Chinese citizens as well as Chinese diasporas overseas (Hou, 2019). Based on data by Maoyan’s website (2019), MPMC is ranked in the top ten of highest-grossing films in mainland China. As a propaganda film, the huge success of MPMC encourages us to wonder: why is it so successful and why did it receive such strong emotional responses? This question merits investigation as the answer will shed light on how cultural production is to create a shared national identity and further to serve political purpose in uniting populace in today’s new era (Gramsci, 1985; O’shannassy, 2008). Echoing the claim that MPMC was “aiming to awaken the shared memories of Chinese people around the world” (“China Focus”, 2019), I will take the approach of political discourse analysis (PDA) to probe into two specific questions: what strategies are used in constructing cultural identities? And how is MPMC different from past propaganda films, which, according to Teo (2019) and Veg (2012), directly extoll the virtues of the State and belong to high culture? In order to assess the effectiveness of the strategies employed in the movie in constructing national identities, I conducted a small-scale (25 samples) questionnaire survey among Chinese diasporas overseas to understand their feelings towards and comments on the movie (Hall, 2014). The questionnaire consists of 5 open questions investigating the participants’ feelings of this movie as well as which stories they liked/disliked the most. It was administered among 25 Chinese students studying at Ghent University. Feedback suggests that the audience is particularly impressed by elements they share affinity and familiarity with. For instance, the national anthem and theme song of the film (also entitled My People My Country) represent a shared memory: most, if not all, Chinese people, especially those born in 1980s and 1990s, were taught this song repeatedly in their school and university years. Interestingly, apart from these two general shared memories, smaller-scale but more targeted cultural content is employed too, such as the different dialects spoken by different characters throughout the narratives in the movie. These dialects represent the most spoken dialects in China. By employing cultural elements that are familiar to audience, MPMC manages to create proximity and further evoke a highly affective reaction with the participants. Moving to the second research question, I will particularly focus on examining the topics and structures of the 7 seemingly independent stories in the movie, both of which are considered important in PDA (Dunmire, 2012; van Dijk, 1997). The topics featuring the 7 stories vary but share several commonalities—all related to political events and ideologies, and are unfolded in a highly similar structure: all 7 stories end with success and happiness, at the expense of personal sacrifice. Based on such findings, I will further compare MPMC with previous nationalist films, such as Wolf Warrior 2 and Operation Red Sea, both of which are among top ten highest-grossing films and typical patriotic styles, as well as The Founding of a Republic, a tribute to the 60th national anniversary of People’s Republic of China. The comparison suggests an apparent shift from a focus on high-level or remote figures, such as soldiers from a special force or navy, to an emphasis on the popular culture in fostering patriotism. For example, inviting popular celebrities to act and seeing historical events from citizens’ perspectives are among the used strategies. The findings will enable us to better understand how cultural contents are used as tools for political purposes, such as creating unified national identity and maintain cultural hegemony (Gramsci, 1985).

En el presente trabajo se muestran los resultados de investigación en torno a la forma como se han cargado de contenido los significantes vacíos que lograron hegemonizar tres líderes populistas en América Latina: Rafael Correa, Hugo Chávez y Álvaro Uribe. A fin de poner de manifiesto dicha situación se realiza un análisis crítico de sus alocuciones de posesión en sus primeros gobiernos, con el propósito de reconocer cuáles son los ejes articuladores de su discurso político. Se sigue el análisis político del discurso como vía teórico metodológica, desde Mouffe y Laclau, que permite un acercamiento al fenómeno político del populismo. Así, se expresa el proceso analítico evidenciando desde el comienzo las encrucijadas que implican un estudio del fenómeno político en contexto de democracia capitalista., This work presents the outcomes of a research on how the empty signifiers that three Latin American populist leaders managed to hegemonize -Rafael Correa, Hugo Chávez and Álvaro Uribe- have been imbued with content. In order to bring this situation to light a critical analysis is made of their inaugural addresses in their first administrations, to identify the articulating axes of their political discourse. The theoretical-methodological approach that was used is political analysis of discourse, based on Mouffe and Laclau, from which an understanding of the political phenomenon of populism is possible. The analytical process is thus carried out, proving from the beginning the crossroads implied by a study of the political phenomenon in a context of capitalist democracy.

This article critically analyses the speech of Former Head of Moroccan government, Abdelilah Benkiran. Informed by political discourse analysis as suggested by van Dijk, Fairclough, Brown, and Toulmin, the article seeks to explore the political discourse as constructed in specific contexts to transmit messages, hence power and dominance. " An interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse that views language as a form of social practice and focuses on the ways social and political domination are reproduced in text and talk " , Fairlough and Clive (1995, P 4) Political discourse analysis can be employed to describe, interpret, analyze, and critique social life. The paper tries to analyze the political discourse of the former head of Moroccan government Benkiran from the Moroccan program " Hiwar " which is broadcasted in Aloula Channel. Benkiran tries a new style which attracts Moroccan attention, especially he uses religion in his discourse, and the world at that time suffers from Arab Spring. The following data can explain the repeated words and how Benkiran is able to persuade the audience easily., Cet article analyse de manière critique le discours de l'ancien chef du gouvernement marocain, Abdelilah Benkiran. S'appuyant sur l'analyse du discours politique suggérée par van Dijk, Fairclough, Brown et Toulmin, l'article cherche à explorer le discours politique construit dans des contextes spécifiques pour transmettre des messages, donc le pouvoir et la domination. "Une approche interdisciplinaire de l'étude du discours qui considère le langage comme une forme de pratique sociale et se concentre sur la façon dont la domination sociale et politique est reproduite dans le texte et la conversation", Fairlough et Clive (1995, P 4). décrire, interpréter, analyser et critiquer la vie sociale. L'article tente d'analyser le discours politique de l'ancien chef du gouvernement marocain Benkiran issu du programme marocain "Hiwar" diffusé dans le canal d'Aloula. Benkiran essaye un nouveau style qui attire l'attention marocaine, surtout il utilise la religion dans son discours, et le monde à cette époque souffre du printemps arabe. Les données suivantes peuvent expliquer les mots répétés et comment Benkiran est capable de persuader l'auditoire facilement. Cet article analyse de manière critique le discours de l'ancien chef du gouvernement marocain, Abdelilah Benkiran. S'appuyant sur l'analyse du discours politique suggérée par van Dijk, Fairclough, Brown et Toulmin, l'article cherche à explorer le discours politique construit dans des contextes spécifiques pour transmettre des messages, donc le pouvoir et la domination. "Une approche interdisciplinaire de l'étude du discours qui considère le langage comme une forme de pratique sociale et se concentre sur la façon dont la domination sociale et politique est reproduite dans le texte et la conversation", Fairlough et Clive (1995, P 4). décrire, interpréter, analyser et critiquer la vie sociale. L'article tente d'analyser le discours politique de l'ancien chef du gouvernement marocain Benkiran issu du programme marocain "Hiwar" diffusé dans le canal d'Aloula. Benkiran essaye un nouveau style qui attire l'attention marocaine, surtout il utilise la religion dans son discours, et le monde à cette époque souffre du printemps arabe. Les données suivantes peuvent expliquer les mots répétés et comment Benkiran est capable de persuader le public facilement.

Мета: вивчення засобів перекладу окремих аспектів суспільно-політичного дискурсу. Необхідно вирішити наступні завдання: розкрити особливості суспільно-політичного дискурсу як лінгвістичного феномена; дослідити джерела лексичних труднощів при перекладі текстів суспільно-політичного характеру українською мовою з англійської; виявити комунікативний та прагматичний аспекти перекладу суспільно-політичних текстів; з’ясувати специфіку перекладу політичних реалій; вивчити статичну та динамічну метафору в сучасному українському суспільно-політичному дискурсі та дослідити перекладацькі трансформації у перекладі суспільно-політичного сленгу. Теоретичне значення: дослідження полягає в тому, що уперше визначаються основні характеристики такого типу дискурсу, як суспільно-політичний,здійснюється аналіз індивідуальних стилів та результатів мовленнєвої діяльності,визначаються основні жанрові форми суспільно-політичного дискурсу і досліджуються особливості викладу інформації у таких інформаційно-переконувальних жанрах, як промова та інтерв’ю. Goal: study of means of translation of certain aspects of social and political discourse. It is necessary to solve the following tasks: to reveal the features of socio-political discourse as a linguistic phenomenon; to investigate the sources of lexical difficulties in translating socio-political texts in Russian from English; to identify communicative and pragmatic aspects of translating socio-political texts; to find out the specifics of translating political realities; to study the static and dynamic metaphor in the modern Ukrainian socio-political discourse and to explore translation transformations in the translation of socio-political slang. Theoretical meaning: the research consists in the fact that for the first time the main characteristics of such type of discourse as socio-political are determined, the analysis of individual styles and results of speech activity is carried out, the main genre forms of socio-political discourse are determined and the peculiarities of information presentation in such information-persuasive genres as speech and interviews are investigated.

Este estudio analiza el discurso político de las columnas de opinión acerca del plebiscito sobre el Acuerdo del gobierno con las Farc, realizado el 2 de octubre de 2016. Se estudiaron las columnas publicadas en los periódicos El Tiempo, El Espectador y El Colombiano, desde 19 de julio hasta el 2 de octubre de 2016, con base en el método de análisis de Norman Fairclough e Isabela Fairclough. Primero se estudian los motivos expresados por los columnistas a favor del Sí y del No, y se resumen en 3 esquemas argumentativos. Luego, se presentan las ideas de país en paz que se infieren de estos discursos. Estas ideas se sintetizan en 6 afirmaciones: 1. Hay diferentes ideas de país en paz, y no son solo dos, excluyentes. 2. Para inferir las ideas de país en paz es tan relevante el país en paz que se desea como el país que no se desea en el futuro. 3. Hay dos visiones de país en paz, según los valores priorizados: el país de la ley y el orden, y el país al servicio de las personas. 4. La justicia y la participación política ocupan diferentes lugares en las ideas de país en paz. 5. La inclusión y la exclusión caracterizan dos ideas de país en paz. 6. Las ideas de país en paz se concretan en cuatro concepciones de la paz: la negativa, la conservadora, la estructural y la emancipadora. This dissertation analyses the political discourse of various op-ed pieces on the plebiscite held on October 2, 2016 to ratify the final peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the FARC-Ep. This research considers columns that appeared on the newspapers El Tiempo, El Espectador and El Colombiano from July 19 until October 2, 2016. The analysis is based on Norman Fairclough and Isabela Fairclough’s political discourse analysis method. First, the researcher analyses the columnist reasons in favor and against, and sorted it into three argumentative schemes. Later, he presents the notions of what means a country at peace that can be inferred from those discourses. These notions are synthesized in six statements: 1. There are different notions of what a country at peace is, not just two that are mutually exclusive. 2. To infer the notions of what a country at peace is, it is equally relevant to consider both the country that is desired and the country that is not desired in the future. 3. There are two visions of a country at peace, that depend on prioritized values: the country of law and order and the country at the service of the people. 4. Justice and political participation occupy different places in the notions of what a country at peace is. 5. Inclusion and exclusion characterize two notions of what a country at peace is. 6. The notions of what a country at peace means can be sorted into four peace conceptions: negative, conservative, structural and emancipatory. Magíster en Estudios Políticos Maestría