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The article explores the interplay between transnational migration, cultural patrimony and political conflict, tying together the former realms of the Russian and Ottoman Empires. It discusses the role played by Russian Jews in the development of the Zionist-Arab conflict in Palestine until 1948. It focuses on the Northern Sharon, where three distinct immigrant groups – Circassians, Bosnians and Russian Jews – settled in the 1870s–1890s. Methodologically, it adopts a new, twofold, approach to the genesis of the conflict, by tracing its roots within the broader setting of Eurasian transnational migrations to Palestine, and the stricter context of ‘locality expressing glocality’, that is, of specific colonies and their development under internal pressures and outside interactions. In 1948, prior actions aimed at achieving ethnic homogeneity through coerced population transfers during the disintegration Eurasian imperial polities served as a blueprint for some of the same Zionist immigrants for achieving plurality in their new Jewish State.

This article offers a new understanding of the thought of Theodor Herzl (1860–1904) by reading it as political theology. It does so by identifying a neglected connection between two seemingly disparate themes: the Jewish Question and imperial visions of islands. Using these tropes to read Herzl's utopian novel Altneuland, I identify three pillars of Herzl's political theology: redemption through technology, the centrality of Zion, and active messianism. Herzl believed in the power of technology to transform social conditions. The second pillar, the centrality of Zion, shows the founding of an ideal society cannot occur on the island but only in Palestine. Finally, Herzk offers a vision of active messianism combining Christian-imperial epistemology with the Jewish precedence of the seventeenth-century false messiah Shabbtai Zvi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The law does not possess the language that we desperately need to accurately capture the totality of the Palestinian condition. From occupation to apartheid and genocide, the most commonly applied legal concepts rely on abstraction and analogy to reveal particular facets of subordination. This Article introduces Nakba as a legal concept to resolve this tension. Meaning "Catastrophe" in Arabic, the term "al-Nakba" (...) is often used to refer to the ruinous process of establishing the State of Israel in Palestine. But the Nakba has undergone a metamorphosis; it has evolved from a historical calamity into a brutally sophisticated structure of oppression. This ongoing Nakba includes episodes of genocide and variants of apartheid but remains rooted in a historically and analytically distinct foundation, structure, and purpose. This Article therefore proposes to distinguish apartheid, genocide, and Nakba as different, yet overlapping, modalities of crimes against humanity. It first identifies Zionism as Nakba's ideological counterpart and insists on understanding these concepts as mutually constitutive. Considering the limits of existing legal frameworks, this Article goes on to analyze the legal anatomy of the ongoing Nakba. It positions displacement as the Nakba's foundational violence, fragmentation as its structure, and the denial of self-determination as its purpose. Taken together, these elements give substance to a concept in the making that may prove useful in other contexts as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of Israel's ongoing genocidal atrocities in Palestine, Arab activists in the shatat articulate rage, grief, and resistance within the confines of a colonial tongue. They do so in continuity with multiple histories of Arab resistance against European and US imperial and colonial violence. In this context, the author contends that they embody a communal source of strength she calls the psychic life of liberation, a force that sustains a collective struggle for liberation. This essay shows how the psychic life of liberation is constituted by intergenerational grief, collective love and care, and a profound sense of sumud that transcends time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon capturing Palestine in December 1917, Britain assumed the role of belligerent occupant, and therefore, it had no power to alter the legal order of the country, which it nonetheless did in 1920. In order to grant itself full power of governance over Palestine, Britain drew up the "Mandate for Palestine," a document in which it declared its aim of promoting a Jewish "national home" in Palestine. This article examines this and other documents from the 1920s to argue that Britain did not have the legal grounding to alter its status as belligerent occupant, and that the League of Nations never took a position on Jewish territorial rights or on the legality of Britain's governance of Palestine. It argues further that the United Nations misread this history in 1947 when it took the Mandate for Palestine as a commitment of its predecessor to Jewish territorial rights in Palestine, and thus, as a basis for recommending the partition of Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholarship on Anglophone Palestinian literature has burgeoned in recent years, there has been no attempt to retrieve and assess the work of Soraya Antonius (1932–2017), author of two remarkable English-language novels depicting British-ruled Palestine from the 1910s to 1948, The Lord (1986) and Where the Jinn Consult (1987). Exploring and contextualising Antonius's contribution to this literary corpus, this article examines the cultural, political and linguistic forces shaping her writings. It begins by tracing the fusion of Anglophile mimicry and anti-colonial resistance typical of her parents – George Antonius, author of The Arab Awakening (1938) and Katy Antonius, Mandatory Jerusalem's leading socialite. While her parents funnelled their Levantine-cosmopolitan options into a distinctive Palestinian identity, the Nakba compelled their daughter to take the opposite trajectory, leaving Palestine to pursue cosmopolitan possibilities elsewhere. The article's second section thus considers her work in 1960s and 1970s Beirut, first as a journalist and editor, committed to developing a critical discourse on Western Orientalism, and subsequently as an activist and spokesperson, advocating the Palestinian cause. Probing how these biographical and professional strands shaped her fiction, the final section demonstrates how the first novel's Anglophile fascination with the coloniser's mindset is replaced, in the second novel, with a decided focus on Palestinians' perspectives. Echoing Albert Hourani's critique of the 'Politics of Notables', Where the Jinn Consult thus offers a loving yet bitter account of her parents' generation, complacent and ineffectual in the face of looming catastrophe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Samuel Moyn's book "Liberalism Against Itself," which examines the shift in liberalism after World War II. Moyn argues that Cold War liberals shifted their focus from radical reforms and human creativity to a fear of the masses and limiting government intervention. The book critiques prominent Cold War intellectuals for their views on the Enlightenment, historicism, and Zionism. While the book offers insightful analysis, it lacks strong arguments to support its claims. The article also explores historian Wilfred McClay's argument for the importance of orthodox Christianity in contemporary society. McClay asserts that orthodox Christianity provides a foundation for moral values and societal cohesion, and its decline has led to a loss of meaning and purpose in modern life. The article delves into McClay's views on the role of religion in public life and the potential consequences of its marginalization. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the alignment between the principles of the American founding fathers and the creation of Israel. It argues that many of the founders would have supported Israel's formation for several reasons. Firstly, the creation of Israel mirrored America's own founding. Secondly, there were pro-Jewish sentiments among the founders due to Jewish support for the American Revolution. Lastly, a significant number of founders believed that religion should be integrated into law and society, and they saw a religious state as a means to protect individual rights. The article acknowledges that not all founders held these views, but they were widely enough held to challenge the notion that endorsing Israel's creation would have contradicted the values of the founding era. The founders were inspired by Jewish ideals and saw Judaism as promoting the preservation of liberty. Some prominent founders, like Alexander Hamilton, explicitly supported the return of Jews to their ancestral homeland. The U.S. delegation's support for Israel's creation was consistent with the principles of the founding era. [Extracted from the article]

The title of this essay is intended as ironic. The irony resides in the fact that while the agents of state‐run Jewish conversion in Israel are preoccupied with the sincerity of conversion candidates, they are also troubled by the sincerity of their own religious belief and conduct. This essay will explore ethnographically how these religiopolitical actors engage with semiotic and interactive strategies of self‐suasion in order to reconcile their Zionist and religious commitments with the moral toll that they pay for knowingly facilitating less‐than‐ideal conversions. The essay demonstrates that while these actors embody the Israeli state's national missionary impetus to convert newcomers, they rely on a variety of communicative practices that help them project the constructed sincerity of converts onto their own self‐suaded religious sincerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the months since October 7, people around the world have looked on in horror as Germany has wielded the memory of the Holocaust to silence criticism of Israel's war on Gaza. The German government's response to the conflict itself has not been all that different from that of the United States: both have increased their supply of weapons to Israel and supported Israel against South Africa in the International Court of Justice. But Germany has gone much further than the United States in persecuting protesters, artists, and intellectuals expressing sympathy for and solidarity with the Palestinian people. It wields its responsibility for a barely distant genocide as a kind of moral authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the challenges faced by NATO during the Cold War. It highlights two main challenges: the Soviet Union's aggressive behavior and nuclear disarmament proposals. The article focuses on the period of the late 1970s when the Soviet Union expanded its nuclear arsenal and developed a new intermediate-range nuclear missile. NATO responded with a dual-track proposal, offering disarmament negotiations with the Soviets while also deploying nuclear missiles if the talks failed. The Soviet Union launched a propaganda campaign to oppose the deployment of new weapons, which led to public opposition in Western European countries. Despite the pressure, Western European parliaments voted in favor of stationing U.S. missiles. The article also discusses the subsequent disarmament talks between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, which resulted in the INF Treaty in 1987. The author argues that Gorbachev's repeated offers to negotiate and disarm could have undermined NATO if the Cold War had not ended. The article concludes by stating that NATO was not destroyed by the debates over the Euromissiles and that the end of the Cold War presented a greater challenge to the alliance. The author also mentions the recent threat posed by Russian aggression and the potential withdrawal of the United States from NATO under President Donald Trump. [Extracted from the article]

"A land without people for a people without land" was the Zionist slogan used to justify the Jewish settlement in historical Palestine. To prove that historical Palestine was unoccupied, Zionists have attempted to erase its native population from their land and from historical records, through the propagation of the myth that the Jews made "the desert bloom," obliterating the agricultural practices of Palestinian Arabs. This article studies the deliberate attempts to use ecology as a means of cultural amnesia and its resistance by Palestinian writers. By examining the novels of Susan Abulhawa for remembrances that combat the strategy of forced amnesia of Palestinian ecology, this article finds that literature becomes lieux de mémoire that helps to resist erasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La epoka was a Ladino newspaper published in Salonica. Its editor Sam Lévy published three interviews with Theodor Herzl between 1901 and 1904. His announcement and subsequent publication of the third interview drew angry responses from the Sublime Porte, which ordered the governor of Salonica to close it down. The governor resisted the orders and La epoka remained open, even publishing a eulogistic obituary of Herzl. In this article, I examine these interviews and obituary, showing that Lévy combined his sharp criticisms of Zionism with an adulation of the Zionist leader. I also explore Ottoman archival documents about the Ladino press and argue that Hamidian censorship could be flexible according to political circumstances, overlooking Lévy's first two interviews that were made during the Ottoman government's negotiations with Herzl, yet reacting sharply to the third interview conducted afterward and containing direct references to the Sixth Zionist Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1920s and 30s witnessed an explosion of interest in Spinoza among Zionist intellectuals. The reflexive equation of nation and state has led scholars to conclude that Zionists were drawn to Spinoza because he justified state sovereignty. This assumption is mistaken. Eastern European Zionists rejected Spinoza's sovereignty-centered political thought—precisely because it denies political standing to non-sovereign bodies such as the kahal. Drawing on diasporic history, Spinoza's Zionist critics elaborated a distinctive political vision that prized national autonomy but did not equate self-rule with sovereign power. I foreground Zionist repudiation of Spinozist sovereignty to challenge reigning assumptions about the ideological sources of non-sovereign politics. Theorists influenced by German Jewish thought have predicated the cultivation of non-sovereign political imagination on a disavowal of nationalism. This opposition—between diaspora and nation, between nationalism and non-sovereignty—is false. In eastern Europe, nationalist figurations of galut (exile) have long inspired non-sovereign, non-Spinozist political imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Featuring narrative argument in Jewish dissent for Palestinians rights, this article examines identity reconstitution and the attunement to being in relationship with the foreign other. The author promotes a critical rhetoric of first-person narrative for the attunement of identity as an ethical practice in relation to alterity. This rhetoric is exemplified in the work of Sara Roy, Jewish American dissenter, and scholar, who speaks out in support of Palestinian rights as a child of Holocaust survivors. In the process of speaking out, Roy reinvents Jewish self-understanding as an alternative to Zionist identity formations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ze'ev Jabotinsky is one of the most fascinating figures among the leaders of the Zionist movement and founder of the right-wing political movement in Zionism. Many of his disciples and followers have attributed to him, and still do, a realistic assessment and even prophetic prediction of the Holocaust of European Jews during World War II. At the core of the pervasive cultivation of the myth lies a speech whereby the Zionist leader - it is claimed - in the summer of 1938, in Warsaw, on the traditional Jewish mourning day of Tisha B'Av, forewarned the Jews of Poland against the imminent catastrophe, which he termed the 'Fires of Destruction.' This speech is prevalent in public discourse, widespread in social networks and is frequently quoted by Israeli leaders. In this article, we submit that this apocryphal speech was never delivered by Jabotinsky. Moreover, we point out that Jabotinsky gave a completely different speech on this occasion and assess the time when these citations first appeared - twenty years after the event. We shall trace the process of the later invention of the text, the agents who strove to disseminate it and the mode of its reception evidence of Jabotinsky's status as prophet of the Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses two books published by Oxford University Press in 2023 that shed light on the cross-cultural encounters between Western societies and Palestine. The first book, "Christian Homeland," explores the history of the Episcopalian Church's activities in the Middle East, particularly its debates on Palestine and Zionism. The book reveals a deep solidarity that emerged between American missionaries and Arab Palestinians facing an existential threat from Zionism. The second book, "Russian-Arab Worlds," is an anthology of texts that highlights the Russian infatuation with Palestine, especially during the tsarist era. It discusses the involvement of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society in establishing Russian churches, coordinating pilgrimages, and establishing schools in Palestine. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for further research to uncover the rich tapestry of Palestine's international and intercultural relations. [Extracted from the article]

The apologetics of pro-slavery, pro-segregation Christians in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were identical to the methods of biblical interpretation used by Dispensationalist Christian Zionists today. The ideology's specific rules of 'literal interpretation' and 'antecedent theology' led both groups to similar conclusions about slavery and racial segregation, on the one hand, and Jewish privilege and Palestinian displacement, on the other. Abolitionist efforts to promote a Christ–like hermeneutic rooted in Christian morality points the way forward to correcting modern theologies, such as Dispensationalist Christian Zionism, that continue to sanction human oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did an Arab Jew read the Quran against the backdrop of contradictory ideologies and the rise of key movements, including nationalism, colonialism, and Zionism, in Mandate Palestine? Approaching Isaac Yahuda as an Arab Jew challenges the binary opposition between Arabs and Jews in Zionist discourse, a linkage perceived as inconceivable, and on the other hand, that linkage is asserted, contested, and tested in the context of nationalism. This article also challenges the advancement of Jewish singularity and superiority by exploring how Jewish writers interacted with the Islamic scripture in Mandatory Palestine rather than dismissing it. This article examines Hebrew interpretation of various passages from the Quran that produced an understanding of the Quran that advanced Zionist ideals, including the nationalization of contested religious sites and the consolidation of the indigeneity of Jews in the East. Isaac Yahuda's Hebrew commentary on the Quran challenged his Arab Jewishness in such a divisive nationalist atmosphere in Mandate Palestine. His hybrid background and dynamic connections with both Jews and Arabs enabled him to navigate these turbulent times by invoking the Quran, demonstrating respect for it, and at the same time challenging the understanding of his contemporary Muslims while utilizing German Jewish scholarship on the origins of Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Tzvi Avni's Second Piano Sonata, Epitaph, a sonic commentary on one of the inner tales in Rabbi Nachman's "The Seven Beggars". Written between 1974 and 1979, Epitaph not only marks the composer's act of translation (from words into music and from a textual tale into a wordless and semantically unmarked piano sonata) but also his very turn to ethnographic sources that defied their negative function in a national territorial culture that vilified otherness while separating art from ethnography. Avni's turn to Rabbi Nachman was part of a bigger shift that saw composers' dialectical returns to Jewish histories and cultures that were previously repressed from a national culture which dehistoricized the Diaspora to the point of rendering the times and cultures of diasporic Jews a single temporality—ahistorical, contextless, and outside the teleological time of Zionism. With the (re)introduction of diasporic temporalities, non-redemptive poetics became an affordance in the music of Avni or Andre Hajdu (who is also discussed here) while steadily muting the territorial tropes that constituted Hebrew culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

R. Issachar Teichtal was one of the few representatives of the Orthodox community of the first half of the 20th century, who became supporters of the idea of a mass return of Jews to the land of Israel, and active cooperation with secular groups for the realization of this goal. The subject of the correspondence of his views to the concepts of religious Zionism was thoroughly investigated in the works of H. Hershkovich, D. Reiser, M. Inbari, and others. However, the problem of the development of R. Issachar's revolutionary ideas in the context of the teaching of Hasidism, of which he was a follower, definitely needs further research. According to the views of R. Teichtal, the liberation of the Jewish people should be carried out naturally. That is, one should not wait for the appearance of the messiah, who will perform all kinds of miracles with God's help. People have to organize themselves, ensure their own relocation to the historical ancestral homeland, turn a desert into a blooming garden, develop housing and production. In general, the plan of r. Issachar relies on the examples of programs of contemporary secular political movements. On the other hand, he interprets this kind of activity as a spiritual practice described in the works of the leading kabbalists and teachers of Hasidism. Our author claims that the development of the Holy Land leads to the restoration of harmony in the divine pleroma. The works of the founders of Hasidism, well known to our author, also preached the idea of the exceptional importance of serving the Lord during daily work. This was one of the most significant differences between their teachings and the views of the traditional rabbinical elite. The teaching of R. Teichtal about the role of tzaddiks in the decisive times of the national libe-ration struggle deserves special attention. It actually consists of three separate concepts: 1. The main tzaddiks of the generation cannot lead the development of the land of Israel because their participation would cause insurmountable opposition from the forces of darkness; 2. The role of the tzaddiks in the matter of returning to the historical homeland is actually performed by the souls of great righteous people of the past; 3. The role of tzaddiks in modern conditions is performed by simple secular workers who build up the land of the ancestors. The last thesis, according to the author of the article, is not a rhetorical exaggeration. R. Issachar believed that it was a real state of affairs. In the conclusions, it is noted that R. Teichtal should be recognized as one of the leading ideologists of neo-Hasidism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the publication of this forum coincides with the unfolding bombs raining down on the Palestinians of Gaza, the book in question gains heightened significance. Against a backdrop where global audiences are witnessing real-time, genocidal actions by Israel against the Palestinians, contextualizing these horrific events is crucial. An in-depth understanding of the current reality and potential future trajectories requires addressing the root causes and factors that shaped the interaction between the colonizer and the colonized, leading to a highly repressive and unbearable status quo that exploded on the 7th of October 2023. Palestine: Matters of Justice and Truth provides much-needed and timely answers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Checkbook Zionism: Philanthropy and Power in the Israel–Diaspora Relationship" by Eric Fleisch examines the evolving relationship between Jewish agencies, NGOs, and American Jewish donors. The book explores the rise and decline of Checkbook Zionism, the culture and mechanics of the relationship, and the power dynamics between donors and recipients. It also delves into the contemporary era, analyzing shifting power dynamics and the redirection of donations. The author concludes that while the nature of the relationship has changed, elements of traditional power-sharing remain, and the power still rests with the recipient rather than the donor. [Extracted from the article]

This article proposes that the marginality of World War II in the historiography of Zionism and Israel is based on a historical perspective that shaped contemporaries' evaluation of reality and framed postwar historiography. Through the wartime writings of Robert Weltsch, I argue that this historiographic absence draws on a dilemma: Should Britain's colonized populations continue their fight for independence from British rule during the war or support the empire in the world conflict against the Axis? The dilemma expressed a tension between the colonial aspects of the Yishuv and its reliance on the British Empire, on the one hand, and its anticolonial struggle for independence from the British, on the other. This article examines the Yishuv's wartime dilemma using the distinction Weltsch made between a narrow perspective, which he associated with World War I's legacy of self-determination, and a broad international view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historiography of modern Hebrew culture views early twentieth-century Russia largely through the lens of canonical literature. However, Hebrew played a role in many other aspects of Jewish society, prominent among them children's literature. By examining readers' letters published in four Hebrew children's magazines, this article explores the spread and meaning of the language for different sectors of Russian Jewry. It claims that Hebrew played a role in Jewish modernization for those who did not identify with Zionism and even those who claimed to reject modernism entirely. To better understand East European Jewish life through the prism of multifaceted Hebrew culture, this article studies publications of varied ideological positions—Zionist, nonpartisan nationalist, and Orthodox—to provide a more comprehensive picture of Jewish perception of Hebrew. It shows how, despite their disparities, the four publications employed similar strategies when addressing young readers, directing them to a desired worldview and mobilizing them to social activity. The readers' letters in these magazines reveal the experience of learning, reading, and speaking the renewed language in the context of family life, social pressure, and gender dynamics. They provide essential information about methods, habits, and patterns of using Hebrew inside and outside the classroom. In addition, the letters shed light on the interaction between children and adults—parents, teachers, and newspaper editors—against the backdrop of the vibrant ideological discourse of the era. On balance, the current research offers a contribution to the study of revitalized Hebrew culture as well as the social history of modern European Jewry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Three Worlds: Memoirs of an Arab-Jew" by Avi Shlaim is a hybrid genre book that combines political-social history, family history, and personal memoir. Shlaim, an Arab-Jew, explores the experiences of his family and other Arab-Jews who were uprooted from their homes in the Arab world due to rising violence and anti-Semitism after the establishment of Israel in 1948. He argues that Zionism, while seeking to establish a Jewish majority in Palestine, also displaced long-standing Jewish communities across the Arab world, making them second-class citizens in Israel. The book also delves into the relationship between refugees and the state, particularly in the case of Israel, and raises questions about the blurred line between migrants and refugees. Shlaim's research also uncovers evidence of Israeli-Zionist involvement in bomb attacks on Baghdad's Jewish community, adding a dark twist to the narrative of Israel as a savior of Middle Eastern Jews. Overall, "Three Worlds" provides valuable insights into the history of Arab-Jews and the complexities of displacement and identity politics in the Middle East. [Extracted from the article]

The present study traces the role of veteran Jewish Communist editor Paul Novick, editor of the Morning Freiheit, in CPUSA discussions about Zionism, Israel, the Soviet Union, and anti-Semitism up until the June 1967 Middle East war. It assesses the deterioration of Novick's status in the CPUSA and the development of conflicts culminating in his expulsion in 1973. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the praxis of the Zionist Left in Brazil, particularly during the 2010s. It argues that the Zionist Left, which claims to be a progressive grouping that stands in solidarity with the oppressed people in Palestine and in Brazil, functions in fact as a colonial counterrevolutionary actor against radical-left emancipatory politics. Indeed, the Zionist Left functions as a gatekeeper, blocking sectors of the Jewish community and the Brazilian Left from joining the growing anti-Zionist decolonial movement in Brazil. This paper aims to show how various Zionist Left groups have historically worked with the Zionist elite and the Brazilian state to undermine anti-Zionist communist Jewish alternatives by resorting to fraudulent discourse and even force in order to build support for the Zionist settler-colonial project in Palestine. This paper utilises a Marxist, anti-Zionist and anti-colonial framework in order to provide a counter-hegemonic critique for an emancipatory praxis that rejects colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism is an increasingly prevalent aspect of public life in the West, both as a consequence of the growth of the far right across the board and through its mobilisation against Palestinian liberation and Palestine solidarity activism. While synagogues are targeted and far-right politicians revive ideas of Jewish global power, it is the left, Muslims, and Palestinians that are continuously constructed as the source of the current rise in hatred and violence against Jews. If historically the Marxist tradition engaged actively with the so-called Jewish question, in recent decades the subject has receded from focus. This shift took place as other forms of racism – directed at Muslims, Black populations, or migrants – became the basis for reactionary politics in the West. This article argues that while some of the assumptions that underwrote classical Marxist texts on the issue have been found wanting – perhaps most notably the inevitable (or desirable) character of the trend towards assimilation – they remain important starting points for making sense of our present, both by their method and their political commitment to liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a historical sociological approach that closely links analysis to common trends in development or the application of sociology to problems by describing history as a field of inquiry and reflection, focusing on what calls for comparison. Addressing such a topic requires a paleontological analysis to determine the geostrategic background of the alliance between imperialism and Zionism: “To think well on political and social fields, one must read well into the historical field.” This study adopts a forceful high-pitched tone, that showcases aggression instead of war, especially since war is related to the use of force between two or more countries, according to Karl Clausewitz, while what Gaza is witnessing is an aggression of a military state against a liberation movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between anti-Jewish and anti-Israel attitudes among Canadians. It distinguishes between those who hold negative attitudes towards both Israel and Jews, and those who separate their attitudes towards the two. The author argues that further research is needed to understand the connection between these attitudes. Survey results show that non-Jewish Canadians generally have more negative attitudes towards Israel than towards Jews. The article also discusses the differences in attitudes towards Israel between Muslim and non-Muslim Canadians, with Muslim Canadians expressing more negative attitudes. It highlights that Quebecois individuals have attitudes towards Israel that are more similar to the non-Jewish Canadian population as a whole, but still more negative. The text explores the association between political ideology and attitudes towards Israel, as well as the age gradient in attitudes, with younger cohorts having more negative attitudes. It suggests that different experiences with Israel have shaped the attitudes of successive generations. The influence of university education on attitudes towards Israel is also mentioned, noting that some students have been exposed to a one-sided interpretation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but not all students hold the same views and many are not heavily involved in student politics or Middle East politics. [Extracted from the article]

Resisting characterisations of cultural Zionism as a male intellectual movement located in the realm of ideas, Paula Winkler's Zionist writings foreground the role played by Jewish women in the home. Placing her writings in dialogue with those of her partner Martin Buber, this article argues that Winkler's vision of Zionism not only offers a more robust engagement with the concept of space, but also disrupts Buber's gendered division of Zionist labour and his view of the temporal unfolding of Zionism. In a significant contribution to cultural Zionist thought, Winkler anchors the movement in the material environment of the home, wherein the Jewish woman creates a transformative experience of the homeland that anticipates and facilitates the future success of Zionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Martin Buber's perspective on Zionism was rooted in the view that 'two vital claims' were 'opposed to one another'. Stressing the role of justice and imagination during speeches at the Zionist Congresses of 1921 and 1929, his 'prophetic' perspective emphasised the indivisibility of politics and morality. Distinguishing between 'Israel' (nationalism) and 'Zion' (a spiritual ideal) led him to advocate for a bi-national state in Palestine. He called the way the State of Israel came into being in 1948 as an entry into history through 'a false gateway'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By disposition an outsider, Martin Buber had the requisite 'civil courage' to speak the truth as he saw it and thus the spiritual stamina to court the scorn of being marked an outsider, or worse. Accordingly, he called upon his fellow Zionists resolutely to reject the prevailing form of European nationalism and its self-righteous, self-centred pursuit of Realpolitik. The failure to eschew what Buber alarmingly called a 'hypertrophic' nationalism would perforce vitiate the very cure – the restoration of national dignity and spiritual renewal – that Zionism seeks to offer the ailing Jewish people. By adopting Realpolitik, a people can win the national rights for which it strove and yet fail to regain its spiritual health – because 'nationalism, turned false, eats at its very marrow'. A nationalism of sacro egoismo – a political ethic that assumes that the pursuit of national self-interest is sacred and thus morally justified – spells not only spiritual evisceration but also political disaster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The suffix "washing" refers to the practice of portraying controversial actions in a positive light by leveraging progressive principles, often used by economic corporations, organizations, political parties, or governments. This paper introduces and develops the term "studentwashing" to define the deliberate effort to present Israeli territorial development as an attractive, youthful, and unique experience. This portrayal aims to engage larger segments of society in the national geopolitical project while normalizing its settler-colonial aspects as a means to ensure its continuation. While the constant development of new territorial settlements is dependent either on the right-wing religious sector or on the "quality-of-life" settlers, studentwashing is reserved for areas that are not ideological enough for the first nor sufficiently attractive to the latter. Analyzing "student villages" in the Negev, this paper depicts a new territorial strategy meant to enhance the state's spatial control over the predominantly Arab periphery inside official Israeli borders. Accordingly, this paper offers a new perspective on Israel's territorial strategies and enhances the general study of geopolitical and geo-economic spatial development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the recognized borders of Israel, in the shadow of the West Bank settlement enterprise, a new frontier is in the making. Central planning has designated the space as a burgeoning metropolitan region, and, in a parallel process, a network of Jewish-only settlements has been established. This study asks how the settlement push is narrated to the Israeli public, and thereby adds the Naqab to previous studies exploring the link between colonial settlement and suburbia, and more specifically with the community-settlement model. It analyzes audiovisual material produced by two Zionist organizations and finds that the new frontier is narrated as a space for reenactment of the mythic pioneer trope, and that this ideal is mediated in relation to the new neoliberal ethos of Israel as the "start-up nation." The study moreover expands on the interplay of geographic scales, thus adding an important contribution to scholarly understanding of contemporary settler-colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the academic debate surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, focusing on the aftermath of recent attacks and the war in Gaza. The author emphasizes the importance of nuanced analysis and understanding power dynamics. The concept of settler colonialism is discussed, suggesting that recognizing its applicability to Israel may aid in finding a long-term solution. The controversial slogan "From the River to the Sea" is examined, and a reevaluation of the current status quo is called for. The article also highlights the significance of democratization and providing hope for both Palestinians and Israelis. The failure of Zionism in protecting Jews from antisemitism is discussed, and the author proposes moving beyond Zionism towards an ideology of Israelism for peaceful coexistence. A bibliography of additional sources is provided for further research. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the topic of Zionism in Jewish Studies and the need for critical engagement. The author acknowledges the sensitivity of the subject, especially in light of recent events, but emphasizes the importance of scholars engaging with different perspectives. The article highlights the range of Jewish critics of Zionism and explores various essays that offer insights into Israeli politics, religious Zionism, and alternative visions for the Jewish future. The author focuses on one particularly challenging essay that calls for restorative justice in Palestine/Israel and emphasizes the need to listen to and learn from different voices. The article concludes by suggesting that engaging with diverse perspectives can lead to imagining less violent futures. [Extracted from the article]

This article, titled "Settler Colonialist? In Israel? Not All," discusses the comparison between Zionism and Marxism, specifically focusing on the concept of settler colonialism. The author argues against the assertion that Zionism is an enterprise of settler colonialism, drawing on historical and personal perspectives to support their argument. They emphasize the deep historical, physical, and emotional ties that Jews have to Israel and reject the idea that Jews are foreign occupiers in the land. The author calls for a nuanced understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and encourages readers to consider the unique connection that Jews have to Israel. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the complexities of Zionism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, emphasizing the importance of acknowledging different perspectives and interpretations. It argues that claims of complexity or simplicity are politically motivated and can serve different purposes. The article also discusses the political implications of Jewish unity and the role of Diaspora Jewry in relation to Israel. However, the suggestion that Diaspora Jews should demand equal rights for Israel's minority population is seen as divisive, especially considering recent events in Gaza. The author emphasizes the need to recognize the human cost of the conflict and the complexity of the issue. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the rise of anti-Israel sentiment within the Jewish left and the normalization of delegitimizing Israel. It acknowledges the influence of pro-Palestinian activists in academia and the evolving narrative surrounding the Nakba. The author discusses different perspectives within the Jewish community on creating a better future for Jewish and Arab Israelis and Jews and Palestinians. The article also criticizes the discourse of Zionist critique for its unexamined cliches and emphasizes the need for intellectual honesty in historical analysis. It highlights the rejection of Jewish claims of belonging and the omission of Arab anti-Jewish violence in the discussion. [Extracted from the article]