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On numerous occasions in the past fifteen years, U.N. peacekeepers have been accused of sexually assaulting or abusing the populations they serve. A Comprehensive Review of peacekeeper misconduct completed in 2005 identified significant problems and recommended numerous changes to address them. The U.S. Army and NATO, in a response to the possibility that their deployed troops will be engaged in or facilitate human trafficking, have enacted new policies intended to remove their troops from the demand for women trafficked for sexual services. The Department of Defense and NATO initiatives are similar to those being considered by the United Nations for preventing sexual misconduct by its peacekeepers. Because the United States, NATO, and the United Nations are all addressing the problems of sexual misconduct by deployed troops, their efforts should be mutually reinforcing. The examples of American and NATO armed forces offer hope that the United Nations will also enact strong measures to prevent future misconduct by its peacekeepers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The demand for military personnel in peace support operations (PSOs) has been very high for over a decade, compared with demands during the Cold War. This increasing demand for military peace support personnel contrasts dramatically with the significant decrease in the number of military personnel since the end of the Cold War. Indeed, the primary instrument to execute tasks assigned to military forces is manpower. The contribution of this paper is a survey of different types of PSOs, with the focus on the skills and abilities required of military personnel in those operations. The key to an effective operation is to select peace support personnel with the skills appropriate to that particular mission. This paper is divided into three sections, starting with a discussion of the supply and demand for military personnel. The paper then reviews different types of PSOs and their associated personnel requirements. The final section considers a mechanism for matching military personnel to appropriate PSOs.† The contents do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of National Defence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With UN peacekeeping activities in recent years having become more numerous, complex and costly, alternative means of responding to emerging crises and conflicts are being proposed and considered, along with their financial costs and funding. This paper analyzes the economic costs and benefits of recent options from a global resource point of view. It is concluded that standby forces provided by Member States to the UN, such as the multinational Stand‐by Forces High Readiness Brigade for UN Operations (SHIRBRIG) and the more recent European Union (EU) Rapid Reaction Force (RRF), appear presently to be economically the most efficient means of providing UN peacekeeping. Standby forces, acknowledged by the UN as a feasible alternative to a UN standing army or police force, are economically the most efficient basically because they utilize more fully the existing military resources of Member States, rather than require major additional new resources for peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines various methods of financing peacekeeping missions and suggests mission funding appropriate to the conflict type and location. The financing of peacekeeping missions can take a number of forms, of which six mechanisms are examined in this paper. These include the traditional United Nations mission, alliance, coalition, independent, UN Trust Fund, and resource‐tax funded peacekeeping missions. The paper also provides a peacekeeping funding table that can be used to assist in the determination of the appropriate peacekeeping funding mechanism. A case study of peacekeeping financing in Haiti is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author describes the results of the UN Independent Inquiry on the Genocide in Rwanda, which he headed. The international community's reluctance to commit itself and its resources to the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR or UN Mission), coupled with the inadequacy of UNAMIR's initial mandate, are identified as the crucial reasons for the Mission's failings. These weaknesses led to the failure of the UN forces on the ground to respond effectively to the genocide and inhibited their ability to protect civilians and UN staffers. The author details the failures both of the UN Mission in Rwanda and of the leadership in New York, with unflinching exactitude, drawing important lessons to help ensure that another such breakdown of the UN system during a time of crisis does not happen again. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With the convergence of preferences for democracy and free markets in so many nations, the UN has a momentous opportunity to provide the infrastructure needed to attain international peace. Given that peace is a public good, its provision by the international community currently suffers from the problems associated with these commodities, in particular that of "collective action." Namely, peacekeeping will entail "freeriding," by member states of the international system. This leads to the underprovision of peacekeeping/peace-enforcing efforts. This article presents a market- based proposal to remedy this problem. The proposed changes to peacekeeping operations aims to discourage wealthier nations from vetoing missions of genuine humanitarian concern for fear of casualties to their troops. Second, it also more justly compensates low-income nations participating in operations. Thirdly, it corrects for the current tendency to use more weapons and less personnel, and finally and most importantly, it would reflect the preferences of the international community for different peacekeeping operations in a transparent manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the revival of UN peacekeeping after the Cold War, many questions regarding peacekeeping operations remain unanswered. Some of the most complex questions involve the extent to which peacekeeping should be applied, who should pay, and with what privileges, if any. These questions are not new, but also surfaced during the 1960 UN budget crisis ever peacekeeping between the United States and the Soviet Union. President Johnson decided to uphold Kennedy’s promise to apply Article 19 and deprive a state of its General Assembly vote if it did not pay its assessed peacekeeping dues. In the end, however, Johnson retreated on Article 19 in the face of Soviet refusal to pay anything toward peacekeeping. The crisis subsided along with a missed opportunity to deal more conclusively with some of the questions surrounding peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of UN peacekeeping operations with special reference to the African continent. More specifically, it reflects on current UN peacekeeping operations and discusses international contributions to African peacekeeping requirements. In this regard, it focuses on the nature and profile of international involvement in the UN's most challenging missions on African soil, namely the missions in Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo with a view to assessing current international trends. In addition, the article also reflects on developments among African regional organisations in undertaking operations in the realm of peace and security. Two pressing questions are especially addressed: To what extent are developed (industrial) states still involved in peace support in Africa and to what extent have African states assumed greater responsibility for providing the UN and other multinational organisations with peacekeeping personnel? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the issue of where the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are deployed. Predictors of UN intervention in a domestic conflict; Extant literature on determinants of UN peacekeeping in civil wars; Theoretical and methodological flaws in the literature.

Discusses issues concerning privatized peacekeeping forces. Implications of the United Nations as a voluntary organization of states; Growth of global trade in the privatized military industry; Significance of the privatized military industry to the U.S. military; Estimated annual global revenue of privatized military firms as of 2003.

Increased attention is being devoted to the links between peacekeepers and the spread of HIV in host nations. Data on the issue are scant, but high estimates of HIV in the militaries of many developing countries and the notorious sexual prowess of soldiers in general and, some argue, peacekeepers in particular, have put the United Nations (UN) in the frame. Consequently, the UN Security Council passed resolution 1308 on 17 July 2000, obligating the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) to incorporate HIV/AIDS awareness in its training and encouraging member states to develop long-term strategies for education and prevention. This article examines the evidence of risk and causality, and considers the impact of peacekeeping deployments on HIV/AIDS prevalence in host nations and the vulnerability of peacekeepers to the virus. It analyses the possible ramifications for UN peacekeeping operations, as well as the reactions of and limitations on DPKO, using the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) as a case study. Rather than proffering solutions, the objective is to highlight analytical discrepancies and to assess current knowledge. 1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Canada had been a keen supporter of, and a contributor to, the United Nations' early peacekeeping operations, she was at first most reluctant to get involved in the Force which the Security Council decided in March 1964 should be sent to Cyprus. Then, overnight, she became a zealous advocate of participation. These disparate responses seem strange. It is suggested that the explanation for her reluctance lies chiefly in the changing political scene in Canada, which made her anxious to distance herself somewhat from Britain—who was urgently seeking peacekeeping help in Cyprus. As to the second part of this mystery, it is argued that the explanation lies in the decision of the External Affairs Minister, Paul Martin, to put his personal imprint on the situation. A further mystery lies in the fact that the first Canadian contingent sent to Cyprus favoured a tougher approach to its role than the UN's Force Headquarters deemed appropriate for a peacekeeping body. The writer has no explanation for the contingent having taken that line. As to the 'mistake', it is argued that this lies in the widespread belief that Canada—and Martin in particular—was chiefly responsible for breaking the logjam which was holding up the creation of the Force. Canada did indeed accelerate its creation by a day. But it is claimed that the credit for getting the Force on the ground lies primarily with Finland, and secondarily with Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides an overview of the peacemaking efforts of the United Nations (UN) in East Timor, following the withdrawal of Indonesia in September 1999. Background on the history of East Timor; Challenge posed by the restoration of security; Assessment of the economic contributions of foreign governments to the country; Policy of the UN on local government.

Following publication of the Brahimi Report on the future of UN Peacekeeping Operations under Chapter 6 of the UN Charter, the author, a former Operations Officer with UNTSO-OGL on the Israeli-Lebanon border, casts a critical eye over the report's recommendations and identifies areas that raise some concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the intervention at the military operational level by the United Nations in East Timor, Indonesia. Implementation of the International Force East Timor (INTERFET) operation lead by Australia; Functions of INTERFET; Development of an effective cooperation with senior Indonesian military officers; Analysis of various aspects of the INTERFET.

This article discusses the origins and possible outcomes of a number of recent crises that have afflicted Canada's military and defence establishments and their implications. Are they being driven by the peculiarities of Canada's own political and historical circumstances or are they more manifestations of the 'new times' into which we are entering? Are the factors that contribute to Canada's post-Cold War military blues present in Australia and might they produce similar results? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines a peacekeeping operation of the United Nations from the perspective of justice through the experiences of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET). Mission of UNTAET to re-establish law and order in East Timor; Promulgation of over thirty regulations on governance, fiscal, public and civil administration and other matters vital to the region's resuscitation; Accountability of UNTAET for international humanitarian law violations.

Reflects on the United Nations (U.N.) peace keeping operations in Africa. Utilization of sub-regional arrangements such as ECOMOG in Liberia and Sierra Leone and MISAB in the Central African Republic in undertaking local peace operations; Lack of funds and logistics in sustaining regional peace operations in the Economic Community of West African States; View of Africa as the region most in need of the U.N.

Examines the problems of the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations (UN). Illustration of how the UN became the hub of argument and diplomatic confrontation in Soviet Union's occupation of Iran's northern province of Azerbaijan during World War II; Reference to the oldest peacekeeping mission in Cyprus placed after the war between Greek and Turkish communities in 1964; Controversy over the doctrine of the right of humanitarian intervention.

Presents world news briefs as of February 2001. Withdrawal of United Nations troops from Congo; Taliban militia's capture of the central city of Bamiyan, Afghanistan; United States nuclear submarine's collision with a Japanese fishing vessel.

This introduction provides an overview of events influencing Australia's East Timor policy and eventual decision to support the deployment of UN peacekeepers in 1999. The piece outlines internal Australian policy discussions leading over the East Timor issue, and the Howard government's reversal of policy from backing policies of enhanced autonomy and the avoidance of the use of military force, to backing policies of East Timorese independence and the intervention of a multinational military force. The piece also sets the scene for the other articles dealing with East Timor by Desmond Ball, and Patrick Candio and Roland Bleiker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the background to the so-called 'Howard Doctrine' of 1999 in response to the problems that Australian diplomacy and defence policy encountered during the East Timor crisis. The article begins by examining the critical reaction both in Australia and abroad to the doctrine which appeared to imply Australia's increased reliance on the 'special relationship' with the US and its role as a 'deputy' of its ANZUS partner in the East Asia region. The article then demonstrates the historical origins of the doctrine's thinking in Australia's reliance since the post-war period on a system of serial bilateralism and special relationships with first the UK, the US and then Indonesia. However, the article also points out the essential vulnerabilities inherent in this type of serial bilateralism and its relative inability to respond effectively to the East Timor crisis. Finally, the article considers the systemic risk in Australian policy as manifested in the doctrine, and the future viability of serial bilateralism in dealing with Australia's regional diplomatic and security agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media reports connecting UN peacekeeping duties by Canadian soldiers to their subsequent suicide prompted this study of peacekeeping as suicide risk. In a case-control design we retrospectively compared 66 suicides in the Canadian military between 1990 and 1995 with two control groups: (a) 2,601 controls randomly selected from the electronic military database and (b) 66 matched controls with complete personnel and medical data. We found no increased risk of suicide in peacekeepers except among a subgroup of air force personnel. Here confounding individual factors, isolation from supports, and possibly inadequate preparation for deployment elucidated their suicides. Theater of deployment (e.g., Bosnia) did not affect the suicide rate. Military suicides experienced psychosocial stresses and psychiatric illness more often than their matched controls. We conclude that although peacekeeping per se does not increase overall suicide risk, military life-styles may strain interpersonal relationships, encourage alcohol abuse, and contribute to psychiatric illness and suicide in a minority of vulnerable individuals irrespective of peacekeeping assignment. Careful selection, and preparatory military training that encourages intragroup bonding and mutual support, may protect against suicide risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the application of the international law of armed conflict to the United Nations (UN) peace-enforcement operations. Variations and norms of UN peace operations; Operations of peacekeeping forces under the UN Charter Chapter VI 1/2 peacekeeping operations; Distinctions between peacekeeping missions authorized under UN Charter Chapter VI and peace-enforcement operations authorized under Chapter VII.

Assesses available information on the massacre of refugees during the 1996-97 war in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Historical context of the massacre's occurrence; Details of the evidence and cover-up of the massacre; Role of the United Nations peacekeeping force; Feasibility of legal instruments needing to establish standard for the protection of refugees.

Addresses the problems faced by British forces in providing command support to the commander of the United Nation's armed forces in Kosovo, Serbia. Tasks of the support battalion; Challenges in communications deployment; Issues related to the use and control of the electromagnetic spectrum; Assessment of the British forces' ability to move information around.

Focuses on the deployment of the United Nation's KFOR multinational force in Kosovo, Serbia. History of the KFOR; Threats to the deployment; Number of battalions comprising KFOR; Contingent plan developed for the defense of Kosovo; Involvement in the demilitarization of the Kosovo Liberation Army.

Reports on the United Nations intervention in the East Timor crisis. Background on the referendum on consultation for East Timor; Enforcement of humanitarian intervention by the U.N.; Historical background of East Timor; Establishment of the United Nations Mission in East Timor; Development of U.N. Transitional Authority in East Timor.

Proposes a predictive model of peacekeeping fiscal costs based on analysis of the United Nations' peacekeeping operations. Mission characteristics; Influence of length of mission and size of peacekeeping forces on the cost of peacekeeping operations; Costs of the historical development from observer to second generation missions.

Extends theories on the rationale behind the financial support given by different nations to United Nations peacekeeping operations. Voluntary contributions based on joint-product representation; Reduced-form demand equations for peacekeeping; Accounting for the simultaneity equation associated with public good allocation problems.

Discusses initiatives in the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping management. Proposals to restructure the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations; Origins and objectives of the UN; Politics in the UN General Assembly; Implications for the United States of the lack of a robust UN peacekeeping capacity.

Examines the global challenges on peace keeping and defines new doctrines and concepts of peacekeeping operations. Moral questions posed by military intervention; The case of United Nations' intervention in Bosnia; Role of regional organizations.

Responds to an article by Bruce D. Berkowitz in the Fall 1994 issue of `Orbis,' which criticized the rules of engagement (ROE) employed by the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in the former Yugoslavia. The author's tour of duty with UNPROFOR; Reaction from Bruce D. Berkowitz.

Presents the Rules of Engagement (ROE) under which the U.N. Protection Forces (UNPROFOR) operate in Bosnia. The two-way function of ROE; Security Council Resolution 721 which authorized the Bosnian operation; Complexity and flaws in ROE; The underlying problem.

Argues in favor of the United States' use of military force to address civil conflicts in other regions for humanitarian reasons. United Nations (UN) Security Council's military troops in Somalia; Moral and political considerations; Legal dimensions; Rationale behind a standing UN army; Impact on American society.

Discusses the proposal of United Nations (U.N.) Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali in his report to the Security Council, `An Agenda for Peace,' to establish a de facto U.N. army to strengthen its ability to maintain international security. Support for the proposal among U.N. member-states; Violation of collective internationalism; U.N. Resolution 688; U.N. intervention in the Belgian Congo; Freedom House reports.

The article presents the author's views on the formation of a standing United Nations (UN) army. It is observed that the establishment of such an army is neither desirable nor possible. It is opined that the hostile interests of member states are one of the many barriers standing in the formation of a permanent army. It is argued that other hindrances include, the absence of autonomous source of income, the absence of intelligence, and the weakness of existing logistical capabilities.

The article reports on the possibility of the establishment of a standing Untied Nations (UN) army. It is noted that the proposal for the creation of a permanent force under UN authority is a crucial question for the international organization. It is informed that the UN had never had such an army but in the aftermath of the Cold War it is not un-called for. It is observed that earlier the major Allied powers including the U.S. and China, examined the question and settled in the favor of on-call force. It is suggested that this question assumes more urgency since the UN peacekeeping operations have grown over the years in number and complexity.

The article presents information on the feasibility of a United Nations (UN) standing army. It is noted that the expansion of UN peacekeeping operations around the globe has brought into the focus the issue of a UN standing army. Critics of existing ad hoc arrangement have proposed standing or standby forces. It is informed that the Article 43 and Article 44 of the UN Charter create confusion regarding member states' military obligation that, in turn, create hindrance for the establishment of a standing army.

Proposes the development of a military force composed of volunteers from United Nations (UN) member states, to effectively deal with various international crisis. Comparison of the force with the UN's past interventionary efforts; Advantages in having a volunteer UN force; Review of UN peacekeeping operations.

Discusses how the United Nations' (UN) abortive operation in Somalia demonstrates a triumph of the new world order over cold-war era experience. Criticism of UN's peacekeeping approach with regards to its shortcomings as a collective security system; Conversion of operations into international peace-enforcement exercises fraught with risks; Conceptual confusions on peacekeeping inimical to UN reputation.

Examines the failure of the original United Nations Military Staff Committee in 1946-47 to illustrate the historical pitfalls of creating international armed forces. Tensions in the League of Nations; Events leading to formation of committee; Obstacles faced by committee; Conflicts between states within committee; Issue of leadership; Impact of cold war on negotiations.

Examines Russian support for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping efforts in the country. Steps taken by the Russian government to achieve the goal of consolidating and further developing the positive experience and practice of UN peacekeeping operations; History of Russia's recalcitrance on the subject of peacekeeping; Areas for superpower cooperation in peacekeeping operations in Russia.

Endorses the White Helmets Initiative, an international relief program of the United Nations. Objectives of the program; Review of international interventions in the 1990s; Call for an increase in financial support for development assistance and post-conflict reconstruction in countries.

Reports on the United Nations' (UN) efforts to establish peace and order in Rwanda and Burundi following an uprising by the Tutsi in 1994. Historical background on the conflict; Casualties; Presence of the United Nations Assistance Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR); Decision of the United States on sending peacekeeping forces; Resolution of the UN Security Council. INSET: Three options for UNAMIR, by Boutros Boutros-Ghali..

Discusses the role of United Nations (UN) in international peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance. Restricted use of military force to relieve human suffering; Intervention in Somalia and Bosnia and Hercegovina; Establishment of international early warning/crisis prevention center at UN Headquarters.