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El objetivo de este artículo es analizar qué 'otra posibilidad de Nación, en ficción, en chiquitito', como lo formula Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, le propone al lector su novela Las aventuras de la China Iron (2017). Primero, vamos a ver cómo el texto parodia las propuestas existentes en la tradición argentina, preparándose el campo imaginativo. Después, recurriendo al pensamiento del filósofo francés Jacques Rancière, vamos a demostrar cómo se construye, en Las aventuras, otro escenario para pensar la comunidad y la emancipación. Para hacerlo, vamos a utilizar varios conceptos rancierianos, como, por ejemplo, el reparto de lo sensible, aisthesis, el desacuerdo, lo posible, lo político. La tesis es que la novela no ofrece ninguna visión utópica de una sociedad finalmente perfecta, sino más bien propone una metáfora del proceso político de renegociar el mapa de lo posible, que no acaba nunca pero permite guardar esperanza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of common space has seen revived attention in activist and academic circles. In a collective and non‐monetised manner, space‐commoners seek participatory control over the urban commonwealth. Lacking, however, within common space research is a deeper understanding of space‐commoning's assumed politicality. Therefore, this article seeks to come to terms with the concept of politics and, subsequently, to highlight commoners' possibilities and pitfalls on the road towards it. Mobilising Rancière's lexicon of "police" and "politics", the Public Land Grab is discussed. This case inverts the capitalist tool of the land grab in order to oppose capital‐led development and its intrinsic inequalities. We show how commoners subvert legislation (Localism Act) and functionalisation (of land). We firstly conclude that, when critical and tactical, an engagement with municipal institutions may enhance commoning's political nature. We secondly conclude that political commoning entails a struggle that is quotidian and continuous rather than momentary and disruptive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of "literary democracy" can be traced back to the early twentieth century, which this article does by looking initially at the work of Georg Lukács. His distinctly humanist view of literary democracy resonates with other key thinkers, including Erich Auerbach and Mikhail Bakhtin. But it is in the contemporary work of Jacques Rancière that an explicit engagement with this idea resurfaces. The task, then, becomes to trace the progression in thought in the passage between these two thinkers, and to evaluate the differences in their concept of literary democracy. Whilst Lukács presents a humanist view of the relation between literature and democracy, Rancière, I argue, presents an anti-humanist view. This claim leads to a critique of Rancière's anti-humanist position, which has much in common with concepts of democracy in critical theory at-large. The essay ends by returning to Lukács' work, which provides some solutions to the problems posed by Rancière's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the attention drawn to the plastic crisis by the media and environmental campaigns, much of the practice around single-use plastic has remained unchanged. It appears that, although many know the correct position to assume regarding the issue, the 'talk' does not necessarily translate into action. This incongruity can be explained with reference to Heidegger's theory on the everydayness of discourse which suggests that a lack of authenticity underlies our everyday interactions and that what is needed is a different kind of encounter with the world. In the light of this we consider Ranciere's theory on the potential of a political artwork to disrupt the everyday and prompt a different response. Within the framework of these theories, this paper discusses a performance artwork protesting plastic pollution – namely 12 Plastic Monsters by Luke Rudman - as an alternative strategy to prompt a fresh engagement with the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo tiene como objetivo revisar el concepto de emancipación en la obra de J. Rancière, particularmente como aparece desarrollado en El maestro ignorante y El espectador emancipado. De esta forma, se muestra que la emancipación no es el fin de un proyecto histórico sino un punto de partida a través de la igualdad de las inteligencias, y por lo tanto, cualquiera puede tener acceso a esta experiencia sin un proceso de concientización o un maestro explicador. Por último, reflexionamos sobre los posibles retos y posibilidades del método de la igualdad. Palabras claves: Rancière, emancipación, igualdad de las inteligencias, disenso.

Autori polaze od Ranciereovih teza o ideologijskom konsenzusu u društvenim‎ znanostima kako bi istražili je li tranzitologija nestala iz hrvatske politologije.‎ Istraživanje se temelji na tranzitologijskim prilozima koji su objavljeni u hrvatskome‎ politološkom časopisu Politička misao u posljednja tri desetljeća. U članku‎ se pokazuje da je hrvatska tranzitologija dio sveobuhvatnog konsenzusa o podudarnosti‎ demokracije i kapitalizma nastaloga 1989. U istraživanju povijesti i stanja‎ hrvatske tranzitologije u desetljeću poslije prvih višestranačkih izbora primjenjuje‎ se Ranciereovo shvaćanje (liberalne) metapolitike. U istraživanje drugog desetljeća‎ tranzitologije autori koriste Ranciereovo shvaćanje "konsenzusne demokracije"‎ koja razvija težnju ka istovjetnosti političke forme i društvenog stanja. Pokazuje se‎ da hrvatska tranzitologija u drugoj fazi smatra da konsolidaciju demokracije treba‎ objasniti uvođenjem "nepolitičkih čimbenika" kao što su pravna država, civilno‎ društvo i demokratska politička kultura. Svi se oni mogu podvesti pod Ranciereovo‎ shvaćanje konsenzusne demokracije jer se pomoću nje kani ostvariti spomenuta‎ istovjetnost. Kako se danas čini da je tranzitologija zastarjela, u članku se pokazuje‎ da hrvatska tranzitologija još živi kroz identifikaciju devijacija i nedostataka hrvatskog‎ društva. To postiže tako što svako odstupanje od normativnih ideala tranzicije‎ prevodi u "nefunkcionalno", odnosno u "ime problema" (Ranciere), koji treba neku‎ unaprijed definiranu (reformsku) intervenciju. Tako se u nju unose teleologijski elementi‎ kojima se iznova potvrđuje želja da povijest završi u univerzalnoj tvorbi koju‎ čini neraskidiva veza demokracije i kapitalizma.‎

This paper addresses the problem of voice in the contemporary reflection on politics and education. The first part examines the notions of contemporary thinkers who devoted their works to this question. The second part is an analysis of Freire’s project of liberatory education. The aim of the second part is to disclose the hidden dimensions of the project and to examine the main weaknesses of such an approach.

The classical distinction between leisure and work is often used to define features of the emancipated life. In Aristotle leisure is defined as time devoted to purposeful activity, and distinguished from the labour time expended merely to produce life’s necessities. In critical theory, this classical distinction has been adapted to provide an image of emancipated life, as purposively driven, fulfilling and meaningful activity. Aspects of this adapted definition undermine the classical leisure/work distinction to the extent that the demand for meaningful work, i.e., a leisure-work conjunction, is now used as a critical perspective on unfulfilling, oppressive labour. Rancière, however, is critical both of this idea of an extended franchise for leisure and of its dependence on craft and artisanal labour as the model of satisfying, skilled work. Instead of Aristotelian leisure, or ‘fulfilling’ work, Rancière identifies in the state of reverie an alternative marker for the emancipated life. The theme is consistent across the scattered archival, historiographical, philosophical, literary and aesthetic contexts his writing treats. But since reverie is defined as disengagement from action, the position raises a number of difficulties. This article examines how Rancière connects reverie to emancipation. It focuses on two questions: the nature of the relation between his definition of reverie and the classical, Aristotelian concept of action; and, whether, given the constitutive non-relation between reverie and action that he outlines, Rancière’s position can address the persistent problem in critical theory of the motivation for the emancipated life. It is argued that his highlighting of the potential communicative significance of modes and scenes of emancipated life is relevant to this problem. The key argument is that rather than developing a ‘theory’, his approach to emancipation focuses on and values communicable experiences of emancipation, and that states of reverie are one such type of valued experience.

This paper explores the relation between perception, invizibilization and recognizability in the work of Rancière, Honneth and Butler. Recognizability is the term employed here to indicate the perceptual process that necessarily occurs prior to a normative or ethical act of recognition and that provides the conditions that make recognition possible. The notion of recognizability points to the fact that perception is not merely a disinterested surveying of the perceptual field but indicates that it is already evaluative in the sense that others are immediately distinguishable from other objects. When a failure of recognizability occurs, it is not due to the fact that the other has not been seen in a literal sense but instead that she has been intentionally ignored or invisibilized. The suggestion made here is that despite their different approaches, a comparison and dialogue between these three thinkers highlights the importance of this constellation of issues for critical theory.

While Jacques Rancière has never been affiliated in any way with the Institute for Social Research, this article examines the extent to which his work could be considered “Critical Theory” in the sense most closely associated with the Frankfurt School tradition. I argue that Rancière’s work is not critical theory in this narrow sense; I further lay out a kind of “Rancièrean” criticism of the very project of Frankfurt School Critical Theory. This in turn allows me to sketch out a version of Critical Theory that might survive a Rancièrean critique. Even by this renewed conception, however, I argue that Rancière’s own work still cannot be considered a project of Critical Theory; but I finish the essay by laying out what a possible “Rancièrean” Critical Theory might look like, and why I think such a project would be valuable.

Overview of the special issue on Jacques Ranciere and Critical Theory, along with some additional thoughts.

What to do with Adorno’s Aesthetic Theory? An Interview with Jacques Rancière Conducted by Andrea Allerkamp, Katia Genel, and Mariem Hazoume Translated by Owen Glyn-Williams This interview was originally published in French as “Que faire de la théorie esthétique d’Adorno ?”in Où en sommes-nousavec la Théorie esthétique d'Adorno ? (Pontcerq, 2018).

Although Jacques Rancière and Jürgen Habermas share several important commitments, they interpret various core concepts differently, viewing politics, democracy, communication, and disagreement in conflicting ways. Rancière articulates his democratic vision in opposition to important elements of Habermas’s approach. Critics contend that Habermas cannot account for the dynamics of command, exclusion, resistance, and aesthetic transformation involved in Rancière’s understanding of politics. In particular, the prominent roles Habermas affords to communicative rationality and consensus have led people to think that he cannot grasp the radical forms of political disagreement Rancière describes. While some have viewed Rancière as offering a trenchant challenge to Habermas, I will contend that Rancière’s critique is less compelling than some have thought. Habermasian understandings of third personal speech and aesthetic expression are nuanced and adaptable enough to evade Rancière’s criticisms. I conclude by suggesting that Habermasian theorists have also developed crucial forms of social and political critique that Rancière’s theory systematically excludes.

Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Rancière treat speech as the medium for politics and, likewise, both diagnose the pathologies that follow from blockages on civic speech. That said, these broad commonalities give rise to significant divides regarding the social ontology of language, the forms of power that attend linguistic exchange, and how speech informs democratic agency. Ultimately, the essay will argue that Rancière highlights the political deficits within deliberative commitments to democratic values. In doing so, his challenge yields broader insights for a democratic politics of speech and the linguistic resources that facilitate such a politics.

RESUMO O presente artigo pretende sistematizar os principais elementos do conceito de "cena", termo fundamental para a conexão entre teoria e método no pensamento do filósofo francês Jacques Rancière. O "método da igualdade" empregado por Rancière pretende, entre outras coisas, delimitar os diferentes momentos de conflito entre regimes de verdade e atos de tomada da palavra - independentemente de classificações feitas a priori como dados para se investigar um objeto de estudo - por meio do conceito de "literalidade", que demonstra duas lógicas distintas de circulação das palavras: de um lado, uma lógica "policial"; de outro, uma lógica "política". Desta maneira, o conceito de "cena" é um elemento central em uma significativa mudança da relação teoria-metodologia-objeto defendida por boa parte do meio acadêmico, inclusive na área de história, nos dias atuais, uma vez que toma a própria noção de historicidade como descontínua e considera amplamente a racionalidade das palavras em vez da minuciosa articulação dos fatos.

RESUMO Este artigo versa sobre a relação entre a obra de Rancière e os escritos de Jacotot, sobre os quais a primeira se debruça. Para Jacotot, observa-se que o ato de educar deve ser revestido pelo pressuposto da igualdade, o que constitui antes um postulado político do que uma orientação de caráter pedagógico. O educador inscreve-se em um programa de ação voltado para a criação de cenas de igualdade, mediante uma perspectiva educacional passível de ser fundada em um princípio universalizável. Procurar-se-á cotejar esse debate, não apenas com a literatura pedagógica contemporânea, mas também com a maneira pela qual os próprios contemporâneos interpretaram a experiência de Jacotot.

This article analyses the aesthetics of silent political resistance by focusing on refugees' silent political action. The starting point for the analysis is Jacques Rancière's philosophy and his theorisation of the aesthetics of politics. The article enquires into the aesthetic meaning of silent refugee activism and interprets how refugees' silent acts of resistance can constitute aesthetically effective resistance to what can be called the 'speech system' of statist, representative democracy. The article analyses silence as a political tactic and interprets the emancipatory meaning of silent politics for refugees. It argues that refugees' silent acts of political resistance can powerfully affect aesthetic, political subversion in prevailing legal-political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Hegelian opposition between institutions of Police and Corporation, leading to the objective spirit formed in the notion of the State. Juxtaposing both of Hegel's institutions against the usage of these notions proposed by Jacques Rancière (Police) and Alain Badiou (State of the Situation) opens a critical dividing line. We emphasize the inadequate handling of economic factors inherent in both notions, consequently obfuscating the economic conditioning of the political dimension in the social body. Moreover, we supplement both of the institutions with an economic-counterpart notion; to Police we add "Private Property" and to Corporation "State of Technology". Further, we apply Badiou's handling of Hegel's dialectics as the dialectics of "constitutive scission". The dialectical play of private property and state of technology is distinguished in the dialectics of algebra of places and topology of localizations. The resulting intersection is shown to be the place of torsion – corresponding to the place of the Subject – an interval, where we confront an uttered "wrong", an interruption in the smooth counting of parts in a social body. This torsion is an immanent backside operation of the economic structure as far as it is a necessary factor in the upsurge of political subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that human geography's scale debate has arrived at somewhat of an impasse surrounding scale's relative position to ontology. Divides are most evident between those that see scales as 'already existing' and those considering this as a form of 'ontological reification' that stifles our understanding of politics. I suggest that reading the 'politics of scale' through Jacques Rancière's political thinking, and in particular his aesthetic approach to the problem of ontological reductionism, can offer one way forward. It enables geographers to take existing 'common-sense' ideas around scale seriously whilst also being sensitive to emergent politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper engages with radical democratic theory in light of the so-called 'return of the people' taking place in contemporary political discourse. I argue that the return of the people should not be seen only as a return of politics strictly speaking, but also as a process by which elements of the social that had previously been excluded from politics enter the political sphere. Framing the problem in this way calls for a view to how politics is circumscribed, distinguished from the social but also, at various moments, broken open. At the same time, I call for paying increased attention to how the notion of the people takes shape beyond the political sphere, off the metaphorical political stage. By examining how the people is constructed in cultural and social movements, off the political stage, we can better understand the form taken by the people when it appears in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the publication of The Origins of Totalitarianism in 1951, Hannah Arendt's phrase the 'right to have rights' and her claim that having rights depends on belonging to and being recognized by 'some kind of organized community' have become key provocations on citizenship, statelessness and human rights. Arendt, however, has been criticized as perpetuating a state-centric framework that scholars and activists alike have sought to reimagine. In particular, the French political theorist Jacques Rancière argues that Arendt's 'right to have rights' formula is based on an artificial distinction between the social and the political, which creates an overly narrow definition of the political subject. This article contends that in the post-9/11 era, the distinction, often attributed to Arendt, between 'Man' and 'Citizen' is increasingly blurred; yet it suggests that this blurring does not necessarily offer any emancipatory potential. It argues that while national citizenship is still meaningful, being a citizen may not be so different from being a mere human in certain contexts. The article examines three sets of cases shaping the United Kingdom's 'regime of nationality deprivation' in which people are stripped of their UK citizenship for terrorism-related offences: Al-Jedda (2013), Pham (2015, 2018) and K2 (2015). First, it explores the tensions in the regime's attempt to reconcile a fundamental inconsistency between the recognition of the human right to nationality and the sovereignty of the state to define the citizen; and second, it considers the regime's spatial control of the denationalization process whereby denationalization orders are commonly issued and thus also contested when the targeted citizen is outside the UK's jurisdiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores aspects of Creative Music in Education [CMinED] practices through a political philosophy perspective based on Jacques Rancière's approach to the notion of democracy. The paper begins with three cautionary tales about the difficult encounter between democracy and music education. This sets the stage for introducing a Rancièrian approach to democracy and music education. On the basis of this analysis, it is then proposed that the musical an-archê induced by Creative Music in Education practices, and in particular, by free improvisation, can be seen as a form of "studious play," a concept that comes from Giorgio Agamben (2005) and has been reworked from a philosophy of education perspective (Lewis 2013, 2014, Jasinski 2018. Jasinski and Lewis 2016). Studious play departs from the imposed repetition resulting from induction into musical traditions, but at the same time, it moves away from views of play as mere selfexpression. By suspending but not rejecting musical traditions and practices, it continually moves between making ever new beginnings (αρχές/archês) and playing with and through the rules (αρχές/archês). The paper concludes by proposing that CMinED practices centering on experimental composing and improvising might be a means for practicing democracy through a pedagogy of studious play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Carbon accounts cannot capture all perspectives on carbon accountability. • The expert consensus depoliticises alternative perspectives on carbon accountability. • The political thinking of Rancière enables scholars to attend to the un counted. • To repoliticise we must embrace disagreement surrounding carbon accountability. This paper explores the relationship between accounting, standardisation and politics through the case of a protest surrounding Manchester's carbon accountability. Responding to critiques that literature on the relation between accounting and politics tends to overlook silences and fundamental disagreements surrounding the 'uncounted', this paper mobilises the political thinking of Jacques Rancière. In doing so, it joins an emerging body of literature considering accounting in relation to pluralism and difference. Rancière's political thought provides a way to consider the limits of consensus on what should count, the subjectivity in how we count, who is able to make things count, and how particular regimes of counting are sustained and disrupted. Empirically, this paper considers the City of Manchester's carbon accounts and targets at the time of their 2010 Stakeholder Conference and an activist attempt to declare Manchester Airport as the 'elephant in the room'. It draws upon interviews with policymakers, activists, experts and accountants working in Manchester. Mobilising Rancière's notion of postdemocracy, I demonstrate how the consensus around standardisation is used to depoliticise disagreements on what emissions should 'count' and conclude by offering reflection on how repoliticisation might occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filozofski Vestnik is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Filozofski Vestnik is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Filozofski Vestnik is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contemporary politics has brought the figure of the 'uneducated' into glaring view, from Trump's 'love' of the 'poorly educated' to analyses suggesting a supposed 'uneducated populous' is responsible for the rise of far-right politics. In this paper I respond to this so-called 'post-truth' contemporary moment by considering how education underpins many 'progressive' or 'left' responses to rightist political impulses and flesh out the repercussions of such a stance. Specifically, I explore the ramifications for the notion of the 'educated' through a critical reading of political philosopher Jacques Ranciere. I suggest the need to understand the question of education (and 'poor education') within the context of capitalist political interests and the linking of educational institutions with elitism and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore the idea that there is a fundamental ethical aspect that precedes social constructionism. I suggest that within social constructionism we can identify a development from seeing knowledge as socially constructed (epistemological social constructionism) to seeing not only knowledge, but also corporeal ways of being as socially constructed (ontological social constructionism). As a next step, I propose incorporating what I refer to as ethical realism in social constructionist perspectives. In the encounter with the other human being, I argue that there is a real ethical impulse that precedes social constructionism and puts it in motion. This impulse is real in the sense that it is neither constructed within, nor is it dependent upon, any particular social–cultural–historical context. In this paper I consider the ethical aspects of human encounters that allow for a constructionist epistemology and ontology to emerge in the first place. I make use of ideas from Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Rancière and consider how these thinkers are used in the work of Gert Biesta. The ideas are discussed in relation to findings from a previous study by the author and his colleagues exploring the experiences of adolescents taking part in mental health services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with the political struggles staged by illegalised migrants and activists in solidarity amid the long summer of migration and the "Greek crisis". Grounding its analysis on Orfanotrofio's housing squat in Thessaloniki, it narrates how such struggles are articulated to politicise migration and stage the equality of newcomers—migrants and refugees—and locals. Drawing on Jacques Rancière's political writings and contemporary geographical work on solidarity, the article argues that such struggles not only disrupt the exclusionary ordering of our cities but also construct political spaces and infrastructures of dissensus wherein equals in solidarity discuss common political problems and devise common political strategies. Through the notion of equals in solidarity, the article investigates how the performative enactment of equality can form the basis for solidarities across differences and analyses how some of the tensions that emerge around collective political subjectification are negotiated. Building on this, it explores some of the challenges and limitations that these struggles face in their efforts to transform the existing order of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The project What If We Just Dance was performed in a number of Athenian secondary schools before it was cancelled due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The performance was created as an exploration to bring together contemporary dance techniques, such as release and contact improvisation, with street dance. Its aim was to capture the young audience’s attention and curiosity by triggering associations and dissociations. The feedback session after the performance was structured as an open discussion, in the form of interactive theatre criticism. This kind of reciprocal theatrical criticism relocates the role of the viewer and hence creates a space that transforms the act of learning into a process of emancipation, echoing Jacques Rancière’s thinking on art and education. In other words, the introduction of contemporary art and criticism into public education led the students to the ongoing act of becoming politically aware.

Este artigo explora a relação entre percepção e reconhecibilidade nos trabalhos de Honneth, Rancière e Butler. O termo reconhecibilidade é utilizado para indicar o processo perceptivo que necessariamente antecede um ato normativo ou ético de reconhecimento e que fornece as condições que tornam o reconhecimento possível. A noção de reconhecibilidade aponta o fato de que a percepção não corresponde a uma mera observação desinteressada do campo perceptivo e indica que tal apreensão já é valorativa, uma vez que outras pessoas são imediatamente distinguíveis de outros objetos. Quando a reconhecibilidade fracassa, não é porque a outra pessoa não foi vista no sentido literal, mas sim porque ela foi intencionalmente ignorada ou invisibilizada. A sugestão que faço aqui é a de que, embora possuam abordagens distintas, uma comparação e um diálogo entre esses três pensadores explicita a importância dessa constelação de questões para a teoria crítica.

The paper discusses the emancipatory potential of Uruguayan Vocational Educational and Training (VET) practices, usually associated with job discourses, skills and training. In doing so, we revisit Rancière’s work concerning intellectual emancipation to provide us with a guide to connect with the phenomena studied, as a lens to look at and to problematize emancipation in concrete practices on a heuristic level. Thus, the paper is structured as follows. First, we describe the context of Uruguayan VET practices. Second, we discuss Rancière’s key concepts about emancipation in education. Third, we craft a conversation between the empirical and theoretical work, in view of exploring concrete VET practices from the axiom of equality. Last, the text concludes with a reflection on new meanings regarding Rancière’s intellectual emancipation that deserve further attention and allow us to identify other forms of emancipatory potential in VET practices, to move beyond its currently predominant functionalist understanding.

This paper will explore a Sophist tradition of educational thought, which is concerned with the world and not a sphere of ideas as distinct from the world, and to suggest some central distinctions and concepts following from such tradition today. The distinctions which are discussed are between; upbringing, schooling and education; aristocratic versus democratic principle of education; aristocratic versus democratic conception of nature; and, culture as static versus culture as praxis. Equality is highlighted in the paper as a central concept for democracy as well as education and are discussed through Jacques Rancière. The distinctions established will also make clear what is at stake if we consider educational thought as conditional for democracy and a liveable life for anyone. The contrast between the aristocratic principle and the democratic principle for education will centre on conceptions of violence and nonviolence, in accordance with Judith Butler and Franco “Bifo” Berardi’s analyses. In a final paragraph the paper discusses how equality play out in relation to teaching, and the discussion is extended by exploring Judith Butler’s conception of ‘grievability’. The paper concludes by suggesting that education is the ethical-political potentiality of a new beginning within the present order of things, and therefore the very praxis of change of this order, and therefore what makes paideia possible in the first place.

Resumen El siguiente artículo sugiere una resignificación de lo que se entiende por pensamiento crítico en el siglo XXI. Para ello, analiza la objeción esbozada por Jacques Rancière al proyecto del marxismo científico basado en la concientización y en la ignorancia de la clase trabajadora, y señala de paso la necesidad de proponer otra forma de pensamiento crítico que se encuentre lejos del modelo de la lógica de la denuncia y de su insistencia en el tópico de la incapacidad e ignorancia de las masas. Finalmente, reflexiona sobre algunas de las consecuencias políticas de practicar esta forma renovada de pensar críticamente.

El presente trabajo busca reconstruir la teoría del sujeto de Alain Badiou para aplicarla al campo de la educación. En este sentido, aborda la propuesta pedagógica de Joseph Jacotot desarrollada por Jacques Rancière y otras experiencias de educación atravesadas por los principios de igualdad, emancipación y autogestión. El artículo caracteriza el proceso formal de constitución de diversos sujetos colectivos desplegados a partir de un acontecimiento en la educación.

Em seu livro Aisthesis (2011), Jacques Rancière registra as múltiplas cenografias pelas quais um regime de percepção e de interpretação da arte se constitui e se transforma ao deslegitimar as especificidades das expressões artí­sticas e as fronteiras que durante muito tempo as separaram da experiência ordinária. Tal empreitada narrativa constitui um último esforço do filosofo para desautorizar a noção de modernidade como categoria explicativa – e a relação problemática que introduz entre o curso da História e o devir das artes. Ela preconiza, ainda, uma "contra-história da modernidade artí­stica" , cuja qualificação crí­tica para a leitura da arte contemporânea este artigo procura avaliar.

By analysing Jacques Rancière’s conception of art regimes and taking the practical example of paintings by Lithuanian artist Vincas Kisarauskas, it is demonstrated that by thinking about the modern art in the 20th century as the intersection of the three art regimes by Rancière, we might escape from the binary oppositions still prevailing in the interpretations of modern art in post-soviet and post-socialist countries, and also escape the current narratives of late and silent modernisms implying the belatedness and disability of modern art created in Soviet Lithuania. By writing histories of modern art with Rancière, it is possible to claim that at least a part of Lithuanian modern art is neither late nor silent. On the contrary, the part operating in the aesthetic regime of art becomes a space of search for the new tropes of expression and of the common sensual fabric of life.

En discusiones sobre filosofía política contemporánea se reiteran una serie de lugares comunes en torno al pensamiento de Rancière que neutralizan la potencia de sus apuestas. Me refiero, en particular, a una comprensión dicotómica de la distinción rancieriana entre policía y política; a una interpretación ontológica de esta diferencia; a una identificación de las reflexiones políticas de Rancière como anti-institucionalistas; y a una lectura de las prácticas de emancipación como si se tratara de algo efímero, sin algún efecto perdurable para el mundo común. En este artículo cuestiono estas lecturas haciendo valer una serie de aspectos significativos de los planteamientos de Rancière, que se pierden de vista en aquellas.