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In 1973, Romania joined The International Criminal Police Organization - Interpol. Thus, Romania became the second country in Eastern Europe, after Yugoslavia, to join this organization. Following the accession to Interpol, the Miliția (Romanian police) was appointed as the law enforcement agency to maintain permanent relations with foreign police forces. The study aims to present the domestic and international context that made this affiliation possible, as well as the bureaucratic mechanisms used by a communist state to join an international organization belonging to the Western world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined how the emergent militia groups in post-Gadhafi Libya shaped the contours of migration in the state. The study is anchored on the gate-keeper state theory. The documentary method of data collection was employed while qualitative analysis of data was adopted. The study found that the fall of the Gadhafi regime in 2011 created interstices exploited by local armed militia groups to commoditize migrants in Libya. Again, the armed militia groups served as agents of the three warring governments in Libya for securing their regime/territories and as agents of European countries, particularly Italy, to thwart the flow of irregular migrants to Europe. The commoditization of migrants by militia groups coalesced with the antimigration strategies adopted by some European countries to create a migration crisis in which an avalanche of irregular migrants became trapped in Libya and was subjected to exploitation and slavery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the topic of militia as a phenomenon in Central Europe after WW I. It is analysed using the example of the Heimwehr movement in Austria, which was a regionally differentiated group with a radical anti-Marxist stance and bearing all signs of fascist orientation. The research looks for specific features of this type of militia in the context of the First Austrian Republic from the beginning of the movement in 1919 until the thirties when its influence peaked. Also the ideological background of the Heimwehr and the idea of the “Estates state” (Ständestaat) of Othmar Spann is a part of the analysis. The Heimwehr had been steadily pushing for an anti-democratic change of the political system. The authoritarian course of the Dollfuss’ government that Heimwehr helped establish culminated in a civil war in February 1934. The Austrian Social Democratic Party was outlawed. In spite of the problematic sympathy with Nazism of the Styrian group of the Heimwehr, the part of the Heimwehr under the leadership of Ernst Rüdiger Starhemberg decisively helped the Austrian government to successfully withstand he onslaught from Austrian Nazis and the pressure coming from the Third Reich in the critical time between Spring 1933 and Summer 1934.

This paper presents the reconstruction of circumstances and events in Rogatica and its surroundings in 1941 on the basis of two sources that have not been used in historical literature devoted to developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1941 to 1945. The author follows the main thread of the narrative of the respective sources, links their notices with the information and statements of other complementary sources and literature and brings a picture of life of a small East-Bosnian city, which, due to its geographical location, ethnic composition of the population, historical heritage and other causes and circumstances, suffered extremely difficult days of fear, destruction, violence and crime in the first year of the Second World War in the occupied Yugoslavia.

The article discusses the activities of the militia of the Kemerovo Region for combating desertion from production and front in 1943 – 1945 with particular attention to the causes of the desertion from the industrial enterprises of the region in wartime. The article reflects the interaction of the Soviet and party bodies with police structures in addressing the problem of desertion, for the adoption of measures related to timely identification of persons who escaped from enterprises and front. The social danger of the phenomenon is represented in terms of complication of a criminogenic situation in the region. The article presents the regulatory framework, in accordance with which the prosecution of deserters from production and front was carried out, and shows the essence of the applied punishment. Some statistics on types of crimes committed by these categories of people are given. In preparing this study we used: the normative-legal acts, documents of the several funds of the State archive of Kemerovo Region (GAKO), a number of which is introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

In the last two decades, the historiography has demonstrated the plurality of normative contexts within early modern empires. This article aims to show that these local variations also concern the languages of belonging and classification practices of actors. Between 1763 and 1803, several small islands of the West Indies experienced multiple changes of sovereignty, which implied major social and demographic changes. St. Lucia, Grenada and Dominica, sometimes French, sometimes British, were tangled worlds, distinct but connected, crossed by two empires, into a regional integrated area. The study of colored militiamen allows to examine –in each of these contexts– the articulation of different mechanisms of social domination: wealth, subjecthood, race, but also language and religion. This article shows that the entanglement of different imperial grammars reinforced the ability of actors to negotiate locally their social affiliations, including race

Copyright of Outre-Mers: Revue d'Histoire is the property of Societe Francaise d'Histoire d'Outre Mer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Dieciochistas is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Shi'a militias that have been involved in the war in Syria since 2011 were dispatched by Iran from neighboring countries, and they have exploited their position as aid‐givers by implementing a long‐term scheme of Iran regarding Syria. This article seeks to define the purpose and modus operandi of the involvement of these militias in Syria, as a case study of Iranian policy throughout the region. The essence and purposes of this regional policy has been analyzed using realistic and soft power approaches, alongside political thought from the Sh'ia Islam and the fundamentals of the Islamic Revolution; the reflection of this policy in Syria is identified by tracing reports and publications regarding the complicity of the Shi'a militias in the war. The article claims that war‐racked Syria is a sort of test case for Iran protecting itself by attempting to spread its hegemony — and thus deterrence — across the region, a plan that is combined with and carried out through an ideological Jihadist promotion of an Islamic order. Accordingly, the Shi'a militias are striving to ensure a lasting foothold for Iran in the areas in Syria that are essential to Iranian regional aspirations, by imposing Iranian political, military, and religious influences among these territories and populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the media strategy developed by the militia in Bali, a civil troop organizes itself into a security service. Bali has experienced massive tourism industrialization meaning security services are required. Unfortunately, these groups are often associated with "premanism" (thuggery). In the period of 2012 - 2016, these militia groups spent much energy reforming their organizations' image. Various strategies have been developed, using public information space to expose their organizations' brand of populism. The research question then, is what media strategy has the militia adopted to reform their organizations' image? To answer this question, data was collected by interview, observation and documentation. This research found that the types of publicity used by mass organizations in Bali are primarily pure publicity and paid publicity. Pure publicity can be seen at every celebration of religious holidays. The three main mass organizations in Bali seem to compete to congratulate the holidays with large billboard campaigns on the edge of the highway. On most occassions, the billboards also display photos of the leaders of these mass organizations. These leaders claimed that the initial purpose of installing the billboards was both to show a sense of tolerance towards other religions and to highlight the existence of these organizations. Paid publicity is usually undertaken in the form of advertorials. Meanwhile, they also use social media to publicize their social activities. Different from the traditional media they use, their social media represents their populist image as a tolerant social organization under the cultural wisdom "Ajeg Bali", reflected by the use of Balinese Gods, weapons and colors as their symbols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the degree of autonomy the Ukrainian volunteer battalions had from the regular forces during the war in Donbas. The findings indicate that the degree of autonomy was high and that in particular, three initial conditions were decisive for this outcome: (1) the relative level of militia military strength in the initial states of conflict; (2) the degree of agenda overlap; (3) the degree of bottom-up organization. The empirical evidence further suggests that the three factors produced the identified outcome through the mechanisms of "institutional lock-in," "performance interdependence," and "entitlement." Consequently, the Ukrainian state and regular forces ended up accepting a higher degree of autonomy, in terms of command and control, on the part of the volunteer battalions than they otherwise probably would have preferred. This outcome contributed significantly to saving the sovereignty of the Ukrainian state in 2014–2015, but may also have created conditions for challenges to the same state further down the road. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scientific Annals of the "Stefan cel Mare" Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Moldova / Revista Stiintifica a Academiei Stefan cel Mare is the property of Stefan cel Mare University, Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Moldova / Ministerul Afe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article surveys Quakers who died in the First World War in the service of their country, not necessarily as members of the armed forces, although the majority were such. The narrative highlights the context within which the Quaker Peace Testimony should be understood, especially in relation to the issue of compulsory military service. That testimony does not entail adherence to a pacifist stance, although an abhorrence of war and the promotion of peace was still paramount within London Yearly Meeting from 1914 to 1918. It was to be the issue of 'liberty of conscience' as a general principle that ensured unity within it when the voices of dissent were at times challenging and divisive. This article seeks to redress a misinterpretation of the testimony, but more importantly seeks to uncover the story of a group of men whose sacrifice has been overlooked and largely forgotten. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Irish Militia, formed in 1793 to defend Ireland from French invasion, represented almost two‐thirds of the British garrison in Ireland during the French Revolutionary Wars. The Irish Militia was also significant as it was a coming together of the upper‐class Anglo‐Irish Protestant military tradition, represented by the officer corps, and the Catholic majority, who filled the ranks. This article explores how successfully or unsuccessfully these competing Irish identities came together in the Donegal Regiment of Militia, examining how the officers overcame challenges and fostered a regimental identity that was capable of weathering the violence of the 1798 rebellion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period sees the transition of the ordinary fighter from feudal levy, yeoman or city burgher militia, to subject in an absolute polity, to today’s concept of the free citizen in a democratic state. In the period, the Swiss Confederacy was the only major polity that was not monarchical, but republican, and at the same time eschewed a standing army in favour of continued reliance on militia throughout.

The paper will examine the theory of the interoperability of armed forces through the case of he Slovenian Independence War of 1991. Although defense system interoperability is a well-established concept, there are many obstacles to its implementation. Some defense systems do not deliberately support the idea of interoperability. One such example is the total defense system in SFR Yugoslavia, which is comprised of two defense components: the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA) and territorial defense structures organized by the federal republic. The question of interoperability is highly relevant since the war was fought between the YPA and the defense forces of the newly proclaimed independent state, Slovenia, who were partners in the total defense concept. Due to the clear asymmetry, interoperability offered a great advantage in the independence war. The Slovenian defense forces were combined into three structures: the former militia as an internal security element, the territorial defense as a military component, and the national protection forces as a “civil” defense element. Although each structure had its own command and organizational structure, during the Slovenian War they were combined into a well-structured and organized defense element that achieved victory against a much stronger, better equipped, and better supported army.

The article analyses the status and problems of continuity in the personnel policy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Mari ASSR from 1961 to 1991. The authors examine the basic forms and methods of ensuring the continuity of militia personnel and underline the obvious achievements and drawbacks made in this work.

Drawing on fresh archival sources – a type-written appeal submission launched by a Soviet advocate in a move to overturn his client's sodomy conviction in 1969, and a handbook for advocates with guidelines on how to defend individuals accused of sodomy, published in 1977 – this article will shed new light on how sodomy cases were handled by the police under Brezhnev and how advocates sought to overturn sentences in these cases. The article will demonstrate that quashing sodomy convictions on appeal was a challenging task for Soviet advocates. It will also seek answers to the following questions: What arguments did Soviet advocates use to defend their clients in sodomy cases? What were the authorities' responses to these arguments? And what challenges did investigators face when dealing with those accused of sodomy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Obedience was one of the essential characters of the Jesuit way of being and it determined also the ideals of sacrifice and martyrdom. During the xvi century, we can distinguish two moments. Ignatius of Loyola, reader of Erasmus, saw in Christ's sacrifice also a reflection of his human nature. Bellarmine affirmed that between God's sacrifice and human martyrdom it was a gap: Christ's death was the accomplishment of the prophecy of the Old Testament of the death of God,in human and missionary martyrdom the Jesuits saw the testimony of the «imitatio Christi». But in order to be an action of religion the death of Jesuit had to be inspired by the will of obedience to the hierarchy of the Company, which directed the "militia". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the history of Isfahan during the five centuries between the arrival of the Turks and the beginning of the Safavid period. It attempts to identify the continuities and ruptures from three different perspectives: To what extent can we speak of an urban decline? What was the relationship of the Isfahanis with the imperial rulers? How did the general context impact the makeup and the organisation of the society? It appears that Isfahan demonstrated remarkable resilience over the period, and that it is only beginning with the Timurid period that we can speak of a decline. Likewise, there is remarkable continuity in the ways in which the local elites collaborated with or resisted the imperial players. The role of the Ṣāʿid family, which held the cadial function over four centuries, is emblematic in this respect. Conversely, under special circumstances, the imperial players were able to exert great substantial influence on the local communities, and it is this political backing which explains the strengthening of the Hanafis in the sixth/twelfth century, and that of the Shiis in the following. One of the main accomplishments of this synthesis view of Isfahan history is that it assesses the effects of the Mongol domination relative to that of other periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates how an integral element of the fabric of governance on the eastern Indonesian island of Lombok, and many other parts of the Indonesian archipelago, are non-state local security arrangements, such as night watches and militias. These groups play a significant role in the local infrastructure of security and law enforcement. Consequently, this article challenges a common assumption by legal scholars, and many other observers of Indonesia, that state-based institutions such as the police are the exclusive, and only legitimate, mode of law enforcement in Indonesia. Through an ethnographic engagement with the idea of law enforcement on Lombok, I seek to broaden these assumptions about legitimate modes of statecraft. These non-state entities fill a void in the Indonesian law enforcement architecture that the state is unable or unwilling to fulfil (or potentially finds it more practical to delegate to local non-state institutions). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao, Benjamin Schwartz noted that although key elements of Mao Zedong's emerging revolutionary strategy can be found in his "Report on an Investigation of the Agrarian Movement in Hunan," "nowhere in this 'Report' do we find any discussion of the question of military power." This observation feeds a broader assumption about China's 1926 National Revolution that the Communist Party's failure was largely a result of its single-minded focus on the organization of mass organizations at the expense of any attempt to create a revolutionary military force--in effect yielding the military realm to the Nationalist Party under Chiang Kai-shek. Chiang's later use of military force to suppress mass organizations is generally seen as leading to Mao's realization that "political power comes from the barrel of a gun," with a new stress on the need for the CCP to develop its own military power. This article argues that Mao was in fact not so oblivious to the importance of military power in 1926, but--as clearly noted in his "Report"--he saw greater potential for the development of military power in mass militia than in regular army units. In the end, such mass militia were still no match for Chiang's armies, but many militia forces survived to form the foundation for later Communist military forces. This article, then, seeks to better illuminate early stress on the importance of militia as a revolutionary military force in the National Revolution and the struggles that resulted from this assumption over how militia should be organized and who should control them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are described aspects of the activity of the Medical-Legal Commissions for Adults and Minors from 1966-1989. Next is the situation of a 12-year-old minor holding a US dollar bill. In 1982, the head of the local police made a criminal case, for illegal currency detention. The minor is being investigated in the commune and to the county police, who are requesting "according to the law" to perform a Medico Legal Psychiatric Expertise. Police officers knew that under the law in force, the juvenile is not held responsible, but they have started pursuing and drawing up the criminal case. The armed militant platooner and the boy's mother accompany the minor to the train, traveling in separate compartments of the wagon, detained for the transport of criminals. The Commission's case expertise is carried out. We report the evolution of this situation until the end of the criminal investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) through a revised Weberian framework that focuses on legitimacy and offers a thick description of the different phases of this armed group. The article argues that the key to fostering cohesion is the harmonization of the micro, meso, and macro levels. This proved a difficult undertaking for the MODEL. Not only did the MODEL lack material resources but it also relied on different and evolving kinds of legitimacy on these levels. With its sources of legitimacy exhausted after the war, the MODEL ceased to exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces the African Relational Pro-Government Militia Dataset (RPGMD). Recent research has improved our understandings of how pro-government forces form, under what conditions they are most likely to act, and how they affect the risk of internal conflict, repression, and state fragility. In this paper, we give an overview of our dataset that identifies African pro-government militias (PGMs) from 1997 to 2014. The data set shows the wide proliferation and diffusion of these groups on the African continent. We identify 149 active PGMs, 104 of which are unique to our dataset. In addition to descriptive information about these PGMs, we contribute measures of PGM alliance relationships, ethnic relationships, and context. We use these variables to examine the determinants of the presence and level of abusive behavior perpetrated by individual PGMs. Results highlight the need to consider nuances in PGM-government relationships in addition to PGM characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the present work is to analyse the verbal derivation procedures that interceded in the formation of a significant part of the war terminology during Spanish Renaissance. The study is preferably based on the corpora of the Dictionary of Science and Technology of the Renaissance (DICTER), which is composed by the thirteen most influential military treatises written in Spanish in the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth. This historical period stands out for the impulse that military language takes on in the new scientific status, which will start modernity. By depeening in the study of some of the most relevant morphological procedures that are part of the creation of specific vocabulary, we expect to reach a bigger and better knowledge of the Spanish military vocabulary of the modern age, as well as claim the need and convenience of undertaking surveys based on corpora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Stratum Plus Journal is the property of P.P. Stratum plus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article uses a case study of Hunan province to examine the role of militia in the struggle for the control of local society during the 1926-1927 National Revolution. Although the Nationalist and Communist Parties both agreed on the need eliminate militia leadership by "local bullies and evil gentry," differences quickly arose over how to reconstruct militia following this action. Nationalist Party activists tended to favor a "statist" approach that would replace abusive militia leaders with "upright" local elites but place them under stricter and more direct official control. Communist Party activists in contrast sought a "popular" mass militia free of elite influence and controlled by new peasant and worker unions. As such, this struggle over militia command and control became a key component in the broader political competition between the two parties and their alternative revolutionary visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)