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Résumé À partir du cas du judo féminin de haut niveau, l’étude du fonctionnement concret de l’institution sportive donne à voir les effets de mécanismes de production du loyalisme. Elle montre comment, au terme d’un parcours d’intégration mêlant enchantement, confinement et désenchantement, l’institution est incorporée par les athlètes de haut niveau. Or, le développement contemporain d’un système d’indexation de la performance tendant à ne valoriser que les leaders de la hiérarchie sportive affecte l’évolution des dispositions individuelles au loyalisme. Ses effets modifient le climat général des relations entre athlètes au point d’y introduire des lignes de clivage sapant une partie des fondements de l’attachement à l’organisation de production de la performance sportive. De la sorte, les dispositions initiales au loyalisme en partie façonnées par l’institution fédérale sont par la suite subverties par la production de dichotomies internes à la communauté de pratiquantes. Un redéploiement des loyautés engendre un nouvel équilibre où le « double-je » des acteurs vise la prolongation d’une situation d’apesanteur sociale. Les sportives se réapproprient en fait les codes de la loyauté envers l’institution fédérale en les adaptant selon les publics et les situations. En montrant cela, l’analyse prend à revers les perspectives qui décrivent sous un angle homogène le modelage institutionnel. Drawing on the case of high-level women's judo, this study of the practical operation of the sports institution shows the effects of loyalism generating mechanisms. It shows how, at the end of a process of integration that combines enchantment, containment and disillusionment, the institution is internalised by high-level athletes. However, the modern development of a performance ranking system that tends to value only leaders in the sports hierarchy is affecting the development of individual dispositions to loyalism. Its effects modify the general climate of relations between athletes, to the point that it introduces faultlines into some of the foundations of the attachment of the organisation that produces sports performance. In this way, the initial dispositions to loyalism partly shaped by the federal institution are subsequently subverted by the production of dichotomies within the practitioner community. A restructuring of loyalties produces a new balance in which the “ dual self ” of the actors seeks to prolong a situation of social zero-gravity. In fact, athletes reappropriate the codes of loyalty towards the federal institution, while adapting them to people and contexts. In showing this, the analysis reverses the perspectives that describe the institutional modelling from a uniform angle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on British children's play as a medium through which to examine the construction of loyalist identities during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. The display of juvenile patriotic identities was a significant feature of the neighbourhood political cultures formed in response to the invasion threat. Turning the spotlight on the 'cultural presence of children' demonstrates the extent to which the young were not simply passive recipients of socialisation processes, but could be significant agents in the constitution and reproduction of cultures themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade or more there has been a growing concern at the levels of educational underachievement within loyalist working-class areas of Northern Ireland. The inability of both educational and social policy initiatives over the past decade to improve the situation in any meaningful way has raised important questions concerning how the problem can be tackled more effectively. Placing the issue within the theoretical framework of Gramsci's hegemony, this paper argues that there is a need to better understand the historical nature of the problem and to recognise the political and social forces that have shaped its existence. It argues that there is a need to move away from explaining Protestant underachievement simply by the availability of jobs in Ulster's industrial past and to place its roots in the complex battle for social, political, and economic power since the 1801 Act of Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is the reconstruction and analysis of the historical and political beliefs of Antoni Walewski, Polish monarchist and conservative historian of the 19th century. In his youth, Walewski participated in the November Uprising and along with other Polish statesmen and soldiers went on exile to France, where he backed up Prince Adam J. Czartoryski and supported the controversial concept of "the kingship de facto". According to this idea, all Poles should submit to Czartoryski (who himself was the king de facto; despite the lack of any legal arguments) in order to spread the new insurrection (far more powerful and well organized than the previous one) against the Commonwealth's invaders. Later on, in 1848 Walewski totally changed his political orientation. He resigned from his insurrectionism, became a loyalist and started to support the governments of Austria and Russia. This sudden turn in his political beliefs may be understood on the ground of historiosophy. It appears that Walewski's political statements had deeper roots in a very interesting perspective on the nature of the history, especially the Polish one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines talks that took place between British government officials and loyalist paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland at a critical moment in the most recent Troubles. In particular, this article describes talks that took place secretly at the Northern Ireland Office's ‘Laneside’ building, a secluded suburban house used by British diplomats and MI6 officers on the shores of Belfast Lough between 1971 and 1976. Drawing on both recently released archive material as well as interviews with those who worked at and visited Laneside, this article explores what went on at these talks and analyses their outcomes from three different perspectives. This article demonstrates that the most accurate perspective from which to view what occurred in these meetings is neither top-down (government led) nor bottom-up (paramilitary led), but one that looks at what went on there as part of a conversation which both sets of participants for a time found useful. For the loyalists, Laneside had a role as a venue to think about strategy (rather than negotiate ends). For the British these were conversations that were useful in furnishing their understanding of loyalism, and as a place where policies could be explained and problems better understood. Looking at what occurred at Laneside as a semi-autonomous governmental body in Northern Ireland reveals key insights into both the loyalist paramilitaries' political ideas as well as the aims of British policy in Northern Ireland. Furthermore, this middle perspective holds a mirror up to the more familiar talks then occurring between the very same British officials and the Provisional IRA. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Most recent studies of Loyalism in Northern Ireland have focused on the nature and development of Loyalist paramilitaries and their methods, ideology and attitudes to the peace process. This article argues that the nature of Loyalist paramilitarism is primarily masculinist and that there is a perspective that has gone generally unheard from women in Loyalist communities. Using standpoint theory, evidence from interviews with women in Loyalist communities associated with Belfast is analysed and a picture is formed that suggests that there are gendered attitudes towards women who become involved in the conflict through paramilitary organisations and that paramilitaries are not representative of their communities. It is concluded that researchers need to bear in mind the gender dimensions of their work and be aware of who is present and who is absent when research is being carried out. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Australian National War Memorial was designed by Edwin Lutyens and raised in 1938 on the site of the battle of Villers-Bretonneux in the Somme in France. This article examines the design and opening of the memorial in terms of how it raises the question of imperial belonging in the inter-war years. Through a discussion of the tradition of pro patria mori understood as imperial duty, as well as an examination of the debate between loyalism and emerging nationalism in Australia, the article seeks to elucidate what is so often forgotten in popular Anzac nationalism, namely, that it is associated with Dominion identity.

In Stewart Parker's Pentecost (1987), Christina Reid's Tea in a China Cup (1983) and The Belle of the Belfast City (1989), and Gary Mitchell's Loyal Women (2003), the home and nation become inextricably linked, as one serves as a microcosm for the other. Within the volatile political landscape of Northern Ireland, the private space of the home becomes a public forum for the characters in these plays, almost all of whom are women. Often unheard by the predominantly male presence in Northern Irish politics, these women find their voice in the domestic comfort of their homes, with the support and encouragement of other women. Yet despite this reign over the domestic sphere, the women's perceived power and dominance is continually subverted, through economic, sexual, and political means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paramilitary actors involved in peace processes are expected to contribute to two distinct forms of protection: national-level protection as 'security'; and local-level security as 'safety'. Examining the case of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) in Northern Ireland, we explain how these two forms of protection have become interlinked in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement (GF/BA) and the related peace process. Instead of generating a virtuous cycle, this has created a dilemma between providing protection as 'safety' and as 'security'. Drawing on interviews with key UDA-affiliated actors in 2009-10, against the backdrop of increasing 'dissident Republican' violence, we assess how they navigated this dilemma, and its potential effects on the unfolding political context, calling for greater attention to the relationship between different conceptions of protection in peace processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an examination of the capacity for existing Loyalist paramilitary structures and actors to engage with 'far right' wing action-based and value-based extremism. The author argues that Northern Ireland faces a similar threat posed by far right groups as the rest of the United Kingdom and that utilising a strategic theory approach reveals a number of possible responses to the threat posed by far right extremism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Chinese Studies / Hanxue Yanjiu is the property of Center for Chinese Studies/National Central Library and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores and reassesses the issues of social decline, educational underachievement and civic erosion in relation to the Protestant working class in Belfast. Prior to the ‘Troubles’ the Protestant working class in Belfast had at its heart a civic-mindedness which was in tune with working-class communities across the UK at the time. This civic-mindedness encouraged the growth of extended communities and placed an importance on church attendance and educational achievement; something which has been conveniently ignored in most analyses. Owing to population movements in Greater Belfast which followed the violence that followed the introduction of internment without trial in August 1971 Protestant church congregations dwindled and school attendances dropped significantly. The paper ultimately seeks to provide a ‘long view’ of the Protestant working-class experience in order to assist those who are concerned with the problems facing it in the current era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article offers a reflection upon four aspects of methodology in the context of the author's doctoral research in Northern Ireland: managing identity and research relationships, the ethics of dissemination and the reception of potentially polemic research in the academy. It argues that identity influences research in sensitive contexts in ways that are often hard to anticipate, that more inclusive approaches to dissemination can help counter issues related to research relationships, and that responses to work in controversial contexts highlight ambiguities within the academy regarding the nature and function of social science research, presenting particular challenges for early-career researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to Dr Aaron Edwards' comments on my previously published article ‘Unionism, truth recovery and the fearful past’ (2011, Irish Political Studies, 26(3), pp. 361–382). It highlights two main areas of concern – the manipulation of the papers' findings into a broader critique of peace process narratives and that the paper ‘skews’ loyalist paramilitaries' contribution to peace-building. Both points suggest a misinterpretation of the arguments contained in my paper and its relationship to the field of transitional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the meanings and applications of the term 'loyalty' in Britain between 1688 and 1815. Political historians today employ the term in an instrumental way to connote obedience, nationalism, conservatism and monarchism: this finds its expression in the phenomenon of 'loyalism'. This article instead argues that 'loyalism' was not a current term in the eighteenth century, and that 'loyalty' had specific meanings for different political groups. It could connote a religious, a legal or an emotional tie: as such, the changing concept of 'loyalty' is indicative of the shifting relationship between the individual and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1960s, the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland began. Most of the British extreme right had just come together to form the National Front (NF) and the new organization's opposition to Irish Republicanism and defence of the retention of Northern Ireland within the Union quickly became entangled with support for loyalist paramilitary organizations. This article concentrates on the period from 1969 to the beginning of the 1990s, when the NF, having split into rival factions, ceased to be the dominant group for Britain's ‘racial nationalists’. Towards the end of the article, we turn our attention to the NF's most important splinter, the British National Party, from its emergence in the early 1980s until after its entry into the European Parliament in the early twenty-first century. British extreme rightists have not taken the same stance on Northern Ireland, and the article will contrast their frequent support for Ulster's retention within the Union with the attraction of one faction of the NF for Ulster independence and, most unexpectedly, the support of some British extreme rightists for a United Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Historical revisionism is equally appealing to state and non-state actors during periods of intense socio-political change, especially following civil conflict, when the need for unification is paramount. This applies to Kenya as it struggles to come to terms with the post-electoral crisis of 2007/08. The need to redress state-orchestrated amnesia about Mau Mau and the struggle for independence is also important; encouraged by first president Jomo Kenyatta, ostensibly in the interests of national unity, the trend was continued by his successor. Since Mau Mau was unbanned in 2003, and a lawsuit was brought by veterans with the support of a human rights group against the British government in 2009, there has been an upsurge in public memorialisation and debate about the liberation movement in Kenya. This has been accompanied by increasing calls for 'true' history to be written. Veterans have persuaded the state to support a project on rewriting Kenya history, which links to efforts to commemorate heroes and broaden official definitions of heroism to include a wide range of ethnic communities and rebel leaders from different periods of anti-colonial resistance. These themes are reflected in two new history exhibitions developed by National Museums of Kenya (NMK), and in the local media, which has done more to popularise these histories and commemorative initiatives than any scholarly texts. This article draws on research interviews and the literature on resistance, social memory and patriotic nationalism to problematise and analyse these developments, within the context of constitutional change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the modern conflict in Northern Ireland, the paramilitaries played an important role in shaping communal identities. The loyalist Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) enjoyed significant support in the Protestant community and should be understood as one expression of Protestant insecurity. This article considers the nature of this manifestation of Protestant fear during the formative years after the formation of the UDA in 1971 and up to the end of Andy Tyrie's leadership of the organisation in 1988. It argues that the evidence uncovered by an examination of paramilitary literature, as well as that of the loyalist political parties which were affiliated with the UVF and UDA, reveals a complex persona that cannot be understood as entirely violent and exclusive. Instead, after outlining evidence for moderation, it explores what this evidence can reveal about the emergence of political thinking within parts of the UVF and UDA, and concludes that the literature demonstrates how politics was restricted by the primacy of a historical consciousness and the prevalence of sectarianism in the loyalist community, the hardening effect of republican violence, and the lack of a political niche. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]