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Item does not contain fulltext The effect of educational differences between partners on marital quality and stability is commonly analysed using difference, or compound measures. This article considers the theoretical foundations for these approaches and examines an alternative approach, diagonal reference models (DRMs). The three methods are then compared empirically, using data on 629 married couples from the survey Child-Rearing and Family in the Netherlands. Difference measures show no effect on marital satisfaction, whereas compound measures and DRMs do show an effect. As DRMs also allow for the quantification of this effect, while being theoretically and methodologically appropriate, they are affirmed the best method. 14 p.

This study examines whether the increase of geographical heterogamy in the nineteenth and early twentieth century is related to modernization. Specifically, we test whether mass communication and mass transport enhanced the likelihood of a geographically heterogamous marriage as well as the distance over which heterogamous marriages took place. Furthermore, we study whether modernization decreased the relationship between social background and geographical heterogamy. We employ individual and municipality level data of some 30,000 marriages in over 40 municipalities in the Dutch province Overijssel between 1823 and 1922. The results from our multi-level analyses suggest that mass communication was more important than mass transport. 1. Introduction Studies of geographical heterogamy in Europe and the United States in the nineteenth and twentieth century show a strong tendency for people to marry someone living nearby (e.g. Bossard 1932; Rogoff Ramsoy 1966; Van Poppel & Ekamper 2005). For example, of all marriages in the first five months of 1931 in the city of Philadelphia, 30% of the couples lived one block or less apart just before marriage, and only 18 % of the couples had one partner coming from outside the city (Bossard 1932). Most studies show that during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the size of the marriage market increased (Gueresi, Pettener, and Maruzzi Veronesi 2001; Kok and Mandemakers 2008; Van Poppel and Ekamper 2005; but see Kok 1998 and Van de Putte 2003 for exceptions). Geographical heterogamy increased and shows the same development as heterogamy with respect to other ascribed characteristics, such as class of origin and religion (the latter after 1938) (Hendrickx, Lammers and Ultee 1991; Uunk 1996; Zijdeman and Maas forthcoming). But note that age heterogamy decreased during this period (e.g. Van Poppel et al. 2001). Contrary to studies on heterogamy with respect to age, class of origin, and religion, studies on geographical heterogamy are relatively scarce. However studying geographical heterogamy is highly relevant because it is connected to social cohesion in society. If culture or economic prosperity strongly differs between local entities, this is a potential source of conflict. The likelihood of conflict is less if there is exchange of people between localities, either by migration or by marriage. At the same time, as a consequence of the exchange of people, cultural and economic differences diminish. In the nineteenth century differences between regions in the Netherlands were still strong. Protestants lived in the north and Catholics in the south of the country. Between small regions there were differences in manner of speech as well as manner of dress. Municipalities even differed in their measurement of time, although the use of a universal time was requested by the Dutch government (Knippenberg and De Pater 1988: 77-82). Couples from different geographical backgrounds had to deal with these differences and solve the potential local conflicts. Today the cultural and economic differences between local entities in the Netherlands are small, although still existent. By uncovering the causes of increased geographical heterogamy we may come to understand how local differences were overcome. In an attempt to provide an explanation for the increase in heterogamy, with respect to ascribed characteristics in general and geographical heterogamy specifically, researchers refer to the modernization processes, such as the development of new means of mass transport and the appearance of mass communication (Kok and Mandemakers 2008; Van Poppel and Ekamper 2005; Uunk 1996; Zijdeman and Maas forthcoming). These two aspects of modernization affect heterogamy through different mechanisms. Means of mass transport allow people to travel over larger distances and increase the likelihood of finding a partner outside the local region. Mass communication is thought to spread information, such as news on events, technological developments, and fashion, beyond local regions. …

This qualitative study explores assumptions of family scholars who draw on age heterogamy and marriage-gradient approaches to suggest that marriages between older husbands and much younger wives are likely to be male-dominated, with traditional gender arrangements. Drawing on resource theory and marital power perspectives, we analyze the life histories, psychosocial understandings, and day-to-day arrangements of both partners in eight husband-older marriages to uncover their unique features. We present four cases with distinct dynamics to suggest that future research needs to consider that (a) husbands’ older age does not automatically translate into male dominance and rigid gender arrangements; (b) when combined with additional forms of heterogamy, such as racial status, social class, occupational prestige, and education, age heterogamy is likely to be associated with male dominance; (c) men can experience a shift toward more marital sharing and androgyny upon remarriage to a younger woman; and (d) gender arrangements in husband-older marriages can undergo major shifts across the life course.

Two recent trends in marriage imply different consequences for the degree of heterogeneity in American society: Increasing racial intermarriage indicates higher levels of social integration, while continued educational homogamy potentially enlarges socioeconomic inequality. This article analyzes census 5 percent Public Use Micro Samples data from 1980 to 2000 and examines the two trends simultaneously. Results suggest that racial homogamy has gradually declined but remains as the strongest pattern. Educational homogamy shows a diverse pattern of change, with an overall flat or slightly declining trend, and the best educated and the least educated are both more homogamous than those who have intermediate levels of education. Those who intermarry by race tend to have higher levels of education, and there is a modest positive relationship between racial and educational heterogamy.

Substantial previous research indicates that married persons enjoy better mental and physical health than others. One prominent explanation for these patterns is that married persons practice better health behaviors, including lower levels of alcohol consumption, particularly heavy drinking. However, studies of marital status differences in health behaviors have ignored the role of religious homo/heterogamy and attendance, important potential confounding and moderating factors. Focusing on alcohol behavior, we analyze 1977–1994 General Social Survey data, finding that lower levels of drinking are especially pronounced among homogamous conservative couples, and to a lesser extent among mixed-faith unions with one conservative partner. Controlling for other background characteristics, nonconservatives married to nonconservatives do not consistently consume less alcohol than unmarried persons, suggesting that much of the apparent marital status effect on drinking is actually due to religious factors. Contrary to some prior theory and research, these patterns are broadly consistent for both men and women.

In most marriages, husbands are older than wives at the time of marriage. The extent of this age difference is referred to as age heterogamy. Studies of age heterogamous marriages have found men and women married to younger spouses live longer than those married to spouses that are the same age at time of marriage. In this study we examined the role of a religious affiliation as a factor in this age heterogamy effect, by comparing Jewish and Christian husbands and wives. While we confirmed the age heterogamy effect on longevity, we did not find any evidence that it was affected by religion.

This paper analyzes ethnically mixed marriages contracted in the territory of Vojvodina, Serbia, between 1956 and 2004. Acculturation is examined based on heterogeneous marriages between Serbs, Hungarians, Slovaks, Romanians, Montenegrins and Croats. The paper consists of two parts, the first using statistical data to analyze ethnic homogamy in Vojvodina, and the second examining ethnic heterogamy in the same region by means of association index. .

En un contexto historico de expansion educativa, mejora de los rendimientos de la educacion y aumento de la participacion de la mujer en la actividad economica, este articulo examina y compara las pautas y tendencias en homogamia educativa en Mexico y Brasil entre 1970 y 2000. Concretamente, tratamos en perspectiva temporal y comparada las siguientes cuestiones: grado y alcance de la homogamia educativa y simetria en las relaciones de genero. Para ello utilizamos las muestras armonizadas de microdatos de los censos de Mexico 1970, 1990 y 2000, y de Brasil 1970, 1980, 1991 y 2000, puestas a disposicion por el proyecto IPUMS-International. Los resultados muestran un aumento de la homogamia entre las capas mas instruidas y una disminucion de la hipergamia femenina en ambos paises. Comparativamente, la homogamia educativa es mayor en Brasil que en Mexico, reflejo de una mayor desigualdad social, mientras que las diferencias de genero son mayores en Mexico. Educational homogamy (marriage between individuals of the same level of educational attainment) in Mexico and Brazil is declining significantly with the revolution in school attainment. In Mexico, over a mere three decades, the proportions finishing primary school doubled, rising from 40 percent for the 1931–40 birth cohort to 80 percent for those born 1961–70. In Brazil, where primary school consists of only four grades (compared to Mexico's six), the completion rate rose even more dramatically from 33 to 73 percent. Nevertheless these figures also show that in both countries sizeable fractions of the youngest generation did not complete primary schooling (one-fifth in Mexico and one-fourth in Brazil). Substantial inequalities of access to schooling persist. At the upper end of the educational spectrum, for these same cohorts the percentage of Mexican husbands with some university studies increased even more dramatically, from 5.1 to 13.2 percent and, for wives, from 1.1 to 8.3 percent. In Brazil the comparable figures are 2.2 to 5.8 percent and 0.6 to 5.7 percent, respectively. Marriage choice in both countries is strongly associated with levels of schooling completed—such as graduation from primary school, completion of basic or upper secondary, and attendance at or graduation from university. Years of schooling completed is not as salient. Thus, this research focuses on culturally significant categories rather than arbitrary number of years of schooling to compare patterns of marriage by educational attainment in the two countries. We analyze three successive ten-year birth cohorts, beginning with the 1931–40 generation, and take into consideration all marital unions, consensual as well as official. All coresident spouses in which either the husband or the wife was born between 1931 and 1970 are considered. The number of Mexican couples analyzed is 2,396,320 and Brazilian, 1,546,365. Our sources are high density integrated, anonymized census microdata samples obtained from https://www.ipums.org/international/index.html for the period 1970–2000. A series of nine log-linear models control for the unequal frequencies of various levels of educational attainment to reveal striking changes in the propensities of marriage within and between these groups. Log-odds ratios show universally positive homogamy for both countries, all censuses, and all levels of educational attainment except for one—where either the husband or the wife began but did not complete the secondary grades. (For this group, heterogamy was the rule in both countries and increased over time.) At the higher levels of educational attainment, homogamy is most extreme and is increasing in intensity over the generations, while at the lowest levels, homogamy is lower and declining slightly. Homogamy levels are much higher in Brazil than in Mexico, a finding which demonstrates the greater social inequalities in Brazil, and the fact that for Brazilians social mobility by means of education is more difficult than for Mexicans. These findings are suggestive rather than conclusive, and call for further research taking into account variables that influence educational attainment.

The persistance of social homogamy is regularly observed; the tendency to form couples in which the woman occupies a lower position than her partner – female hypergamy – is also well documented: love is far from blind to social distinctions. Yet, it was concluded somewhat too fast from this major result that these phenomena have remained stable over time.This thesis shows, based on large-scale survey data, that education, social class and social class of origin homogamy has significantly weakened over the last forty years in France. This trend goes beyond what changes in the population structure would have implied (relative homogamy): the composition of couples has become closer to a random mating situation.Hypergamy has also clearly diminished, and has even reversed regarding education; females hold higher qualifications than their partners since the year 2000. As a consequence, the higher celibacy rate of women with a high social status, in particular that of the higher educated, which stemmed from their unfavorable position on the conjugal market, has converged to that of other groups.The variations of these two dimensions of partner choice over 64 regions of Europe in the 2000s are also sizable. Educational homogamy is higher than socioeconomic homogamy; hypergamy is the most frequent situation, but it is not an absolutely general pattern. The degree of cultural liberalism and of social openness appears as the strongest determinant of these two phenomena. They are negatively correlated with female labor force participation, but their relationship with economic inequalities is ambiguous.; Le constat d’une persistance de l’homogamie sociale est régulièrement réitéré ; la tendance à former des couples dans lesquels la femme occupe une position inférieure à son conjoint – hypergamie féminine – est elle aussi bien documentée : l’amour est loin d’être aveugle aux distinctions sociales. Pourtant, on a un peu rapidement conclu de ce résultat majeur que ces phénomènes étaient restés stables dans le temps.Cette thèse montre, à l’aide de données de grandes enquêtes, que l’homogamie s’est nettement affaiblie du point de vue du diplôme, de la classe et de l’origine sociales au cours des quarante dernières années en France. Cette évolution va au-delà de ce que l’évolution de la structure de la population implique (homogamie relative) : la composition des couples s’est rapprochée d’une situation de choix au hasard.L’hypergamie s’est elle aussi fortement réduite, et s’est même inversée en termes de diplôme, les femmes étant désormais plus diplômées que leurs conjoints depuis l’an 2000. En conséquence, le surcroît de célibat des femmes au statut social le plus élevé, et notamment des diplômées, qui tenait à leur position défavorable sur le marché conjugal, s’est résorbé.Les variations de ces deux dimensions du choix du conjoint parmi 64 régions d’Europe dans les années 2000 sont notables. L’homogamie d’éducation est plus élevée que l’homogamie socioéconomique ; l’hypergamie est majoritaire, mais n’est pas absolument généralisée. Le degré de libéralisme culturel et d’ouverture sociale apparaît comme le principal déterminant de ces deux phénomènes. Ils sont négativement corrélés au taux d’activité féminine, mais leur lien avec les inégalités économiques est ambigu.

The tendency towards socio-economic homogamy - partner similarity in terms of socio-economic status - is of great interest to social scientists, for two reasons. First, socio-economic homogamy is an indicator of social closure between status groups in a society. Second, given that homogamy leads to the accumulation of advantageous and disadvantageous socio-economic conditions within couples, it also intensifies social and economic inequalities between families. The objective of this thesis is to enhance knowledge of socio-economic homogamy and its consequences for union stability in Finland. The first aim was to analyse the strength and patterns of socio-economic homogamy in partner choice. The second aim was to determine whether and, if so, how homogamy is associated with the likelihood of ending non-marital cohabitation - through separation on the one hand, or marriage on the other. In addition, two dimensions of socio-economic status, individual educational attainment and social class of the family of origin, were analysed to find out whether matching on individually achieved status or on the status of the parental family had a bigger effect on union dynamics. The analyses were based on sets of register data compiled at Statistics Finland. Log-linear models were applied to study homogamy tendencies and their changes in marriages and cohabitations of women born in 1957-1979 at the age of 30. The effects of homogamy and heterogamy on the likelihood of separation and marriage were analysed with Cox proportional hazards model in cohabitations formed in the period 1995-2002 by women born in 1960-1977. An elaborate approach was adopted: marriage and separation rates were examined in each possible combination of partner status. The results imply that people tend to choose partners who are similar to them in terms of educational attainment and class background. However, homogamy was stronger with regard to education than to social-class origins. This is line with the view that boundaries based on achieved status are more difficult to cross in modern, individualized societies than boundaries based on social origins. The most highly educated - those with a higher university degree - were particularly strongly inclined towards homogamy. The general strength of homogamy did not change much across the birth cohorts from the late 1950s to the 1970s, but the trends differed depending on the level of education: homogamy strengthened among those with a low level of education, and weakened among the highly educated. The results also indicate that in the absence of homogamy, women increasingly tend to have partners whose level of education is lower than theirs. Homogamy in class background had a relatively weak influence on the stability of cohabiting unions. Homogamy increased the marriage rate among the children of farmers, whereas heterogamy was associated with an increased separation risk when one partner came from a farmer family and the other from an upper-white-collar family. Educational differences played a somewhat more significant role in these transitions. Homogamy was associated with a reduced risk of separation among the most highly educated cohabitors in particular. The effects of educational homogamy on the marriage rate were less consistent: homogamy increased the marriage rate among cohabitors with a basic-level education, but reduced it among the most highly educated. The findings reveal that status barriers and cultural differences are of significance in partner choice and the stability of cohabiting unions in Finland, and that group boundaries based on achieved status are stronger than those based on ascribed status in terms of union dynamics. Sosioekonominen homogamia - puolison valitseminen samasta sosioekonomisesta ryhmästä - on yhteiskunnallisesti merkittävä tutkimuskohde pääasiassa kahdesta syystä. Sosioekonomista homogamiaa voidaan ensinnäkin pitää osoituksena statusryhmien välisestä sosiaalisesta sulkeutuneisuudesta. Toiseksi, homogamia johtaa hyväosaisuuden ja toisaalta huono-osaisuuden kasaantumiseen perheissä, ja kasvattaa siten sosiaalista ja taloudellista eriarvoisuutta perheiden välillä. Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli tutkia sosioekonomista homogamiaa ja sen yhteyttä liiton kestävyyteen Suomessa. Ensimmäisenä tavoitteena oli tarkastella, esiintyykö puolisonvalinnassa homogamiaa ja onko homogamiataipumuksissa tapahtunut muutoksia viime vuosikymmeninä. Toisena tavoitteena oli tutkia, miten puolisoiden samankaltaisuus tai erilaisuus vaikuttaa todennäköisyyteen, että avoliitto päättyy - joko parin erilleen muuttoon tai avioitumiseen. Sosioekonomisen aseman mittareina käytettiin sekä omaa koulutustasoa että lapsuuden perheen sosiaaliluokkaa. Näin voitiin tarkastella, onko samankaltaisuus saavutetun aseman vai sosioekonomisen perhetaustan mukaan tärkeämpää liittojen solmimisessa ja purkautumisessa. Tutkimusaineistona oli Tilastokeskuksessa muodostettu rekisteriaineisto. Homogamiataipumusten ja niiden muutosten tarkasteluun käytettiin vuosina 1957-1979 syntyneiden naisten avo- ja avioliittoja heidän ollessaan 30-vuotiaita. Homogamian yhteyttä avoliittojen purkautumisen todennäköisyyteen tutkittiin vuosina 1960-1977 syntyneiden naisten jaksolla 1995-2002 solmimissa avoliitoissa. Tulosten mukaan suomalaisilla on taipumus valita puoliso samasta sosioekonomisesta ryhmästä. Homogamia oli kuitenkin voimakkaampaa koulutusasteen kuin lapsuuden perheen sosiaaliluokan mukaan. Tulos on yhdenmukainen sen oletuksen kanssa, että nykyaikaisissa yhteiskunnissa saavutetun aseman mukaiset luokkarajat ovat jyrkempiä kuin perhetaustaan liittyvät luokkarajat. Korkeimmin koulutetut - ylemmän korkea-asteen tutkinnon suorittaneet - olivat kaikkein taipuvaisimpia homogamiaan. Homogamiataipumuksissa ei tapahtunut yleisellä tasolla suuria muutoksia 1950-luvun lopulla syntyneistä 1970-luvulla syntyneisiin, mutta koulutusryhmien välillä oli eroja: homogamia heikentyi korkeasti koulutettujen keskuudessa, ja voimistui vähän koulutetuilla. Homogamian ohella naisilla osoittautui olevan taipumus valita yhä useammin puolisoksi mies, jonka koulutusaste on matalampi kuin itsellä. Lapsuuden perheen sosiaaliluokan mukaisella samankaltaisuudella oli vain vähän vaikutusta avoliiton pysyvyyteen. Homogamia oli yhteydessä suurempaan avioitumisen todennäköisyyteen maataloustaustaisilla avopuolisoilla, kun taas maataloustaustaisten ja ylemmistä toimihenkilöperheistä tulevien henkilöiden välisillä avoliitoilla oli kohonnut eroon päättymisen riski. Puolisoiden koulutuserojen merkitys oli jonkin verran suurempi. Homogamia oli yhteydessä pienempään eroriskiin erityisesti korkeasti koulutetuilla. Koulutushomogamia lisäsi avioitumisen todennäköisyyttä pelkän perusasteen koulutuksen saaneilla avopareilla, kun taas korkeasti koulutetuilla avopareilla homogamia oli yhteydessä pienempään avioitumisen todennäköisyyteen. Tutkimus osoittaa, että puolisoiden sosioekonomisella samankaltaisuudella on merkitystä sekä liitonmuodostuksessa että avoliittojen pysyvyydessä Suomessa, ja että saavutetun aseman mukainen samankaltaisuus on tärkeämpää kuin sosioekonomisen perhetaustan mukainen samankaltaisuus.

L’hypergamie féminine, définie comme la propension des individus à former des couples au sein desquels la femme se trouve en infériorité par rapport à l’homme, est un phénomène largement observé. Cet article analyse la formation des premières unions à l’aide de l’enquête Étude de l’histoire familiale 1999. Les couples dans lesquels la femme est plus diplômée que son conjoint sont plus fréquents que le cas inverse en France depuis les cohortes nées à la fin des années 1950. Ce mouvement est principalement dû à l’allongement de la scolarité des femmes qui sont désormais plus diplômées que les hommes, mais va au-delà de ce qu’imposait l’évolution de la structure de la population (hypergamie relative), traduisant une modification des préférences des individus. Enfin, nous observons que le célibat définitif des femmes n’augmente plus avec leur diplôme, alors que les plus diplômées nées avant-guerre étaient fortement désavantagées sur le marché conjugal. À l’inverse, le célibat définitif des hommes non diplômés s’est accentué, signe de l’effet négatif persistant des difficultés d’insertion professionnelle sur la conjugalité masculine. Ces résultats indiquent un net recul de la norme d’hypergamie féminine en termes de diplôme – dont la portée demeure cependant incertaine.

This study provides insight into the lives of eight married couples involved in an age-heterogamous relationship where the wife is ten or more years older than her husband. While there is a lot of information in the literature about men who date and marry younger women, the research on this subject is very limited or outdated. This exploratory study provides valuable information in several areas about couples in woman-older marriages. The interviews were conducted with each participant separately and explored three major topics of interest: The impact the age difference has on the relationship, the issues that arise for the couple, and any difference in husbands and wives experience. Implications for professionals working with such couples, as well as for further research, are discussed.

According to both economic and sociological theory, a couple's divorce rate may be influenced by their own educational attainment, that of their parents, and whether they have taken further education after marriage, although predictions are ambiguous. However, these three variables have never been included simultaneously and few studies have included both partners' characteristics. A discrete-time hazard model based on register and census data on 54178 Norwegian first marriages started 1980-1999 reveals a very strong negative educational gradient in divorce risk and no particularly harmful influence of heterogamy. Parent's education exerts a small positive effect, however. Among couples with the same current level of education, those who have taken education after entry into marriage display the highest divorce rate.

Using a national sample of Christians, this study compared interchurch and same-church respondents on several relationship variables and explored possible predictors of marital satisfaction. Interchurch and same-church respondents were not different on marital satisfaction or other nonreligious relationship variables but were different on several religious relationship variables. The relationship between marital satisfaction and religious heterogamy was dependent on how religious heterogamy was operationalized. Communication was the most important predictor of marital satisfaction for both interchurch and same-church respondents. Parenting variables were also predictive of marital satisfaction for both interchurch and same-church respondents.

We use data from two national surveys of married individuals-one from 1980 and the other from 2000-to understand how three dimensions of marital quality changed during this period. Marital happiness and divorce proneness changed little between 1980 and 2000, but marital interaction declined significantly. A decomposition analysis suggested that offsetting trends affected marital quality. Increases in marital heterogamy, premarital cohabitation, wives' extended hours of employment, and wives' job demands were associated with declines in multiple dimensions of marital quality. In contrast, increases in economic resources, decision-making equality, nontraditional attitudes toward gender, and support for the norm of lifelong marriage were associated with improvements in multiple dimensions of marital quality. Increases in husbands' share of housework appeared to depress marital quality among husbands but to improve marital quality among wives. Key Words: decomposition analysis, family change, family demography, marital quality, marriage. The belief that the institution of marriage is in decline is widespread (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Glenn, 1996; Popenoe, 1993; Tipton, 1985; Zill & Nord, 1994). The growing popularity of nonmarital cohabitation, the increasing percentage of children born outside of marriage, the rising age at first marriage, the continuing high divorce rate, and the declining remarriage rate demonstrate that marriage is a less permanent part of adult life now than in the recent past. According to a marital decline perspective, people are turning away from marriage because it has become increasingly difficult to maintain happy and stable unions. Other observers view recent changes in marriage as being benign or even beneficial (Coontz, 1992; Scanzoni, 2001; Skolnick, 1991; Stacey, 1996). According to this view, although it is easier for people to leave unhappy marriages these days, the proportion of unhappy marriages in the population has not necessarily increased. Indeed, because divorce removes unhappy couples from the married population, existing marriages may be of higher quality now than in the past. Moreover, increases in married women's education, employment, and income have raised women's status and given wives greater decision-making power, thus increasing the potential for less patriarchal and more egalitarian marital relationships. With respect to marital instability, the divorce rate increased dramatically during the 1970s, peaked around 1980, then declined slightly (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000, Table 77). Therefore, although divorce is common these days, relatively little change in marital instability occurred during the last two decades. Evidence about the quality of existing marriages, however, is sparse. Using merged data from the General Social Survey, Glenn (1991) found that the percentage of people reporting that their marriages were very happy declined between 1973 and 1988. Similarly, Rogers and Amato (2000) compared a sample of young adults married between 1981 and 1997 (and surveyed in 1997) with a sample of young adults married between 1964 and 1980 (and surveyed in 1980) and found that the more recent marriage cohort reported less interaction and more marital conflict. Although these studies suggest a decline in the aggregate level of marital quality in the population, the lack of research on this topic makes it difficult to reach conclusions with certainty. The present study uses two national, representative samples of married individuals in the United States-one interviewed in 1980 and the other interviewed in 2000-to provide new evidence on recent changes in the nature and quality of marriage. SOCIAL CHANGE 1980-2000 During the latter part of the 20th century, a variety of demographic, economic, social, and cultural changes in the U.S. population had the potential to affect people's marriages either positively or negatively. …

In this analysis we assess the effects of different social charasteristics of individuals on their propensity for the first marriage taking into account the joint educational distribution of spouses. In line with the theoretical hypotheses and the findings of previous research, we have found a tendency for individuals with similar levels of education to marry one another. People with compulsory schooling and with university degrees are the most likely to marry homogamously. The odds of marrying people with equal or higher education are greater as individuals get older. However, the effect of the variable describing time out of school becomes smaller at the higher levels of the educational hierarchy, especially at the university level. This findings suggests the low-cost marriage market function of universities, the fact that these institutions collect students whose future socio-economic prospects re very homogeneous. Parental education has a consistent effecgt on marital behaviour. Well-educated individu...

This study addresses two questions: Do religiously dissimilar couples argue more often than other couples? Are religious differences among partners associated with arguments concerning particular issues? We investigate these issues using data on 2,945 co-residing, first-time married couples from Wave 1 of the National Survey of Families and Households. Denominational homo/heterogamy, measured in several different ways, has little bearing on the frequency or types of marital disagreements. Men's religious attendance is inversely related to the overall frequency of disputes and to disagreements over housework, money, how time is spent, and sex, whereas women's attendance is not. Attendance (dis)similarities among partners are positively associated with the overall frequency of conflicts. Theological disparities between partners are linked with more frequent conflicts overall and also with disagreements over household labor and finances. Several implications and promising directions for future research are discussed.

Results from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth indicate that marriages contracted after 1980 are becoming more stable. This article examines several individual characteristics in search of an explanation for increasing stability. A person-year file is created and logistic regression is used to determine which covariates account for the negative effect of year in a model predicting the likelihood of marital dissolution. Increasing experience of premarital sex, premarital birth, cohabitation, and racial and religious heterogamy are detracting from marital stability. However, rising age at marriage and, to a lesser degree, increased education are associated with increasing marital stability. These latter effects more than counterbalance the factors associated with instability leading to an overall decline in the rate of marital dissolution.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health issue. Few studies, however, have examined the role of religion in IPV perpetration and victimization. This study analyzed the contribution of religious factors to IPV risk and prevalence among a sample of 1,440 married couples interviewed for the 1995 National Study of Couples. Results indicate that rates of IPV did not significantly differ by couple homogamy/heterogamy or type of denominational affiliation. Attendance at religious services at least weekly was associated with lower rates of IPV perpetration among men and with lower rates of IPV victimization among men and women. These findings were attenuated in the multivariate logistic regression analyses. Study findings suggest that religion does not have a strong or direct influence on the occurrence of IPV; alcohol-related problems, however, may be a mediating factor. Despite the null findings, religious institutions can play an important role in primary and secondary IPV prevention.

Objectives Homogamy, mating based on similarity, has been demonstrated for a great variety of traits such as age, education, religion, and physical and psychological traits. Recently, pro-fertile effects of religious as well as educational homogamy have been reported. We investigate whether ethnic homogamy also has a pro-fertile effect and whether ethnic and religious homogamy interact in their putative effects on reproduction (in terms of average number of offspring). Methods We analyzed the association between ethnic as well as religious homogamy and woman's average number of offspring based on census data from ten countries provided by IPUMS international, encompassing a total of 1,485,433 married women aged 46-60 years (who have thus completed or almost completed reproduction) and their spouses. Results We find a clear pro-fertile but nonadditive effect of both ethnic and religious homogamy, which is most pronounced in the case of double homogamy. Our results further indicate that homogamy for one trait may compensate for heterogamy of the other, albeit countries differ regarding which trait compensates for the other. Conclusions We suggest that the interaction between ethnic homogamy, religious homogamy, and reproduction provides an interesting example for gene-culture co-evolution.

Studies of online dating suggest that physical attraction is a key factor in early relationship formation, but say little about the role of attractiveness in longer-term relationships. Meanwhile, assortative coupling and exchange models widely employed in demographic research overlook the powerful sorting function of initial and sustained physical attraction. This article observes the effects of one physical characteristic of men--height--on various relationship outcomes in longer-term relationships, including spouses' attributes, marriage entry and stability, and the division of household labor. Drawing on two different cohorts from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, the authors show that (1) height-coupling norms have changed little over the last three decades, (2) short, average, and tall men's spouses are qualitatively different from one another (3) short men marry and divorce at lower rates than others and (4) both men's height relative to other men and their height relative to their spouse are related to the within-couple distribution of household labor and earnings. These findings depict an enduring height hierarchy among men on in the spousal marriage market. Further, they indicate that at least one physical characteristic commonly associated with physical attraction influences the formation, functioning, and stability of longer-term relationships.Institutional subscribers to the NBER working paper series, and residents of developing countries may download this paper without additional charge at www.nber.org.

BACKGROUNDDespite the increasing prevalence of cohabitation, knowledge of how socio-economic homogamy affects the stability of cohabiting unions is scant. Few studies have compared the effects of homogamy in both ascribed and achieved socio-economic status on union dissolution.OBJECTIVEOur aim is to determine how homogamy and heterogamy in educational level and parental social class affect the risk of cohabitation dissolution in Finland.METHODSWe use unique Finnish register data that includes information on non-marital cohabitation. Cox regression is used to analyse the risk of dissolution in 20,452 cohabitations. We examine the dissolution rates in all possible combinations of partner status, and analyse how these estimates deviate from the main effects of each partner's status.RESULTSAccording to the findings, homogamy in parental social class is of little consequence in cohabitation dissolution, although cohabitations between people from upper-white-collar and farmer families are disproportionately likely to dissolve. Educational differences between partners are more significant determinants of cohabitation stability: extreme heterogamy is associated with an increased separation risk, and homogamy decreases the separation risk among cohabitors with a higher university degree.CONCLUSIONSIn line with the perception that personal achievement is more significant than social origins in contemporary union dynamics, similarity in educational level increases cohabitation stability more than similarity in socio-economic origin. Although previous Nordic studies report little or no association between educational homogamy or heterogamy and marriage dissolution, our study shows that educational differences do matter in cohabiting unions.1. IntroductionThe extent to which socio-economic homogamy - in other words, similarity in partner status - guides union formation and dissolution is considered an indicator of barriers between status groups in a society. A strong homogamy tendency in partner selection and a disproportionate likelihood of union disruption among heterogamous couples may point to large social and cultural gaps between socio-economic groups. This study explores the effects of homogamy and heterogamy in educational level and parental social class on union dissolution in Finland. The aim is to assess the significance of status differences for union stability, and to determine whether similarity in childhood socio-economic circumstances or the achieved position of the partners is more decisive in contemporary union dynamics. Few studies thus far compare the effects of homogamy in ascribed and achieved socio-economic position on union stability. Research on partner selection nevertheless indicates that homogamy in achieved status is more prominent than in ascribed status (Kalmijn 1991, 1998; Hansen 1995). However, tendencies in partner selection result not only from people's preferences but also from the structural opportunities to meet and interact with potential partners of a similar status. One means of eliminating the effect of these structural factors is to examine the decisions the partners make after they have formed the union, such as to separate (see Hansen 1995; Muller 2003). Examining the effects of homogamy and heterogamy on union dissolution may thus facilitate assessment of whether people actually prefer partners who share similar socio-economic characteristics.The focus of the study is on the dissolution of non-marital cohabiting unions. Cohabitation has become increasingly prevalent in Western countries in recent decades, and the Nordic countries have been forerunners in this development: currently there is little social distinction between cohabitation and marriage in these countries, and children are born and raised in both union types (Kiernan 2001; Heuveline and Timberlake 2004). Nine out of ten new unions in Finland are cohabitations (Jalovaara 2012). …

Item does not contain fulltext Socio-demographic heterogamy is commonly believed to lead to lower relationship stability due to the presence of cultural differences between partners. This explanation lacks empirical support, as psychology studies have not confirmed the link between heterogamy and cultural differences, whereas sociological studies have been characterized by problems related to the choice and measurement of cultural differences. Progressing from previous research, this article examines the specific link between educational heterogamy and cultural differences in the domain of child-rearing. Results partly confirm the alternative hypotheses of child-rearing values and behaviors being subject to gender differences and processes of selection between partners. Nonetheless, they also indicate a positive link between educational heterogamy and differences in child-rearing values and behaviors between partners. 22 p.

Stochastic encounter-mating (SEM) models describe monogamous permanent pair formation in finite zoological populations of multitype females and males. In this article we study SEM with Poisson firing times. We prove that an infinite population corresponds to a fluid limit, i.e., the stochastic dynamics converges to a deterministic system governed by coupled ODEs. Moreover, we establish a functional central limit theorem and give a diffusion approximation for the model. Next, we convert the fluid limit ODEs to the well-known Lotka-Volterra and replicator equations from population dynamics. Under the so-called fine balance condition, which characterizes panmixia for finite populations, we solve the corresponding replicator equations and give an exact expression for the fluid limit. Finally, we consider the case with two types of females and males. Without the fine balance assumption, but under some symmetry conditions, we give an explicit formula for the limiting mating pattern, and then use it to fully characterize assortative mating.

Based on a national sample of Christian couples, interchurch respondents reported lower levels of religiosity than same-church respondents on a number of religious variables. Respondents in same-church marriages were similar in religiosity regardless of whether the relationship was initially interchurch or same-church. The study did not find evidence that interchurch respondents were more likely than same-church individuals to drift away from church practice. Strength of denominational identity at engagement was the strongest predictor of religious behavior among interchurch respondents, while church attendance at engagement was the strongest predictor among same-church respondents. Interchurch respondents and their spouses were less likely to emphasize religion in raising children than same-church respondents, and were more likely to differ as a couple on their emphasis on religion in raising children. Interchurch parents predominantly raise their children exclusively in one parent's church, although 12 percent reported raising their children in both churches.

This study provides a much-needed exploration of the determinants of age-discrepant unions in Canada. What little research has been conducted in this area of sociology of the family is now outdated. Further, the growing number of Canadians living in nonmarital cohabitation warrants their inclusion in any consideration of contemporary, heterosexual unions, and we have done so here. Utilizing multinomial logit modeling techniques, we analyze data drawn from the 1995 Canadian General Social Survey. We find that cohabitations and remarriages are more likely to be age-discrepant than marriages, and that as age at union formation increases, so does the likelihood that the union will be age-heterogamous. Although we hypothesized a positive relationship between education and the chances of age-heterogamous unions because the availability of eligible mates may decrease with education, we actually find an inverse association for women: a one-level increase in education decreases a woman's odds of entering an age-discrepant union by about 4 percent. We speculate that for women, greater education (economic position) may increase age-homogamy because they may be more economically attractive and thus more able to select a partner of their own age.

In this article, we approach the most recent evidence concerning union breakdown in Spain using mainly the retrospective Spanish Socio-demographic Survey (1991). Life-table analysis was used as the main statistical methodology. We examine three basic aspects. First, we present the evolution of the phenomenon across generations and regions, taking into account the duration of first marriages. Second, we make a first attempt to study the determinant factors of marriage dissolution, considering for this purpose four dimensions: family background (parents' experience of divorce), individual characteristics (age at first marriage and educational level), economic autonomy of the partners, (occupation and socio-professional status), and characteristics of marriages (type of marriage and heterogamy). Third, we study the consequences of marital disruption for the custody of children and remarriage

This article uses data from the 1987–1988 National Survey of Families and Households to study the determinants of religious intermarriage in the United States as well as changes over time in its prevalence. Separate logit regressions are estimated for exclusivist Protestant, ecumenical Protestant, and Catholic respondents. Variables identified as playing a role in the intermarriage decision include the proportion of coreligionists in the relevant marriage market, various proxies for religiosity and for commitment to the parental faith, education, a premarital pregnancy, and gender. The estimated effects are generally consistent with hypotheses derived from a model of religious intermarriage. The results also show that the prevalence of religious heterogamy has increased significantly over the past decades for Catholics and ecumenical Protestants. In sharp contrast, there has been no perceptible change in the probability of marrying outside the religion for exclusivist Protestants, a group which continues to display distinctive patterns of economic and demographic behavior.

This paper describes the matrimonial and reproductive behaviour of Italians who migrated to Belgium after the Second World War. Migrants were either already married, or later became married, to other Italians. Among the children of migrants, men equally chose Italian or Belgian wives but women tended to prefer Italian partners. Italian-Belgian marriages were more frequent among the better educated groups. Family size is smaller among migrants marrying after migration and in heterogamous marriages. Significant differences in birth intervals are found when marriage occurred before or after migration, between generations, and between homogamous and heterogamous marriages.

This paper focuses on husbands' and wives' party political identifications in combination. There is a high level of party political homogamy in Great Britain (i.e. spouses tend to share the same party political identification). Statistical analyses show that levels of homogamy vary according to strength of party political identification, parental homogamy, age, and marital status. Levels of party political similarity are also shown to differ between marriage and other social relationships, and between first marriages and remarriages. Attitudes towards homogamy are shown to vary with age. The implications of these findings for theories relating to the origins of homogamy and to the consequences of heterogamy are considered. Broadly speaking, the findings indicate that party political homogamy is a consequence of demographic constraints, utility-maximizing choices, and responses to cultural norms.

All cultures have rules regarding mate selection. Many societies encourage either homogamy or heterogamy. Homogamy refers to marriage between individuals with similar social and personal characteristics, whereas heterogamy refers to marriage between individuals with different social or personal characteristics. Although there is some freedom in mate selection in American society, the United States is still basically a society whose norms encourage homogamy. Some of the major factors that influence mate selection include socioeconomic status, race, age, and parental and peer pressures. The purpose of this article is to examine the attitudes and preferences of African American college students toward physical and social status related variables regarding dating and future mate selection. Several social status and attractiveness related variables, along with selected background variables (including gender), were analyzed to note relationship patterns. Of particular interest was the importance of skin color or skin tone and social status as mate selection preferences among African American college students. There may be vast differences between attitudes toward mate selection and actual behaviors when selecting mates for marriage. Attitudinal research on skin color and social status preferences as they relate to mate selection on African American populations is lacking.

Marriage is a social institution that integrates individuals to form families. Yet, the social embeddedness of married couples is surprisingly rarely examined, particularly for remarriage. Drawing from multiple datasets, this chapter shows that before marriage, remarried dyads are socially less embedded than their continuously married counterparts; after marriage, their social relations rely more on the spouse. First, with the attrition of close associates over the life course and the disruption in social network due to divorce, individuals tend to look outside their networks and at less conventional venues, and to adopt dating strategies involving fewer contacts from existing network, resulting in greater socio-demographic heterophily in remarriage. Second, such dating strategies and the greater socio-demographic heterogamy imply socially invisible wedding ceremonies for remarried couples. Third, remarried individuals’ social networks, in the absence of spousal ties, remain as fragmented as those of the divorced in terms of network characteristics such as density, volume of contacts, and emotional closeness. A remarried individual’s network is akin to that of the divorced plus a spouse. Compared to first marriage, the spouse is much more prominent in the social relations of remarried individuals.

This study adds a microeconomic perspective to the discussion on ethnic diversity and economic performance in developing countries by investigating the motivation for intra-ethnicity marriage in rural Sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, the paper proposes that ethnic similarity between spouses enhances economic outcomes through a shared agricultural production technology. Furthermore, the framework suggests that the probability of marriage within the same ethnic group is positively related to the size of the group due to frictions in the marriage market: Search costs for co-ethnic spouses are larger the smaller the group. The theoretical propositions are supported using Ethiopian rural household data by demonstrating that inter-ethnicity marriage of the household head has adverse implications for family income. The negative effect is robust to controlling for lagged income and initial conditions, present when investigating the link with changes in family wealth, and persists in additional sensitivity checks.

Hypotheses are developed about the effects of husbands' and wives' religious affiliations upon fertility. The hypotheses are based upon the following ideas. First, different religions have different norms about fertility and the tradeoffs between the quality and quantity of children. Differences in religious beliefs between spouses may therefore lead to disagreement and conflict over fertility decisions and any possible resolution through bargaining. Second, a low level of religious compatibility between spouses may increase the probability of marital dissolution, decreasing the optimal amount of investments in spouse-specific human capital. Analyses of data from the 1987-88 National Survey of Families and Households conducted in the US suggest that both of these effects are important factors in explaining the observed linkages between the religious composition of marital unions and their fertility behavior.

Social and behavioural scientists have been concerned with relations between the work and family as the rate of female employment continues to rise affecting an ever increasing proportion of married women. A link between employment outside the home and marital happiness of married working women has long been suspected. Since two decades research has focussed on the relation between work and family experiences. Research focussing on the heterogamy hypotheses which links spouse difference to marital happiness is limited particularly in a developing country like India. Studies conducted elsewhere suggest that marriages in which couples differ in age religion education or occupation are more likely to have conflict and experience marital disruption because such heterogamous marriages have less consensus than homogamous marriages. Some find no significant relationship between age difference or social class dissimilarity and satisfaction in their marriages. (excerpt)

This retrospective study compared reports of gay and heterosexual male college students about particular behaviors and feelings during childhood and adolescence. The results were interpreted as providing general support for Bell's heterogamy principle that regardless of a person's sexual orientation, his or her romantic attachments will be to people perceived different from themselves.

Submitted by Boris Flegr (boris@uerj.br) on 2021-01-07T18:49:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 carolina.pdf: 9872284 bytes, checksum: 5bb64c61f9ff5eb8ccac64c617816c7b (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2021-01-07T18:49:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carolina.pdf: 9872284 bytes, checksum: 5bb64c61f9ff5eb8ccac64c617816c7b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-14 Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro This study attempted to quantify and evaluate homogamy, heterogamy and the crossing barriers to marriage regarding schooling (years of study) and social background (parental occupational category). Time tendencies present in these patterns were also considered as well as the association between husbands schooling, wives schooling (status held), husbands social origin and wives social origin (status assigned). This thesis also aimed to discuss the marital selectivity bias according to social differentials (years of study and social origin). For this, parameters that show how marriage patterns are configured (mean age to marry and permanent celibacy) were analyzed. It was also considered the marriage determinant factors under three conditions (individual characteristics, level of assigned status and level of status held). It was found that women with high educational level, in Brazil, remain unmarried for a longer period, since they usually get married on their late middle ages and show a high permanent celibacy). Men with high educational levels also showed a high mean age to marry, however, marriage proved to be virtually universal for this segment. The results also showed that the increase of one year in the age of individuals raises the chance of marriage in approximately 5%. Having a low educational level also increases the chance of people to get married. The social origin variable demonstrated a dubious behavior when incorporated into the model with the years of study variable. A high proportion of homogamic unions for schooling was found. To perform an adequate analysis of time tendencies in marital selectivity log-linear models were proposed and time dimension was incorporated. The models adjustment indicated that the most plausible interpretation for time tendencies in marital selectivity for schooling is the indicative parameters of stability regarding homogamic tendencies. Considering the analysis of marital and social origin selectivity results showed that the highest proportion of homogamy could be observed between couples who came from rural smallholders family. The most plausible conclusion when analyzing the time tendencies models is that the temporal variation of indicative parameters of marital selectivity by social origin is the strongest feature throughout the analyzed data. When analyzing the relative chances from this model it was observed that the short distance social origin barriers (between close social origin segments) are the easiest ones to be transposed. While the hardest barriers to overcome are concentrated in the two extremes. It was also found that the associations between the interactions husband and wife schooling and husband and wife s social origin and social background are not independent. In this way, it can be supposed that the social background (status assigned) continues influencing the choice of marriage even when it takes into account the status held (schooling of spouses) Buscou-se, nesse estudo, quantificar e avaliar a homogamia, a heterogamia e as barreiras de cruzamento ao matrimônio via escolaridade (anos de estudo) e origem social (categorias ocupacionais dos pais). As tendências temporais desses padrões também foram examinadas. Analisou-se, ainda, a associação entre escolaridade dos maridos, escolaridade das esposas (status realizado), origem social dos maridos e origem social das esposas (status atribuído). Esse trabalho teve o intuito também de discutir o viés de seletividade marital segundo os diferenciais sociais (anos de estudo e origem social). Para isso, foram analisados parâmetros que mostram como se configuram os padrões de nupcialidade (idade média ao casar e celibato definitivo), bem como foram examinados os determinantes da união sob a perspectiva de três níveis de fatores condicionantes (nível das características individuais, nível do status atribuído e nível do status realizado). Verificou-se que as mulheres com alta escolaridade, no Brasil, permanecem num período maior na condição de solteiras (alta idade média ao casar e alto celibato definitivo). Os homens com alta escolaridade também apresentaram uma alta idade média ao casar, entretanto, o casamento demonstrou ser praticamente universal para esse segmento. Os resultados também mostraram que o aumento de um ano na idade dos indivíduos elevam a chance de união em aproximadamente 5%. Ter uma baixa escolaridade também aumenta a chance dos indivíduos se casarem. A variável origem social apresentou um comportamento dúbio ao ser incorporada no modelo com a variável anos de estudo. Constatou-se que há uma alta proporção de uniões homogâmicas por escolaridade. Para efetuar uma análise adequada das tendências temporais na seletividade marital foi proposto modelos log-lineares em que a dimensão do tempo foi incorporada. O ajustamento dos modelos indicou que a interpretação mais plausível para as tendências temporais na seletividade marital por escolaridade é a da estabilidade dos parâmetros indicativos das propensões homogâmicas. Em relação a análise da seletividade marital e origem social os resultados mostraram que a maior proporção de homogamia pôde ser verificada entre os casais que tinham como origem social a categoria de pequenos proprietários rurais. A conclusão mais plausível ao se analisar os modelos que consideraram as tendências temporais é que a variação temporal dos parâmetros indicativos da seletividade marital por origem social é a característica mais forte dos dados analisados. Ao analisar as chances relativas oriundas desse modelo observou-se que as barreiras de origem social de curta distância (entre segmentos de origem social próximos) são as mais fáceis de serem transpostas. Ao passo que as barreiras mais difíceis de serem ultrapassadas estão concentradas nos dois extremos. Verificou-se, ainda, que as associações entre as interações escolaridade do marido e escolaridade da esposa e origem social do marido e origem social da esposa não são independentes. Assim, pode-se presumir que a origem social (status atribuído) continua influenciando a escolha conjugal mesmo quando se leva em consideração o status realizado (escolaridade dos cônjuges)

This article compares divorce risks according to marriage type. The common dichotomy between ethnic homogamous and ethnic heterogamous marriages is further elaborated by differentiating a third marriage type; ethnic homogamous marriages between individuals from an ethnic minority group and a partner from the country of origin. Based on the analysis of data concerning the Turkish and Moroccan minorities in Belgium, it has been confirmed that the divorce risk associated with these marriages is higher than that of other ethnic homogamous marriages. However, specific divorce patterns according to marriage type also indicate the importance of differences between the minority groups.

This article studies the relationship between partner selection and socioeconomic status (SES) attainment and mobility in five rural parishes in southern Sweden, 1815-1894. Three different aspects of partner selection are considered: age, social origin, and geographical origin. We use an individual-level database containing information on the SES origin (parental land holding and occupation), age difference, and place of birth of the married couple. The results show a powerful association between partner selection and SES attainment and mobility. Social heterogamy was particularly important, but age heterogamy and geographic exogamy was also clearly related to both SES attainment and mobility. 1 Associate Professor, PhD, Centre for Economic Demography and Department of Economic History , Lund University. P.O. Box 7083. 22007 Lund, Sweden. E-mail: Martin.Dribe@ekh.lu.se. Phone: +46462224677. Fax: +46462227339. 2 Professor, PhD, Department of Economic History. University of Gothenburg. E-mail: Christer.Lundh@econhist.gu.se.

Contains fulltext : 90228.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) This study extends earlier research on educational inequality and health in two ways. First, we examine whether own educational level and spouse's educational level are independently associated with self-assessed health throughout European societies by analysing 29 countries simultaneously. Second, we ask to what extent educational heterogamy at the country level is related to health differences between and within countries. Theories on social capital lead to the hypotheses that average health is better in countries with more educational heterogamy, and educational differentiation in health is smaller in countries with more educational heterogamy. To test our expectations, we use individual data from the European Social Survey of 2002, 2004, and 2006 (N = 59,314) as well as country-level data. Using multilevel analyses, we find that not only one's own educational level, but additionally the spouse's level of education positively affects self-assessed health in Europe. The degree of educational heterogamy does not influence the average level of self-assessed health in a country. However, the positive relationships between own and partner's education and self-assessed health are weaker as the degree of educational heterogamy at the national level is higher. 16 p.

Previous founding studies (Girard, 1964) (Bozon, Heran, 1987, 1988) (Singly, 1984) have shown that heterosexual couples are structured according a double logic, that of social homogamy and sexual heterogamy thereby ensuring the reproduction of social order and gendered order. This paper aims at reexamining the issue of couples'configuration, focusing on cases of woman's hypogamy (where the woman is more qualified than her partner). How do these situations of atypical heterogamy affect the reproductions of social and gendered order within the family? This study is based on the findings of the " Families and employers " INED study caried out in 2004 on 2719 couples ages 25-49 and follow up interviews on a sample of couples in which the woman is significantly more highly qualified than the man. The findings do not show major changes but changes in emphasis. First, heterogamy, and femal hypogamy, will be measured. Heterogamy is slightly on the increase, but women are more often hypergamous than hypogamous, even if the latter shows a slight increase. Moreover, the sex inversion of heterogamy (female if the diploma is taken as criterion or male if the social category is) proves how difficult it may be for women to find a job which really corresponds to their diploma and qualifications. The interviews focused on situations of woman's hypogamy and confirm that the sexual division of work (domestic work especially) is only slightly affected, even in a configuration that may have been deemed much more favorable for women. We nevertheless noticed some specific features (which distinguish hypogamous women more from other women than from men): overqualified women (compared to their partner) tend to be more stable in their jobs and more involved in their work. The interviews revealed a greater autonomy of these women as regards their work, but their career does not necessarily have priority within the couple. These findings are congruent withe research carried out in other countries (Tichenor, 2005) (Bittman and alii, 2003) (Mac Rae, 1986).

The effect of educational differences between partners on marital quality and stability is commonly analysed using difference, or compound measures. This article considers the theoretical foundations for these approaches and examines an alternative approach, diagonal reference models (DRMs). The three methods are then compared empirically, using data on 629 married couples from the survey Child-Rearing and Family in the Netherlands. Difference measures show no effect on marital satisfaction, whereas compound measures and DRMs do show an effect. As DRMs also allow for the quantification of this effect, while being theoretically and methodologically appropriate, they are affirmed the best method.

This is a challenging moment for the law of discrimination. The state’s role in discrimination has largely shifted from requiring discrimination - through official policies such as segregation - to prohibiting discrimination - through federal laws covering areas such as employment, housing, education, and public accommodations. Yet the problem of discrimination persists, often in forms that are hard to regulate or even to recognize. At this challenging moment, the intimate domain presents a vital terrain for study in two main ways. First, conceptually, studying the intimate domain permits new insights into discrimination and the law’s identity categories, because people are more willing to be explicit about identity-based preferences in this domain than in others (such as employment). Second, practically, examining the intimate domain reveals the ways that relationships in this sphere affect hierarchies and opportunities in more public domains, and the role the state plays in those relationships. This Article therefore examines intimate discrimination, focusing on race, sex, and disability, and identifies key norms for each category. For race, the norm is homogamy, or pairing with one’s own type; for sex, by contrast, the norm is heterogamy, pairing outside one’s type; and for disability, the norm is desexualization, rather than pairing with one group or another. The Article does not assume that intimate discrimination is necessarily bad. On the contrary, examining the nuanced landscape of discrimination in this realm is one of the Article’s main purposes. Ultimately, the Article concludes that, at the level of individual interaction, intimate differentiation based on these identity traits can be good, bad, or neutral, depending on context. For this and other reasons, legal regulation targeting individual differentiation on these bases would be woefully misguided. Nonetheless, the state plays important roles in intimate discrimination at a structural level. By creating the infrastructure of society, the state shapes the accidents of who meets whom and how. In addition, the state plays a role in the hierarchy of intimate opportunities by shaping social capital and relative advantages. The state therefore should reform its laws and policies to attend to its structural role in intimate discrimination. For sex, the most obvious next step is to cease to restrict marriage according to sex. For disability, the state should help to encourage opportunities for intimate affiliation by, among other things, attending to the architecture of intimacy, by which I mean the ways that structures of accommodation operate to help or hinder not only access, but also closeness. For race, the state’s goal should not be to encourage race mixing, but rather to lift burdens on existing relationships, such as residential segregation. Recognizing how intimate affiliations affect opportunities and status hierarchies, both in the intimate sphere and beyond, points us toward new ways to intervene in the persistent problem of discrimination.

According to classical works on social stratification, status homogamy can be regarded as an indicator of the "openness" of society. In contrast to previous approaches, this article treats marriage choice as a multidimensional phenomenon and makes a distinction between ascriptive- and achievement-oriented characteristics. Ascriptive status homogamy is measured by the similarity of spouses with respect to their fathers' occupational class, while the achieved dimension of status homogamy is measured by the similarity of spouses' educational attainment. Multivariate log-linear models are used to explore the relative importance of these factors for the choice of a spouse, and the article tests the hypothesis that there has been a transition from ascription to achievement in patterns of marriage selection. This study first demonstrates empirically that previously conducted synthetic cohort analyses of educational homogamy suffer from selection biases and then, using the Occupational Change in a Generation (OCG...

Contains fulltext : 73136.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) This study investigates the relationship between characteristics of the living environment and antagonistic attitudes towards ethnic out-groups, with a focus on the explanation of opposition to ethnic intermarriage. Previous studies on the relationship between the living environment and prejudice-related attitudes used at most a limited set of contextual characteristics. We investigate to what extent relative group sizes, economic competition, cultural competition, safety threats, and social cohesion within Dutch municipalities and neighbourhoods affect antagonistic attitudes once social origin characteristics and other relevant individual-level characteristics are controlled for. To test hypotheses derived from Ethnic Competition Theory and Contact Theory, we used data from the Netherlands Kinship and Panel Survey supplemented with unique aggregate demographic statistics. The results show that proximity of ethnic out-group members in the municipality reduces opposition to ethnic heterogamy. However, an increase in the ethnic out-group proportion is positively related to opposition to ethnic intermarriage. Moreover, at the neighbourhood level, proximity of ethnic outgroups increases opposition among the lower educated, whereas it decreases opposition among the higher educated. These findings indicate that the threat mechanism, the contact mechanism, and selective migration operate at the same time. Economic competition is the only type of competition that evokes opposition to ethnic intermarriage. 16 p.

Choosing a partner in agriculture. The French agricultural world has long been characterized as being closed in on itself. This may take the form of a professional closure which leaves little place to new arrivals of diverse social origins, or the form of marital closure with relatively limited choices for the daughters of farmers given the demographic constraints of the countryside. The rise of heterogamy, not only professional (women work more and more outside the farm ) but also social (women come less and less from the agricultural community), challenges this image. This marital opening is not uniform : farmers in the most specialized sectors such as grain cultivation are more inclined to be married to women unconnected to agriculture. These wives will be partners to a family life which does not merge with that of the farm. Farmers in less specialized sectors, like polycultural farming, raising livestock, or those with strong work obligations like milk production, are more likely to marry the daughters of farmers who go on to work with them -in other words, making them collaborators in a family life focused on work, Le monde agricole a longtemps été caractérisé par une relative fermeture sur lui-même. Fermeture professionnelle qui laisse peu de place aux nouveaux entrants d'origines sociales diverses, fermeture conjugale avec un choix relativement circonscrit aux filles d'agriculteur et restreint par la démographie des campagnes. La montée de l'hétérogamie, non seulement professionnelle (les femmes travaillent de plus en plus à l'extérieur de l'exploitation) mais sociale (les femmes sont de moins en moins issues du milieu agricole), remet en question cette image. Cette ouverture conjugale n'est pas uniforme : les agriculteurs des secteurs les plus spécialisés, comme la céréaliculture, sont plus enclins à avoir une conjointe extérieure à l'agriculture ; elle sera la partenaire dans une vie familiale qui ne se confondra pas avec celle de l'exploitation. Dans les secteurs moins spécialisés -comme les systèmes de polyculture-élevage ou dans la production de lait avec un fort travail d'astreinte -ils ont plus tendance à avoir des conjointes filles d'agriculteurs qui travaillent avec eux, bref des collaboratrices dans une vie familiale centrée sur le travail., Giraud Christophe, Rémy Jacques. Les choix des conjoints en agriculture. In: Revue d’études en Agriculture et Environnement, N°88, 2008-3. Actualité de la reproduction des groupes sociaux agricoles en France. pp. 21-46.

This article presents 41 educational heterogamy tables for 23 industrial nations after World War II. Countries differ in gross heterogamy rates and relative chances of heterogamy. Evidence is found in favour of a trend towards higher gross rates of heterogamy and towards more equal relative chances of heterogamy. Hypotheses on effects of economic and political factors are tested. The contribution these factors make to the explanation of relative heterogamy is smaller than found in studies on intergenerational mobility. Between countries more equal relative father-to-son occupational mobility chances go together with more equal relative chances of educational heterogamy. Within countries relative mobility chances are more equal than relative chances of heterogamy. All in all Lipset and Zetterberg's notion of general societal openness is confirmed, whereas Bourdieu's notion tblt mobilit~ d heterogamy are compensatory strategi~ · of reproduction is not upheld.

In choosing marriage partners, we generally look for someone with similar status characteristics to our own. This paper suggests that status inequalities may be hypothesized to make a difference in marital satisfaction. Using the couple as the unit of analysis, the effects of educational heterogamy on marital satisfaction were investigated. Using ordinary least-squares regression, we found that when husbands had more education than their wives, both partners reported less than happy marriages with more disagreement and less positive feedback. Conversely, when the wife had more education, both partners reported more satisfaction with the marriage. Using results from the ordinary least-squares regression, a two-stage least-squares model was estimated. In this more complete model, the strongest effect on each partner's marital satisfaction was the feedback regarding the other partner's happiness within the marriage. Possible explanations for these findings are presented. We argue that longitudinal studies, using the couple as the unit of analysis, are essential if we wish to study the processes of marital interaction between spouses.

Previous studies have indicated a relationship between religious homogamy and marital satisfaction and stability. However, most have emphasized denominational affiliation only. Using loglinear analysis of national survey data, this study tested the effects of three types of religious homogamy - namely denominational affiliation, church attendance, and belief in the Bible - upon marital satisfaction and stability. Results indicated that denominational affiliation homogamy is the most critical, with church attendance homogamy contributing slightly to marital success. Similar beliefs about the Bible did not have a statistically significant association with either marital satisfaction or marital stability.