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This paper proposes that dissident leaders aiming to build mass opposition movements follow the mainstream press to help them gauge government tolerance for anti-government mass actions in repressive authoritarian regimes. Under conditions of censorship, media-state interactions serve as a barometer of the government's disposition toward and capacity to impede public displays of dissent. Observing trends in coverage and the government's reaction to this coverage helps activist leaders assess when it should be safest to plan anti-government mass actions, such as demonstrations, marches, or strikes. Using original data derived from coding content from the Brazilian newspaper Folha de São Paulo over the period of 1974-1982, I test whether opposition mass actions followed trends in taboo content and government treatment of the press during the period of political liberalization of Brazil's military regime., Este artigo propõe que líderes políticos dissidentes que almejam estruturar movimentos de oposição em massa acompanham a imprensa ordinária de modo a contribuir com a avaliação da tolerância governamental à manifestações populares contra o Governo, em regimes autoritários repressivos. Sob condições de censura, as interações mídia-Estado servem como um barômetro da capacidade e disposição do Governo em impedir manifestações públicas oriundas de setores da oposição. As reportagens jornalísticas e as reações do Governo às mesmas são fontes que auxiliam os líderes opositores à avaliarem o momento mais prudente para planejar ações de massa antagônicas ao regime, tais como manifestações, marchas, e greves. A partir de dados originais derivados da codificação de conteúdo do jornal brasileiro Folha de São Paulo no período entre 1974-1982, examino se as ações populares da oposição acompanharam os padrões de conteúdo censurado, bem como o tratamento que o Governo deu à imprensa durante o período da redemocratização do Brasil, no fim do regime militar.

Diese Veröffentlichung erforscht auf der Grundlage einer Untersuchung der führenden finnischen Tageszeitung Helsingin Sanomat die Einstellungen und das Verständnis der Finnen zu Russland. Sie beschäftigt sich besonders mit der sogenannten Karelien-Frage und die Art und Weise, wie diese die öffentliche Diskussion in Finnland geprägt hat. Der Artikel versucht, meinungsbildende Verhaltensweisen in den spezifischen sozialen und kulturellen Verhältnissen zu untersuchen und erläutert die Meinungsbildung als gesellschaftliches Verhalten. Er bewertet, wie sich die öffentliche Meinung, wie sie sich auf der Leserbriefseite der Zeitung ausdrückt, entwickelt hat und von den größeren Veränderungen beeinflusst worden ist, die an der Grenze stattgefunden haben. Es gibt im Laufe der Zeit eindeutige Veränderungen sowohl in quantitativem als auch qualitativen Sinn. Dies lässt sich als Darstellung eines Trends zum allgemeinen Verschwinden in der Geschichte zusammenfassen, aber auch als periodisch auftretender Effekt und als Zusammenspiel zwischen bilateralen Beziehungen und allgemeineren geopolitischer Veränderungen., Based on an analysis of the leading Finnish newspaper, Helsingin Sanomat, this paper explores Finnish attitudes towards and understandings of Russia. It pays special attention to the so-called Karelia Question and the way it has shaped public discussion in Finland. The article seeks to investigate human signifying practices in the region’s specific social and cultural circumstances and explains meaning-making as a social practice. It evaluates how public opinion, as expressed in the letters page of the newspaper, has evolved and been affected by the broader changes that have occurred at the border. There are clear changes over time, both in a quantitative and qualitative sense. This may be summarised as representing a trend of general fading into history, but also as a more cyclical effect and as the interplay between bilateral relations and broader geopolitical changes.

Quelles sont les images de la Belgique en Bulgarie? L'article explore les images de la Belgique dans la presse écrite, qui est une des principales sources qui forment les stéréotypes et les opinions des citoyens. Dans nombre d'articles consacrés à la Belgique, les Bulgares cherchent à se regarder comme dans un miroir et à se comparer. La Belgique et la Bulgarie sont toutes les deux des pays de petite taille. El les sont toutes les deux membres de l'Union européenne - la première est parmi ses fondateurs, la deuxième a adhéré dernièrement. La première a influencé au fil de plus d'un siècle, directement ou indirectement, les institutions, l'économie et la culture de la seconde. La Belgique apporte en Bulgarie le boom économique au XIXe siècle. La Belgique est pour la Bulgarie un exemple de démocratie. La Belgique est des pays les plus riches indépendamment de sa petite taille. L'image la plus répandue de la Belgique c'est Bruxelles - la capitale européenne. Mais la Belgique est aussi un pays qui connait des rapports difficiles entre les Wallons et les Flamands. Les images belges dans la presse bulgare sont liées à la bière, aux arts et à la culture. Bref: "pleine d’argent, de bière, de chocolat, d'arts et de bureaucratie, la Belgique est un pays calme et prospère".

O trabalho utiliza os conceitos de tática e estratégia, de Michel de Certeau, para estudar e analisar os diferentes comportamentos adotados pelos editores do jornal Movimento, antes e depois da suspensão da censura prévia àquela publicação. Movimento sofreu a censura prévia desde seu nascimento, em 30 de junho de 1975, ao longo de 154 edições. Numa e noutra situação, os editores de Movimento apresentaram comportamentos diversos, quer resistindo à violência da censura, quer denunciando-a. Este trabalho procura entender o porquê de tais comportamentos e o que eles produziram junto a seus leitores e na sociedade brasileira. Para isso, o artigo examina diferentes edições do jornal, antes e depois da edição 154, de 12 de junho de 1978, quando a publicação comunicou a seus leitores a nova situação vivida pelo jornal., This paper use the differents Michel De Certeau' concepts of tactic and strategy to study and analise behaviors of Movimento' editors, before and after the previous censure suffered by that newspaper. Movimento has suffered previous censure since his birthday, 1975, June, 30, during 154 issues. In each situation, the Movimento' editors had different behaviors, resisting to the censure or in denunciation of it. This paper try to understand these behaviors and what its produce in readers and Brazilian society. The paper take different issues of the newspaper, after and before the 154 ediction (1978, June, 12), when the paper communicate to his readers the new situation.

Este artigo é um recorte da minha pesquisa sobre a história editorial do livro Mein Kampf, de Adolf Hitler, no Brasil. Neste trabalho, investigo a produção, a circulação e a recepção do lançamento de Minha Luta - como seu título foi traduzido para o português - no país, em setembro de 1934, pela Editora Globo de Porto Alegre. Até agosto de 1942, quando a obra foi proibida pelo presidente Getúlio Vargas, foram impressas sete edições. Muito do pouco que se sabe sobre o lançamento nacional de Minha Luta encontra-se registrado em notícias esparsas e, muitas vezes, discordantes, nos periódicos da época e em obras de referência. Trazer à luz os detalhes dessa história preencherá uma lacuna nos estudos do livro., This article is an excerpt from my research on the publishing history of Mein Kampf, by Adolf Hitler, in Brazil. In this paper, we investigate its production, circulation and reception in the country in September 1934, by Editora Globo, in Porto Alegre/RS. Until August 1942, when the work was banned by President Getulio Vargas, seven editions were printed. Much of the little that is known about the national launch of Mein Kampf is recorded in sparse and often discordant news in periodicals of the time and reference works. Bring to light the details of this story will fill a gap in the book studies.

A revista francesa Paris Match foi uma influência decisiva na modulação dos projetos editoriais de muitas revistas brasileiras importantes, como O Cruzeiro e Manchete. Não obstante isso, são poucos os trabalhos que exploram os aspectos editoriais da publicação francesa. Diante disso, o objetivo do presente artigo é, a partir de uma revisão bibliográfica, realizar um mapeamento histórico dos aspectos editoriais de Paris Match, bem como a forma como eles foram sendo modificados ao longo do tempo., The French magazine Paris Match had a decisive influence on the modulation of editorial projects of many important Brazilian magazines such as O Cruzeiro and Manchete. Nevertheless, there are few works that explore the editorial aspects of this French publication. Thus, the purpose of this article is from a literature review, conduct a historical mapping of the editorial aspects of Paris Match, as well as the way they were being modified over time.

"Politische Affären und Skandale sind ein prägender Bestandteil sowohl moderner (Medien-) Gesellschaften im Allgemeinen als auch der politischen Kultur Österreichs. Deren Analyse lässt Rückschlüsse auf das Verhältnis von Politik und Journalismus zu. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird im vorliegenden Beitrag die Rolle der Printmedien im Prozess der Skandalisierung des Falles Grasser in der vergangenen Dekade exemplarisch untersucht. Im Zentrum steht eine vergleichende quantitative Inhaltsanalyse der Berichterstattung zweier Qualitätsmedien ('Der Standard' und 'Die Presse') und des reichweitenstärksten Boulevardblatts ('Kronen Zeitung'). Die empirischen Befunde verdeutlichen, dass die Printmedien unterschiedliche Positionen im Zuge der Skandalisierung Grassers einnahmen. Die Qualitätsblätter unterscheiden sich hierbei klar von der 'Kronen Zeitung'. Die Medien scheinen (immer noch) nach unterschiedlichen Logiken zu operieren. Eine mitunter unterstellte Boulevardisierung der Berichterstattung der Qualitätspresse hat in diesem spezifischen Fall folglich nicht stattgefunden." (Autorenreferat), "Political affairs and scandals represent immanent parts of modern (media) democracies in general and they have impregnated Austria's political culture in particular. Analyzing political scandals allows drawing inferences about the relationship between politics and journalism. Against this background, we take a closer look at the example of print media and the role they played in scandalizing the case of Karl-Heinz Grasser. Methodically, we rely on a quantitative content analysis of the coverage of two quality newspapers ('Der Standard' and 'Die Presse') and the most popular tabloid paper ('Kronen Zeitung'). Our results show that the media took different positions in scandalizing Grasser. We identified a clear distinction between the quality press on the one hand and the tabloid press on the other. Seemingly, they (still) operate according to different logics. As a consequence, the often assumed trend of a 'tabloidization' of the quality press cannot be verified for this specific case." (author's abstract)

Die vielfältige Nutzung und Anwendung von Medien steht seit geraumer Zeit im Fokus soziologischer und medienwissenschaftlicher Forschungen. Der vorliegende Beitrag möchte einen Einblick in die Mediennutzung und -anwendungsformen aus einer räumlichen Perspektive geben. Zu diesem Zweck wird die Datenbank Media-Analyse verwendet, die detaillierte Informationen zur Anwendung von Internet, Radio, Fernsehen und Tageszeitungen sowie soziodemographische Daten liefert. Disparitäten in den Zugänglichkeiten zu neuen Medien (insbesondere Internet) zwischen städtisch und ländlich strukturierten Räumen sind weiterhin vorhanden, auch wenn in den vergangenen Jahren teilweise Konvergenzen festgestellt werden konnten. Allerdings können auch neue Trennlinien in Formen und Umgebung der Medienanwendung festgestellt werden. So weisen ländliche Räume vergleichsweise hohe Abonnentenquoten bei Tageszeitungen auf, die u.a. mit fehlenden Alternativen im Medienangebot erklärt werden können. Aber auch das Leseinteresse an regionalen Nachrichten ist bei Bewohnern ländlich geprägter Räume signifikant höher als bei Abonnenten in städtischen Räumen., The usage and application of media is a complex and multidimensional phenomenon, which was mainly explored within sociology and media sciences. This contribution tries to give an insight into usage and application of media from a spatial point of view. Therefore the database Media-Analyse is used, which provides detailed information on employment of internet, radio, TV and newspapers as well as socio-demographic aspects. Gaps in the accessibility to new media (here: internet) between urban and rural structured spaces still exist. Partly, these gaps converged in recent years and new parting lines can be detected. These lines are defi ned by the modes in which new media are applied, which in turn depend on socio-demographic and spatial aspects. Accordingly, in rural areas traditional media like newspapers are subscribed to a relatively high degree. Sparse supply and minor business competition cause these effects. Furthermore, the regional context provides explanations as well. Regional news are signifi cantly more often read in rural than in urban areas.

Currently the themes of innovation and social networks appear in the content of press articles. Living in an Internet society where the users are increasingly involved in the innovation process, thus acting upon the notion of "Bottom-Up innovation", as coined by Eric von Hippel (1998, 2005, 2013), indicates it is worthwhile to analyse the place of these terms in respect to our daily lives as well as their evolution over time. Are the terms innovation and social networks important in public debates? Which principles define the model of Swiss Innovation, often compared to that of Silicon Valley? As Switzerland's position improves within the global innovation rankings over time, is it possible to observe in parallel increased occurrences of these themes in the press? Could the two notions of innovation and social networks be interlinked? Are there any enterprises, which appear through the media press, as particularly present in the fields of innovation and/or social networks?

O trabalho propõe uma análise comparativa dos formatos impresso e online do Jornal do Brasil (JB), a fim de investigar as transformações no perfil editorial do periódico a partir de sua transição definitiva para a plataforma digital, que ocorreu em 2010. Ao todo, foram analisadas 14 publicações do JB, entre impressas e digitais, buscando uma análise comparativa das edições nas duas mídias. O presente artigo apresenta um resgate da história do JB. Além disso, expõe a análise descritiva, com base nos indicadores de identidade levantados em revisão bibliográfica específica e, posteriormente, apresenta os resultados obtidos, tecendo comparações entre os formatos., The paper proposes a comparative analysis of printed and online formats of Jornal do Brazil (JB) in order to investigate the changes in the journal's editorial profile from its final transition to the digital platform, which took place in 2010. Altogether, 14 JB issues were analyzed, both printed and digital ones. This article presents a bailout in the history of JB. In addition, it presents the descriptive analysis, based on the identity indicators raised in specific literature review and subsequently presents the results obtained, weaving comparisons between formats., El documento propone un análisis comparativo de los formatos impresa y electrónica de Jornal do Brasil (JB) con el fin de investigar los cambios en el perfil editorial del diario de su transición final a la plataforma digital, que tuvo lugar en 2010. En total, el estudio analizó 14 publicaciones de JB entre impresos y digitales, para esbozar un análisis comparativo de los temas en los dos medios. En este artículo se presenta un plan de rescate en la historia de JB. Además, se presenta el análisis descriptivo, basado en la identidad de los indicadores planteados en revisión de la literatura específica y, posteriormente, presenta los resultados obtenidos, tejiendo las comparaciones entre los formatos.

Council newspapers form an integral part of European media systems and, as such, have been analysed for their important contribution to the development of local politics. However, despite a recognition of the media’s important democratic function in the transition countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) after the fall of socialism, the consideration of council newspapers’ political role in the Czech Republic and Slovakia have been largely absent in debates surrounding the development of regulatory frameworks until recently. Interestingly, debates regarding local government transparency emerged recently (2011) in the United Kingdom, resulting in the Code of recommended practice on local authority publicity, underscoring the importance of this issue. However, developments in the aforementioned situations demonstrate divergent outcomes in such considerations: the British addressed the causes, the Czechs addressed the symptoms, and the Slovaks have yet to make any headway. This article utilizes qualitative analysis of policy and regulation documents to compare the trajectories of media policy and regulation of council publicity in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, ultimately contrasting it with developments in the UK, suggesting possible future trajectories for the development of this type of regulation in the CEE countries. (author's abstract)

O objetivo deste trabalho é observar a disputa de sentidos entre narrativas jornalísticas do presente acerca dos acontecimentos ocorridos durante a vigência da ditadura civil-militar no Brasil. Verificou-se como a memória foi acionada e ressignificada em reportagens especiais das revistas Brasileiros, Época e Veja durante a efeméride dos 50 anos do golpe de 1964. A abordagem metodológica utilizada foi a análise de conteúdo em associação à análise das narrativas. Constatou-se que o tema “ditadura” é ainda reverberado e retomado pelo jornalismo. Notou-se ainda que as revistas Época e Veja corroboram a história oficial ao silenciar vozes antagônicas em nome de uma suposta objetividade, ao mesmo tempo em que a Brasileiros reflete o processo oscilatório em que se encontra a mídia ao potencializar alguns conflitos em suas páginas., This paper aims to observe the dispute of meanings amidst current journalistic narratives regarding the happenings that took place during the civic-military dictatorship in Brazil. The objective was to verify how memory was activated and resignified at special reports published by Brasileiros, Época and Veja magazines during the 50th anniversary of the 1964 coup. Content and narrative analysis were used as methodological approaches. It was found that “dictatorship” as a theme still reverberates and is recaptured by journalism. It was also noticed that Época and Veja magazines corroborate with official history by silencing antagonistic voices in the name of a supposed objectivity, while Brasileiros reflects the oscillatory process in which media finds itself by potentializing some conflicts within its pages., El presente trabajo presenta la disputa de sentidos en narrativas periodísticas actuales sobre lo ocurrido durante el periodo de la dictadura cívico-militar de Brasil. En el análisis se presenta como la memoria se acciona o como se reinterpreta la temática en reportajes especiales de las revistas "Brasileiros", "Época" y "Veja", publicadas en el período del aniversario de 50 años el golpe de 1964. La metodología utilizada fue el análisis de contenido en conjunto con el análisis de narrativas. Es posible afirmar que la temática "dictadura" todavía reverbera y se retoma en los medios periodísticos. Las revistas "Época" y "Veja" se presentan desde el punto de vista de la historia oficial, callando voces antagónicas en nombre de una supuesta objetividad; a su vez "Brasileiros" refleja un proceso de oscilación en que se encuentran los medios de comunicación brasileño al dar voz a algunos conflictos en sus páginas.

La contribución de los diarios La Nación y Clarín con el golpe cívico militar de 1976 en la Argentina y la legitimación del terrorismo de Estado como método para aniquilar a la “subversión” y para restaurar el “orden”, particularidad a la que hemos denominado “periodismo hermesiano”, los convirtió en primer término en socios ideológicos de la dictadura. Este vínculo inicialmente virtual, encontraría su materialidad a partir de la conformación de la empresa productora de papel para diarios Papel Prensa S.A., en la cual se convertirían en socios económicos. En carácter de tales aceptaron y justificaron la supresión de los derechos políticos y sociales y las restricciones a la libertad de prensa, así como también acompañaron la posición de la dictadura argentina frente a su par chilena en el diferendo por el Beagle. La recuperación temporaria de las Islas Malvinas entre el 2 de abril y el 14 de junio de 1982, si bien fue tratada de manera dispar en términos cuantitativos por ambos (La Nación70 editoriales, Clarín 30) ambos coincidieron en jerarquizar, antes que el día a día de los acontecimientos bélicos, una serie de tópicos destinados a fortalecer identificaciones colectivas y a poner en la agenda ciertas temáticas vinculadas con el futuro institucional del país para contribuir a enderezar el rumbo político en la posguerra tanto en el orden interno, cuanto en el orden internacional., The contribution of the daily La Nacion and Clarin with civic military coup in 1976 in Argentina and the legitimation of state terrorism as a method to annihilate the “subersion” and restore “order” feature that we call “journalism hermesiano”, I became the first term in ideological partners of the dictatorship. This virtual link initially, would fin its material from the conformation from the company producing newsprint Newsprint SA, which woud become economic partners. In such character they accepted and justified the suppression of political and social rights and restrictions on press, and also they accompanied the position of the Argentina dictatorship against its Chilean counterpart in the dispute over the Beagle. The temporary recovery of the Malvinas Islands between April 2 and June 14, 1982, but was treated unevenly both in quantitative terms (La Nacion 70 publishers, Clarin 30) both agreed hierarchy, rather than the day to day of the war events, a number of topics aimed at strengthening collective identifications and put on the agenda certain issues related linked to the institutional future of the country to help straighten out the political direction in the postwar both internally, as in the international order., A contribuição dos jornais La Nación e Clarín com o golpe cívico-militar, de 1976 na Argentina, bem como o discurso de legitimidade do terrorismo de Estado como um método para aniquilar a "subversão" e para restaurar a "ordem", que chamamos de "jornalismo hermesiano", tornou-os parceiros na ditadura ideológica. Este vínculo inicialmente virtual, encontraria sua materialidade a partir da formação da empresa produtora de papel de jornal Papel Prensa S.A., que os tornariam parceiros econômicos. Nesse contexto, que aceita e justifica a supressão dos direitos e restrições políticas e sociais à liberdade de imprensa e também acompanhou a posição da ditadura Argentina contra o seu homólogo chileno na disputa sobre o Beagle. A recuperação temporária das Ilhas Malvinas entre 2 de abril e 14 de junho de 1982, foi tratado de forma desigual em termos quantitativos por ambos (os editores de Nación 70, Clarin 30) ambos coincidiram em hierarquia, com elementos do dia-a-dia dos eventos de guerra, uma série de tópicos que visam reforçar identificações coletivas e colocar na ordem do dia determinadas questões relacionadas com o futuro institucional do país para ajudar a endireitar o rumo político na guerra, tanto na ordem interna, como na ordem internacional.

O artigo tem como objetivo analisar a representação da criança carente e/ou em situação de rua da cidade de São Paulo na revista Veja São Paulo. Para atingir o objetivo realizamos uma análise do discurso jornalístico nos textos da revista, entre os anos de 2005 e 2012, relacionando-os aos conceitos de biopolítica, cunhado por Michel Foucault, às teorias sociocognitivas sobre o discurso de Teun Van Dijk e às metáforas como ferramentas sociocognitivas de George Lakoff e Mark Johnson. Como resultados, identificamos que a representação das crianças na revista é regida por dinâmicas de exclusão e marginalização, por meio de um discurso baseado em moralização, ideologia do consenso (FOWLER, 1991), criminalização e exclusão., The article aims to analyze the representation of needy and/or homeless children of São Paulo in the magazine Veja São Paulo. To achieve the goal we conducted an analysis of journalistic discourse in the magazine's texts, between the years 2005 and 2012, relating them to the concepts of biopolitics, coined by Michel Foucault, the socio-cognitive theories of discourse Teun Van Dijk and metaphors as socio-cognitive tools of George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. As a result, we identified that the representation of children in the magazine is governed by the dynamics of exclusion and marginalization, through a discourse based on moralizing, and the consensus ideology (FOWLER, 1991), criminalization and exclusion., El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la representación de los niños necesitados y / o de las calles de São Paulo en la revista Veja São Paulo. Para lograr el objetivo se realizó un análisis del discurso periodístico en los textos de la revista, entre los años 2005 y 2012, relacionándolos con los conceptos de biopolítica, acuñado por Michel Foucault, las teorías socio-cognitivos del discurso Teun Van Dijk, y las metáforas como herramientas socio-cognitivas de George Lakoff y Mark Johnson. Como resultado, identificamos que la representación de los niños en la revista se rige por la dinámica de la exclusión y la marginación, a través de un discurso basado en la moralización, y la ideología de consenso (Fowler, 1991).

Através da Ciência periodística de Otto Groth (2011), da Teoria da Agenda e da Teoria do Gatekeeper, o trabalho traz reflexões conceituais do Jornalismo, dialogando com a proposta do Projeto Eleições Limpas e reforma política, apresentada pelo Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral (MCCE). O estudo faz o diálogo através da perspectiva de formação da opinião pública do Eleições Limpas, que prevê coleta de assinaturas ao projeto de iniciativa popular, com algumas Teorias do Jornalismo, destacando as características da "Ciência dos Jornais", do agendamento temático (público, político e midiático) e dos processos de seleção através da metáfora das forças. A proposta é analisar a tematização jornalística do projeto com interface a algumas Teorias do Jornalismo., Through periodistica Science Otto Groth (2011), the Agenda Theory and Gatekeeper theory, the paper presents conceptual Journalism reflections, dialoguing with the proposal of the Clean Elections Project and policy reform presented by the Movement Against Corruption electoral (MCCE). The study is the dialogue by forming perspective of public opinion in the Clean Elections, which provides for collection of signatures to the popular initiative project with some theories of journalism, highlighting the characteristics of the "Science of Newspapers" Theme scheduling (public, political and media) and of the selection process through the metaphor of forces. The goal is to analyze the journalistic project theming interface to some theories of journalism., A través periodística Ciencia Otto Groth (2011), la teoría de la Agenda Teoría y Gatekeeper, el artículo presenta reflexiones Periodismo conceptuales, dialogando con la propuesta del Proyecto de Elecciones Limpias y la reforma política presentada por el Movimiento contra la Corrupción Electoral (MCCE). El estudio es el diálogo mediante la formación de perspectiva de la opinión pública de las Elecciones Limpias, que proporciona para la recolección de firmas para el proyecto de iniciativa popular con algunas teorías de periodismo, destacando las características de la "Ciencia de la Prensa" programación temático (público, política y medios de comunicación) y del proceso de selección a través de la metáfora de las fuerzas. El objetivo es analizar la interfaz tematización proyecto periodístico algunas teorías del periodismo.

Der Reihenband enthält folgende Beiträge: 1. Sarah Boriés: Bürgerstiftungen in den Printmedien. Formale Aspekte der Berichterstattung. 2. Berit Sandberg: Bürgerstiftungen im Spiegel der Presse. Inhaltliche Aspekte der Berichterstattung.

Wissen über wissenschaftliche und wirtschaftliche Sachverhalte ist auch medial vermittelt. Nur die wenigsten Menschen haben persönliche Kontakte mit Personen, die in Spitzenpositionen von Wissenschafts- oder Wirtschaftsorganisationen tätig sind. Für große Teile der Öffentlichkeit entsteht das Wissen über erfolgreiche WissenschaftlerInnen und ManagerInnen auf der Grundlage von medialen Repräsentationen, die ihnen der Journalismus täglich zur Verfügung stellt. Die vorliegende Studie fragt danach, wie die Presseberichterstattung Personen in Spitzenpositionen der Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft porträtiert und problematisiert. Dabei werden Vergleiche sowohl zwischen Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft als auch zwischen den Geschlechtern vorgenommen. Die Studie basiert auf einer qualitativen Textanalyse von Printmedien, die sich an der sozialwissenschaftlichen Diskursanalyse orientiert. Gegenstand der Untersuchung sind Artikel über Personen in Toppositionen von Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft in folgenden Medien: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Tageszeitung, Die Zeit, Der Spiegel, Focus, Capital, Manager Magazin, Bild der Wissenschaft und Spektrum der Wissenschaft. Der Untersuchungszeitraum erstreckt sich über sieben Monate im Jahr 2008. Die Befunde werden vor dem Hintergrund der dekonstruktiven medienwissenschaftlichen Geschlechterforschung und der kulturorientierten Journalismusforschung diskutiert., As only few people are in personal contact with leaders in professional organisations of science and the economy, the media plays a central role in communicating scientific and economic issues. Consequently, a great share of public knowledge about successful scientists and managers develops on the basis of information provided on a daily basis by journalists. This study thus inquires about the ways in which media representatives portray and problematize leaders in science and the economy. This includes particularly a comparison between the two sectors as well as between gender groups. The study consists of a qualitative discourse analysis of print media articles about leaders in science and the economy in the following newpapers and magazines: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Tageszeitung, Die Zeit, Der Spiegel, Focus, Capital, Manager Magazin, Bild der Wissenschaft und Spektrum der Wissenschaft. This evaluation was conducted over a period of seven months in 2008. In discussing the results of the study, this paper adopts a deconstructive approach to gender studies and frames the discussion on journalism from a cultural perspective.

Article about the causes, patterns, trends and drivers of the printed media market in the Russian Federation. The authors analyze the investment processes associated with the formation of the Russian market of periodicals. Much attention is paid to the effects of the penetration of the Russian market of foreign print media and publishing technology.

"In diesem Beitrag wird untersucht, ob die Russlandberichterstattung in den deutschen Medien einen Einfluss auf den deutschen außenpolitischen Russlanddiskurs ausübt. Es gibt verschiedene Erklärungsansätze, die die Einflüsse auf Meinungsbildungs- und Entscheidungsprozesse in der Politik untersuchen. Einer dieser Ansätze ist die Theorie des Policy-Agenda-Setting. Die Agenda-Setting-Forschung untersucht die Resonanz der Medienberichterstattung im politischen System. Besonders für Fragen der Außenpolitik spielt die Berichterstattung in den Medien eine große Rolle, da es die Medien sind, aus denen die mit Außenpolitik befassten Politiker und Beamten den Großteil ihrer Informationen erhalten. Eine Tendenz in der allgemeinen Berichterstattung der Medien ist der Hang, 'stereotype' Bilder zu vermitteln. Stereotypen erlauben einen relativ mühelosen Austausch von Meinungen und Standpunkten und reduzieren die Komplexität der Welt. Die Betonung bestimmter, immer wiederkehrender Faktoren in der Berichterstattung führt zu einer Verzerrung, die in ihrem Ergebnis Stereotypen hervorbringt. Diese Untersuchung hat zwei empirische Zielrichtungen. Erstens soll untersucht werden, ob die Russland-Berichterstattung in den deutschen Printmedien durch implizite Stereotypisierung gekennzeichnet ist, also ob sie auf bestimmte, nämlich negative Nachrichtenfaktoren reduziert ist. Die zweite Frage lautet, ob sich für diese Berichterstattung eine Resonanz in den Äußerungen deutscher außenpolitischer Akteure zu Russland nachweisen lässt. Im ersten, theoretischen Teil diese Beitrags wird das außenpolitische Konzept der Einbindung erklärt und seine Anwendung in der Russlandpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland skizziert. Anschließend werden Konzepte der Entscheidungsfindung in der Außenpolitik benannt und dabei besonders die Theorien der Agenda- Setting-Funktion der Medien beschrieben. Im anschließenden Kapitel wird ausführlich diskutiert, wie Nachrichten entstehen und welche Faktoren den Transforma

How does gender affect discourse processes, particularly regarding the coverage of family issues? In order to explore this question, we focus on media representations of women in their roles as mothers on the one hand and journalists on the other and we compare the reporting of male and female journalists covering families. We refer to gender theory to examine processes of gender construction by different actors in the media and we draw on journalism theory to explain different reporting styles and strategies by male and female authors regarding discourse strategies, framing, and gender-stereotyping. Our methodological approaches include quantitative and qualitative content analyses and 14 semi-structured interviews with journalists, family researchers, and lobbyists. The sample includes coverage of families in general and that of large families in particular in German print media in the years 2011 and 2012, for a total of 1,100 texts. One of the key findings, not surprisingly, is that most of the journalists reporting on families are female. Similar to male journalists, however, they focus on the traditional family type despite the fact that various alternative forms of family life are now a social reality.