Search

The aim of this thesis is to show how identity and professional-pedagogical identification in pedagogy were transformed in the second half of the 20th century under the totalitarian communist dictatorship in Hungary. He gives examples and wants to demonstrate that memory (remembering) not only makes the present but also reveals the experience of the past and transfers it in its personal character into the present. Memory (the practical past) makes possible what is lost through the repeated experience of life. Furthermore, she uses the personal life histories of secondary school teachers to demonstrate that remembering has a significant impact on the production of (new) historical knowledge at both individual and group levels (Gyáni, 2020, p. 354). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the basis of the newly available Vatican archival sources from the pontificate of Pius XII as well as other archival sources, the article examines how Pope Pius XII and his Curia faced the challenge of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia and the attitudes of the particular Church in the crucial period between the definitive Communist takeover and the expulsion of the last papal representative from Prague and what strategies they developed in order to protect the Church from persecution and ideological seduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Lê's deployment of photography, performance, and writing as media through which the Vietnamese overseas preserve, contest, and transmit the past in the present. Lê's novel as kaleidoscope reflects the multilayered heterogeneity of the diaspora through the lens of its second generation, who are ambivalent agents of cultural memory, unable or unwilling to grapple with these shifting fragments of the past. The image of Saigon, April 30, 1975 is fragile with their children. And just as the Saigon left behind exists no more, the image of this lost Saigon, Lê's novel suggests, will one day also be lost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the image of Taiwan (the Republic of China) in the Polish communist press in the mid-1950s. It focuses on the news coverage related to the two Polish cargo ships – the Praca and the Prezydent Gottwald – which were detained by the Taiwanese authorities in 1953 and 1954, respectively. Based on the press narratives and supported by declassified government documents, the paper analyses the impact of the Cold War conflicts and divisions on the detention of Polish ships and its coverage by the Polish communist media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will discuss Întoarcerea Autorului (The Return of the Author), published for the first time in Communist Romania in 1981, and, after 1990, in France and the United States, republished in post-Communist Romania in 1993, 2005, and 2013, the fourth edition. The article will try to follow the historical and cultural background for the volume and its subsequent editions to answer the question who is the author of the "return of the author"? I will point to the implicit and explicit dialogue of the 1981 book with other books dealing with the same topic and perceive their coincidences - with reference to Sean Burke, Dominique Maingueneau, Antoine Compagnon and Valentine Cunningham. I will focus on one of the most important and daring ideas of this book (which can be retraced afterwards, in Reading after Theory by Cunningham): those critics who proclaim the death of the author have proved to be the most authorial and authoritarian of all. Within the broader context of author studies, I will outline the characteristic features of the 1981 book and the actuality of Simion's critical position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The secret police, along with the political apparatus of a ruling party or administration, created the backbone of communist regimes and constituted the main tool of State violence. The state of the art within studies on the Polish security apparatus—albeit extremely rich—is entirely focused on archival documents. What is missing from the research on the secret police in Poland is an oral history approach. This article is a pioneer attempt at revealing the operative methods of the Służba Bezpieczeństwa (SB) through interviews with former officers. It aims at reconstructing the mechanism that led the officers to victimize dissidents and how they created moral justifications for their deeds. Asking about their career track, successes and failures, relationships with other officers, private life, and details of daily duty, I tried to glean what made the interviewees become perpetrators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to show the weakness of the ideological position according to which "one can define oneself as communist today, despite the historic crimes of communist regimes". In my opinion, the legitimacy of this position would depend upon being able to demonstrate that there could be an "authentic Marxism" that would have nothing to do with its erroneous historical manifestations. And it is precisely this topic on which I will focus my critical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

False flag operations are acts of deception carried out by government officials to blame other countries or political groups for an attack against the nation with the aim of stirring up a desire for retribution against the supposed perpetrator. Since the effectiveness of a false‐flag operation depends on preventing the truth from becoming widely known, it is impossible to know how often such operations have been carried out. Nevertheless, some historical events have been revealed in time, so we can better understand how they operate. The focus here is on false‐flag operations in Western Europe and Turkey, carried out as part of the Gladio program during the Cold War under the supervision of the CIA. In each case, the CIA persuaded NATO members to recruit right‐wing operatives to engage in terrorist actions and then blame the resulting deaths on left‐wing groups, mostly communists. In this way, the United States used deception and terror to prevent communists from gaining power in Europe after World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between political expediency, perception management, and governmental goals. The subject matter forms the research question of “How a tool such as perception management can be used to politically expedite a government’s interests and goals?” It is understood that these ends can be achieved through the usage of perception management by constructing them from a given audience’s interests and values. The concept of perception management is introduced to the reader and illustrated by the example of the United States government’s knowledge of the Katyń Forest Massacre. This article is presented in two parts – the United States’ initial conclusion that the Nazi party was responsible for the massacre and its later reassignment of fault to the Soviet Union. The first instance which involved the reconstruction of truth, was used to politically advance the United States’ cooperation with the Soviet Union in fighting Hitler’s Germany. The second instance also involved the revelation of truth and was used to justify its fight against the North Korean communists. This article should effectively demonstrate how the practice of perception management has been used historically by the United States government to expediate its political goals. The instrumentalization of Katyń is important as it may inspire the reader to consider why certain events take hold of the media’s attention versus others, and how these events specifically may relate to domestic and international political issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper accompanies a dataset containing information regarding the stagings of Molière's plays during the 42 years of the communist regime in Romania, from 1948 to 1989. It offers a quantitative overlook of 120 productions, through statistics and visualizations, in an attempt to make sense of the data and find trends and directions otherwise difficult to detect. The data was collected from a public repertory database, supplemented by information from the theaters' archives and reviews from period magazines and newspapers. We have strived to let the data 'speak,' minimizing speculative commentary to where we felt it was needed to add colour or emphasize certain possible patterns. For network graphing and analysis, we used Gephi 0.9 software, and for the analysis and visualization of geospatial data, QGIS 3. Data processing and graph generation were carried out using Microsoft Excel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over two decades from 1949 until the resumption of the diplomatic relations between these two countries in 1972, West German companies never gave up on the Chinese market despite substantial difficulties caused by Cold War frictions. This paper exams the payment transactions and terms of credits for financing industrial projects between the PRC and West German companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After completing his eligibility at Southampton, Washington flew off to Poland in January 1979 to join Start Lublin, becoming the first American to play pro basketball behind the Iron Curtain. In the fall of 1987, Anderson reported to his new team in Lublin, as it happened, the same city where Kent Washington had made his spectacular debut eight years prior. Kent Washington, Kentomania: A Black Basketball Virtuoso in Communist Poland, ed. [Extracted from the article]

The purpose of the research is to highlight the forms of pressure on Soviet cinematographers during the years of Stalinist repressions. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, and a comprehensive approach. The work uses the historical-genetic method, which indicates the cause-and-effect relationships of repressive actions in relation to the specified artists. The historical-comparative method makes it possible to analyse the peculiarities of cultural policy in 1940, 1943 and 1946, to find out how the Second World War affected art and state policy in the field of cinematography. The systematic method makes it possible to understand that cinematography was a component of ideological influence on the population. The novelty of the study. For the first time, the history and creative work of Soviet cinematographers, who were natives of Ukraine and whose criticism symbolised certain stages in the ideological policy of the Communist Party, were compared. Conclusions. It was established that the process of criticism and condemnation was clearly developed in the Soviet totalitarian society. Despite the difference in professions and the subject of the work, the artists were accused of similar sins. Thus, O. Avdieienko, O. Dovzhenko, and L. Lukov were accused of distorting Soviet reality and failing to adhere to communist ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enver Hoxha (1908-1985) ruled Albania for four decades, forging a regime based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism, which was adapted according to the international situation. In this article we aim to study the main characteristics of this communist political culture, paying particular attention to the Stalinist legacy, the debate on Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy and the conceptual operators of Enverism (impregnable fortress, revolutionisation, vigilance, a just political line and the reexamination of dogmatism and deviationism), as well as the echo of Enverism in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses various strategies of recreation of the political enemy in graphic representations of the PCE and PCI, mainly of the sixties and seventies. The introduction highlights the iconographic tradition about otherness present in the communist visual culture of both countries, then analyzing the dominant features of the Italian and Spanish imaginary in relation to different semantic and formal tactics (simplification, degradation, brutalization...). The text underlines the link between representations of the enemy and qualification of the communist identity, as well as its continuities, modulations or ambiguities in the contexts of "historical compromise", late franquismo and the democratic transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filozofija i Drustvo is the property of University of Belgrade, Institute for Philosophy & Social Theory and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In January 1979, a delegation of exiled Brazilian communist women activists travelled across Italy during a week-long visit organized by the Women's Section of the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano - PCI). The goal of the women representatives of the Brazilian Communist Party (Partido Comunista Brasileiro - PCB) was to learn from and forge links of solidarity with PCI activists in the context of mounting internal resistance and international condemnation against Brazil's civil-military dictatorship, in power since 1964. This introductory essay contextualizes a set of six written sources from the PCB women's delegation to Italy, including written reports and correspondence from both hosts and guests. The journey is a telling instance of cross-border solidarity between two sets of global communism's little-studied female subjects. Yet, the pathway leading its Brazilian protagonists to Italy was not a straightforward one. PCB delegates did not depart from their home country towards Italy, but from their places of exile across Western Europe. Moreover, most female PCB militants had only fled to Europe between 1973 and 1975, many of them from Chile, their «first» exile until the violent overthrow of Salvador Allende's Unidad Popular government. The essay briefly discusses this trajectory before providing a detailed chronicle of the visit to Italy. It then shifts focus to the peculiar transnational space created through the exchanges between Brazilian guests and Italian hosts in the trip. The documents introduced in the essay, in that regard, do not only testify to the crucial role played by the PCI - and its overlooked women activists - in the international communist movement of the late 1970s. They also shed light on a gendered practice of internationalism understood as a two-way bond of solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theoretical background: The family enterprises are regarded as the backbone of every economy. In Poland, it is estimated that more than 60% of small and medium-sized enterprises are family businesses. Taking into account the particularities of the Polish economy in connection with the period of political transformation after 1989, the majority of family firms are in the hands of the founding families respectively the first generation. The question of the succession process is of great importance for all family companies, but especially for Polish family businesses, since in the former communist system no private property could be passed on to future generations. The Polish entrepreneurial families therefore do not have enough practical succession experience. Moreover, the Polish society is still characterized by a conservative world view or female view, which means that the majority of entrepreneurs choose the eldest son as their potential successor. Purpose of the article: The aim of the study is to present the history of daughters successors in Polish family businesses in institutional context of transforming economy. The research follows the qualitative paradigm to find context sensitive data on female successors in family businesses in Poland. Research methods: The research was designed and conducted according to the qualitative paradigm as this is the best way to understand the social realities of the actors involved. The research material was collected through semi-structured interviews with three daughters-successors in Polish family firms. The authors conducted with each female successor two interviews – a total of six interviews. The interviews last on average 1.5 hours. The longest last 2.5 hours. The interviews took place at the companies’ headquarters. The interviewed persons were women from family-owned businesses. Main findings: Taking into account the data collected, it can be assumed that the education of the next generation in the entrepreneurial families has a direct influence on the probability of a takeover. The study indirectly showed that society’s attitude towards working women in Poland has changed. This survey can make an important contribution to the understanding of the dynamics that prevail in Polish family-run companies. These findings can in turn help to develop recommendations or guidelines for those business in the succession process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The paper analyzes the content of proclamations of the Tambov uprising during the period of 1920–1921. The role of appeals in the ideological confrontation between the communist regime and the insurgent movement is revealed.Materials and methods. The ideological orientation, the persuasiveness of the arguments, the language intelligibility and the style of presentation were established based on studying leaflet texts. Opponents invested different meanings in the revolutionary agitation rhetoric and articulated different goals of the armed struggle. Through the printed word, both of them sought not only to prove their adherence to the ideals of the revolution, but to mobilize their supporters for decisive action in order to save it.Results. The antithesis of the assertion of Soviet propaganda about the threat of a return to the old order was the reality of communist violence against rural workers. The text of the anti-government leaflets contained criticism of the Bolsheviks food policy and condemnation of the God-fighting essence of the communist government. The effectiveness of printed agitation by the opponents was limited by the technical capabilities of the insurgents and the illiteracy of most of the local residents. The anti-Semitic character of the handwritten appeals was evidence of the peasants’ reaction to the Jewish dominance in the organs of communist power.Conclusion. The comparison of the texts of the opponents' proclamations leads to the conclusion that both of them called their reader to a decisive struggle in the name of the revolution, but the meaning of its ideals was understood in different ways. Another feature of such proclamations was that their authors and addressees were representatives of the revolutionary generation, which determined their fate, but split them on different sides of the front.