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The abolitionist movement seeks to fundamentally dismantle the prison industrial complex. Modern abolitionists recognize that mass incarceration of Black and Brown people is twenty-first century slavery. True abolition, they note, cannot be realized by merely tinkering with the carceral state. Instead, the complete elimination of modern-day badges and incidents of slavery must occur. The U.S. Supreme Court has held that § 2 of the Thirteenth Amendment grants the U.S. Congress the power to pass legislation to eradicate any “badges and incidents” of slavery. By passing federal antigang legislation and failing to outlaw similar state statutes, which are modern badges of slavery themselves, Congress abdicates its duty to enforce the Thirteenth Amendment. The Reconstruction Amendments’ legislative history suggest that in the absence of Congressional action, federal courts are the last resort for striking down state laws that perpetuate the institutions of slavery and white supremacy. Thus, this Article calls upon the United States Supreme Court to exercise its duty and join the abolitionist movement to target antigang statutes as but one institutional legacy of slavery that must be toppled. Part I of this Article engages Thirteenth Amendment scholars’ writings and adopts a prominent position that the intent of the Thirteenth Amendment, to eradicate all forms of slavery, is applicable to many modern-day instances of oppression. This Part adds to other abolitionist scholars’ efforts by demonstrating that Black Codes, Jim Crow-era vagrancy laws, and gang injunctions have evolved into the sophisticated antigang statutes of today, and they were initially intended to be— and still are—”badges” and “incidents” of slavery. Part II identifies the specific individuals who drafted, advocated for, and facilitated the passing and the enforcement of the first gang statutes in this country. Those individual drafters’ racist ideologies and objectives will be exposed by way of their writings, public statements, and campaigns then challenged to upend their justification for gang statutes. Part III gives some sense of the economic cost of gang prosecution, the human toll on gang members and the communities from which they come and how gang statute prosecutions violate the plain language of the U.S. Constitution. In addition to the economic cost of gang enforcement regimes—which are almost impossible to fully calculate—this Part highlights how gang prosecutions do not address the public safety concerns of largely Black and Brown communities. Part IV applies an abolitionist framework to gang statutes and explores solutions that not only make better use of economic resources and restore integrity to constitutional due process, but actively work towards an abolitionist horizon. This Article offers a proposal for the reallocation of funds towards antiracist structural change and a centering of community justice based in the power of the Thirteenth Amendment. Th e United States was founded on genocide and white supremacy, but the Reconstruction Amendments presented an opportunity for the country to start again. By revisiting the legislative history of the Th irteenth Amendment, the abolitionist intent behind it, and the way in which white supremacists have thwarted such intentions, this Article argues that the present social climate is ripe for redressing Th irteenth Amendment jurisprudence, beginning with the total eradication of antigang statutes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we highlight the experiences of two Black early-career science teachers who transitioned from their STEM professions into the classroom. This study explored factors that influenced their decisions to choose education and how being introduced to abolitionist teaching during the preparation process informed their roles as educators. Abolitionist teaching served as the theoretical lens to examine their pursuit of teaching as a career and the classroom practices that they employed. Data sources included two semi-structured interviews with each participant and artifacts from the teacher preparation program and their science classrooms. We lifted up the voices and experiences of teachers through narrative inquiry and, two major themes emerged from their stories. Findings revealed that the participants were inspired to serve as role models and positioned themselves as extended family members for Black and Brown children to realize their potential. Findings also highlighted the significance of centering abolitionist teaching in the science teacher preparation program to equip and position these teachers to resist marring practices within their schools. We argue that educational reform efforts must acknowledge the value that Black teachers bring to science classrooms and create retention initiatives that protect and support them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores people's acts of disengagement from activist campaign and group spaces in the context of border struggle activism in Germany and the UK as fugitive practices of refusal. These acts of disengagement took the form of remaining silent or intentionally distracted, sleeping during activist meetings, distancing oneself from activist groups during conversations, or completely withdrawing from these spaces. The paper approaches these acts, first, as practices of refusal that expose notions of the political rooted in liberal struggles over power and freedom as not only risky but also inherently self‐defeating and, second, as radically optimistic and vitalising practices of recovery and care that insist on alternative modes of thinking, practising, and experiencing sociality and the political that can inspire us to consider political agency in relation to wider abolitionist projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a preliminary study of an urban school district, and its use of a scripted middle-school language arts and literacy curriculum. The majority of students served by this district are African American. By interviewing a small sample of four teachers and one literacy coach, gathering preliminary data, and observing students within language arts classrooms, we analyze the impact of the district's move to non-skill-based Reading and Writing Workshop Models curricula. This curriculum is neither aligned with the Common Core Standards, nor does it allow for teacher autonomy based upon student need. District mandates direct teachers to "follow the script" of a curriculum that was not intended to have a script—in effect, the students have less guidance than the teachers within this scenario. In this article, we highlight specific literacy practices, policies that disempower teachers and students, and strategies for abolitionist resistance within urban schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As reformers and abolitionists spar over the future of law enforcement, both camps urge giving the "community" a weightier say in defining public safety priorities. Regardless of whether police departments should be further revamped or instead defunded, a key task will be determining how to grapple with the complicated, heterogeneous nature of communities. The Internet and social media have provided new possibilities, but also new challenges, in confronting that task. The virtual world has provided novel ways for people to connect with each other--new kinds of "communities"-- but it has also fed polarization and division, threatening to widen the gulfs between groups with different concerns and different assumptions about the world, and fueling inter-group suspicion and hostility. Three distinct online conversations about public safety have emerged. "Neighborhood Watch" brings together people in a particular geographical area who are concerned about crime and disorder; it is an online continuation, in a way, of the meetings in church basements and community centers that police departments hosted in the 1980s and 1990s, when community policing had its heyday. "Community Resistance" brings together people concerned about abusive law enforcement, especially police racism and police violence. The paradigm here is the Black Lives Matter movement, which successfully highlighted and organized resistance to the shockingly high rates at which American police kill people of color. A striking fact about Neighborhood Watch and Community Resistance is how separate these two discourses are from each other and how little the two conversations overlap. Both of these online conversations are separate from "Cop Talk," the use of social media by police officers to share their thoughts about their work and interactions with the public. A series of scandals around the United States over the past decade have repeatedly uncovered examples of officers engaging in online conversations rife with racism, sexism, and a cynical disdain for much of the public they are pledged to serve. Online discussions of policing and public safety thus have exemplified the broad tendency of the virtual world to heighten the dual nature of community: the way that communities serve both to link people together and to divide them. The internet offers tantalizing opportunities to address the complexity of communities and help reconcile opposing values in public safety rather than paper them over. For the virtual world to assist in this enterprise, though, its weaknesses, as well as its attractions, need to be taken into account. That means, in part, optimizing the internet's potential to bring people together while minimizing the alienation, fragmentation, and mistrust that online discussions can breed. It means encouraging and facilitating productive dialog--whether or not led by the police--between people with different assumptions and concerns about policing and public safety and working to incorporate the views of people who may not be active participants in any of the existing online discourses we have described. There may be ways to pursue these goals through a range of online interventions, some aimed at platforms and others at users. But the most important responses to online polarization--whether with regard to policing and public safety or with regard to other lines of cleavage in the virtual world--may not themselves have anything to do with the internet but rather with conditions in the real world that the internet draws on, replicates, and in some cases amplifies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While until quite recently, it had been accepted wisdom that the state was defined in Weber's terms as having a monopoly on the I legitimate i use of violence, it seems clear that in the development of the United States monopoly is in the eye of the beholder.[21] Police Power and Neoliberal Governance Neoliberalism in practice entails several politico-economic phenomena. (The country with the second highest level of gun ownership was Yemen, with 52.8 guns per 100 persons, and the "highly developed" country with the second highest level of guns next to the United States was Canada, at 34.7 per 100.)[ To develop this argument, I employ the work of Michel Foucault on the origins of the police and Jonathan Obert in his study of the role of violence in the creation of the U.S. of political order in the nineteenth century. Keywords: abolition; neoliberalism; police; Foucault; discipline EN abolition neoliberalism police Foucault discipline 699 708 10 10/03/23 20231001 NES 231001 Police abolitionists in the United States understand police power to be a key domestic instrument of state power. [Extracted from the article]

In the scientific article, the author analyzed the issue of the formation of women's suffrage in the United States of America. The meaning of the "conference to discuss the social, civil and religious condition and rights of women" held in Seneca Falls in 1848 is revealed. The role of suffragettes, their complex international connections and strategies for the development of women's rights are outlined. The achievements of Mary Wollstonecraft, Maria Stuart, Francisca Anneke, Sarah Parker Remond, Stanton, Anthony, Ida Wells, Frances Harper, Churchy Terrell, Alice Paul and the social movement of abolitionists in the process of securing women's rights, including women's suffrage, are revealed. The importance of the founding of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, the International Women's League, the World Women's Christian Temperance Union, the International Council of Women, the National Association of Colored Women, the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage, and the Inter- American Commission on Women is characterized. The emergence of the internationalism of women's suffrage, the spread of feminism is analyzed. The events and consequences of the struggle for women' s suffrage in the USA are summarized. In particular, it notes that the transnational legacy of the suffrage movement is evident in the ongoing aspirations of US women for full citizenship today. Then, as now, the struggle for women's rights is linked to global movements for human rights - for immigrant, racial, labor and feminist justice. The internationalism of the women's suffrage movement shows us that activists and movements outside the USA, as well as a wide range of diverse international causes, were crucial to the organization of what was considered such a quintessentially American right to vote. The emergence of women's suffrage reminds us how much we have to learn from feminist struggles around the world. We see the prospects for further scientific research in the study of women's suffrage in the states of the EU and other countries of the world and in their comparison. A scientific article can be useful for experts, historians and students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the political aspects of sanctuary, this article offers a qualitative account of responses to the criminalization and long-standing racialized exclusion of immigrants. Fieldwork findings suggest that New York City's New Sanctuary Coalition (NSC) did not screen immigrants to distinguish between the worthy/deserving and the undeserving, nor did it create a boundary between the host and the guest; rather, it actively worked toward an abolitionist movement of expanded sanctuary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States system of policing is in drastic need of change. Some recent critics have encouraged that we avoid trying to repair the system—and abolish it altogether. In advancing this position, they often invoke ideas of "dreams," "speculative imagination," and "horizons" to guide efforts at fixing the problems of policing. In this essay, I caution against the overuse of this sort of idealized discourse in debates about policing. Specifically, I show how idealizations risk being counterproductive with respect to abolitionists' activist goals, in that they suggest that if abolition is desirable, approximating abolition is also desirable; fail to clarify what the conditions of application of their view are; and operate without the feasibility-sensitivity that one should expect from a non-evaluative position. My goal is not to suggest that our system of policing is fine as is. Nor is it to diminish the importance of having a long-term revolutionary vision. By pointing out the ways in which the idealizations invoked are inconsistent with abolitionists' activist agenda, I hope to help clarify the merits of police abolition as a guiding strategy for change and caution against the use of certain forms of idealized thinking in our efforts at police reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins from the perspective that the prison and the university are different sides of the same coin. Both the university and the prison have a symbiotic relationship with one another: like the prison, the university is a power broker--it is invested in the same intersecting regimes of power--hetero-patriarchal capitalism, white supremacy, and settler colonialism--benefitting from the success, and emulating the design of these structures. It is thus the author's contention that studying abolition requires experimentation with theoretical modes and conceptual practices that might reorient study itself and provide alternative coordinates for the development of abolitionist futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political philosophers have recently recovered the tradition of "rhetorical redescription"—the art of changing the world by changing the language we use to represent it. The philosopher Amia Srinivasan has called this strategy worldmaking. This article elaborates worldmaking as a process of revolutionary change through a close reading of the slavery debates in the antebellum United States. Antislavery abolitionists were paradigmatic worldmakers. But their efforts to redescribe slavery prompted a counterrevolution. In the 1850s a new and final wave of southern proslavery writers, led by George Fitzhugh and Henry Hughes, attempted not to refute abolitionist redescriptions but to coopt them. This reactionary strategy, which tries to preserve the material reality of the ancien régime beneath the language of revolution, I call worldsaving. Turning our attention to the worldsavers in moments of revolutionary upheaval can be instructive, for their emergence both confirms the success of worldmaking and threatens its ultimate undoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few years, trans inclusion in the military has become the focal point for much of trans activism in the US. Advocates seeking inclusion highlight how participation in the military is often a means of socioeconomic mobility and access to trans-friendly healthcare. Such advocacy hinges upon notions of "good citizenship," which buttresses US exceptionalism, and concretizes the US empire vis-à-vis militarism. In this paper, we examine a popular documentary, TransMilitary (2018), released in the context of the US–led War on Terror. This documentary serves as a cultural artifact that showcases the deployment of trans service members to Iraq and Afghanistan as a form of inclusion advocacy. Against the backdrop of US imperialism in Asia and Oceania, we extend Asian/American and Pacific Islander feminist analytics to bring into conversation a trans of color abolitionist praxis that centers demilitarization and abolition of the military. In conclusion, we formulate Asian and Pacific Islander trans feminist abolitionist critiques of US trans militarism. A trans abolitionist framework unsettles ideas of liberal inclusion and, instead, centers abolishment of the military for collective trans liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Living an Abolitionist Life" is at once a testimony to the everyday praxis of abolition feminism and a theoretical framework for understanding the abolitionist impulse characteristic of an anti-carceral Asian American feminist praxis. Using Sara Ahmed's feminist scholarship as a guide, the author observes various shifts from the individual to the collective, distilling the urgency of abolition feminism into a praxis of everyday choices. The first case study sits with the cultural politics of emotion, reviewing reactions to anti-Asian racism during the COVID-19 pandemic including discourse surrounding calls for hate crimes legislation and mass appeal through the hashtag #StopAsianHate. Next, the author considers collective care through Ahmed's notion of "becoming a feminist ear," foregrounding 18 Million Rising, an Asian American digital-first organization that authored Call on Me, Not the Cops , an intergenerational resistance to policing. The article ends with a discussion on orientation and orientalism, revisiting the case of Yang Song, a Chinese migrant massage worker who fell four stories to her death in Flushing, Queens during a police raid in 2017. Holding on to the liberatory potential of Asian American abolition feminism, the author writes less with the intention to evidence the indisputable worth of Asian American abolition feminism and more to offer a way of noticing everyday gestures of being in political struggle by centering those who live abolitionist lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This agrarian geography of Kentucky begins on the streets of the state's largest city, in the throes of antiracist struggle. It tracks the state's lingering colonial settler power dynamics through the racism of plantation, extraction, and carceral geographies. It then traces how resistance to these exploitations take root in place-based agri-food initiatives unfolding through urban-rural solidarity against white supremacist policing, prison systems, labor exploitation, and extractivism. It begins with a brief overview of the scale of reference of Kentucky itself. Situating the state entails addressing the trauma and topophilia (love of landscape) of its agrarian past and present. It draws upon bell hooks' literary invocations of Kentucky-based agrarian visions, as well as place-based political ecology scholarship (seven years of Kentucky Agrarian Questions practitioner panels at the Dimensions of Political Ecology Conference at University of Kentucky). Following Black and abolitionist geographies, this agrarian geography traces rural and urban shared struggles for food sovereignty, environmental justice, and liberation from racism of carceral systems. It introduces Kentucky grassroots projects connecting and uniting rural and urban struggles against carceral violence and the racism therein, such as Hood to the Holler (a political initiative emerging from Black Lives Matter mobilizations for Breonna Taylor). The essay ends with reflections on the political-ecological contradictions and imperative of working through and beyond a settler-colonial-state scale of reference like Kentucky. To extricate from and dismantle plantation modes and carceral legacies, abolitionist agrarian geographies recover the reality of Black and Indigenous agrarian history, presence, and futures. As such, rooted in place-based reckoning, resistance, and responsibility, they offer hope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Liberating ELA Classrooms: Nurturing an Abolitionist Praxis among Preservice Teachers of Color" discusses the need to address carcerality, particularly against youth of color, in English language arts (ELA) classrooms. The authors propose an abolitionist praxis, which involves eradicating carceral practices, policies, and ideologies in schools through reflection, theory, and action. They describe a community of abolitionist praxis that supports preservice teachers of color in developing and enacting this approach. The article provides an example of how engaging in collective discussions can help identify and counter carceral policies in schools. The authors emphasize the importance of continuing to explore possibilities for equity and justice in English education. [Extracted from the article]

Abolitionist John Brown remains a cultural touchstone over 160 years after his execution for leading the Harpers Ferry Raid in October 1859, largely because that event and Brown's behavior after it played a part in leading the nation into civil war. To understand that legacy and his role in sparking the Civil War, this article examines the discursive field that animated around Brown within the context of the racial sensorium of his time. We argue Brown still attracts interest because he was a distinctive antebellum racial figure who catalyzed major shifts in the country's racial sensory landscape by offering a mode of radical whiteness grounded in white mobility, the use of violence, electrifying words and deeds, and shockingly bold intimacies with Black people. Ultimately, by examining the discursive field that surrounded Brown from his time in Kansas to after his execution, we demonstrate how his radical sensibilities shifted the somatic politics of racial confrontation in the antebellum period and show that John Brown became an amplifying cultural force through which both Northerners and Southerners felt the question of slavery in new ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, anti-racist campaigns mobilising under the banner of Black Lives Matter challenged liberal reforms to policing as they made calls to defund the police. In the same year, the UK government's Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities rejected not just the radical demands of Black Lives Matter protesters, but even liberal analyses of institutional racism in policing. This article examines how these two political interventions, analysing the same place at the same time, arrived at such divergent conclusions. This is done by tracing critiques of institutional racism from the Black Power movements of the 1960s and '70s, through to the more liberal interpretations of institutional racism following the 1999 Macpherson Report. It goes on to argue that the failings of Macpherson provided the impetus for the political developments of 2020. The dearth of political, historical and economic analysis by Macpherson helped embolden the government to denude interpretations of data on racial inequalities as constituting institutional racism. Simultaneously, the endurance of police racism in post-Macpherson Britain has served only to underline the necessity for more radical demands in challenging institutional racism. The author argues that this has spurred on present-day activists to draw on the radical Black Power politics of the twentieth century to complement their abolitionist demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The jettison of enslaved people occurred with shocking regularity during the transatlantic slave trade. While this practice has been cited as a quintessential symbol of Black abjection within contemporary scholarship on the African and Black diaspora, it was also formative to the inception of Black literary culture. In this article, I track the representation of jettison across the earliest publications in English by Black writers. I focus on how Black authors writing in English embraced the affordances of literary style when addressing jettison. Although the forced ejection of Black life at sea is rarely represented directly in these texts, it is invoked using literary modes that convey the lived experience of such unspeakable violence. After identifying how figurative renderings of jettison emerge as a foundational trope within the Black literary tradition in English, I explore in greater detail its application in Olaudah Equiano’s The Interesting Narrative (1789), which inverts this trope to mediate the text’s emancipatory aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on American bishop, Jermain Wesley Loguen's steadfast refusal to purchase his own freedom, even when given the opportunity to do so. It examines the circumstances surrounding these opportunities, such as the negotiation for the freedom of his mother, Jane, and the abolitionist efforts to raise funds for her release. It also explores broader debates within the abolitionist movement regarding the ethics of purchasing freedom and the moral implications of such actions.

This article imagines abolitionist politics in the Yucatán peninsula as one group, known as U jeets'el le ki'ki' kuxtal, pushes against one portion of Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador's development plan known as the "Tren Maya." I contend that U je'etsel's calls for autonomy speak to forms of radical abolitionist politics present in the United States, where we might observe the centrality of land in both abolition and decolonization. To this end, I first provide a definition of a trans feminist abolition radically focused on the otherwise, or the eradication of all forms of social oppression. This definition is followed by close readings of U je'etsel's communiqués regarding AMLO's 2021 visit to the Yucatán peninsula and the continued role the so‐called "Caste War" plays in attempts to expand nationalized colonization into the region. My final goal is to proffer that "Caste War" constitutes a historicized form of radical autonomy as well as project of abolition subject to forces that seek to vacate it of its liberatory power. I demonstrate that part of U je'etsel's discursive project is to reclaim the "Caste War" narrative as part of an emancipatory project involving a radical reclaiming of autonomy's regional history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief essay reflects on the conjunctional histories of anti‐black and anti‐trans criminalization in the context of the contemporary moral panic aimed at eradicating transgender life. Within the last couple of years, conservatives have introduced and (and sometimes passed) legislation in thirty‐four states criminalizing trans people (with an emphasis on trans healthcare and bathroom use) and the parents, doctors, and teachers who have sought to serve as trans allies. How is this wave of fascist panic and propaganda linked to broader histories of racial and gendered criminalization in the United States? And how might a more thorough understanding of the carceral dimensions of race and gender aid in solidarity efforts between cis and trans abolitionist organizers? This paper reflects on these questions and their stakes in our current political moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Slavery existed in pre-modern societies throughout the world. While enslaving other peoples in most civilizations was legal, only Western civilization developed a moral revulsion against it. Therefore, the United States dialogue about slavery and reparations should focus on recognizing the 4000 years of slavery that ended through the efforts of abolitionists and their allies. The American abolitionist movement was fueled by a diverse group of individuals, including Quaker abolitionists, women's rights activists, and influential figures like Olaudah Equiano, Frederick Douglass, Sojourner Truth, and Martin Delany. The moral and political philosophies of Kant, Mill, Nietzsche, and Hegel also influenced the abolitionist movement with ideas about the inherent worth and dignity of human beings, individual liberty, and freedom, shaping the abolitionist movement's vision of a future without slavery. This led to a Civil War which was the catalyst for ratifying a U.S. Constitutional Amendment in 1865 that eliminated slavery nationwide. In 2019, discussions resurfaced about reparations for slavery, raising questions about justice, individual responsibility, and the potential impact on social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay traces my personal roots as an Asian-American woman with a father diagnosed with bipolar disorder and the impact of my lived experiences on my professional journey as a pediatric mental health occupational therapist. I highlight three exemplary client stories from my year as a doctoral resident at a community-based mental health agency that have furthered my critical analysis of our current child welfare system. Finally, I reflect upon the importance of collectively developing an abolitionist praxis as occupational therapists and health workers at large who are committed to building equitable systems of care that do not further harm structurally marginalized community members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Historians of human rights have not had much to say about America's anti-slavery movement. Scholars tend to focus instead on the early enlightenment or how ideas of human rights emerged over the twentieth century. This essay, however, makes a case for why American abolitionists should be considered early rights pioneers and progenitors of what we know as human rights. It argues that though different factions of the movement had particular conceptions of rights, the movement itself mobilized around a shared rights vision and made this vision of human rights a centre piece of America's anti-slavery crusade. As a result, the essay intervenes in existing debates about how unified the abolitionists were and what made their thinking 'modern,' but it also speaks to the history of human rights by offering the field a new origin story to contend with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late eighteenth century, slave trade insurance was a lucrative and visible business in British and American slave trading towns. Abolition, however, proved difficult. United States laws were patchwork and never reached the federal level. Britain banned slave trade insurance in 1807 alongside the slave trade, but enforcement remained scattershot and ineffective. This article offers three reasons for this state of affairs. First, the marine insurance business's transnationality, the dispersion of its paperwork, and its sometimes deliberate obscurity produced a profound information problem for abolitionists that impeded both legislation and enforcement. The second reason has to do with the evolution of abolitionists' priorities and strategies in a complex international environment. Third, there was an enduring problem in the relationship between insurance and the law. Napoleonic-era commercial law was characterized by reversals, exceptions, gray areas, and sovereignty dilemmas. This produced a vast realm of legal uncertainty – a domain in which insurers, accustomed to assessing legal risks, had always thrived. Insurers, therefore, are not best characterized as obeying or defying a single thing called 'the law' in this period. Rather, they were co-creators of a domain of legality within which slave trade insurance could be sold profitably for years after abolition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of abolition of labour (Aufhebung der Arbeit) appeared in some of Marx's posthumously published works. Few of his notable successors highlighted this concept as key to opposing the Fordist stage of capitalism. Marcuse viewed this stage as a new peak in the repression of imagination and free instincts, bound to 'the performance principle'. However, the rise of neo-liberalism presents unforeseen challenges to the criticism of labour. While the Keynesian welfare state is collapsing, its universal services are commodified and inequality rates are skyrocketing – some factors of the abolition of labour are surprisingly uplifted. This article will examine the evolution of some factors of abolition of labour that thrive with the spread of neo-liberalism and the erosion of other vital factors; we will elucidate the diminishing role of Marcuse's performance principle, unravel the reality principle replacing it and discuss the relevance of the concept 'abolition of labour' today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the coronavirus pandemic, movements for penal abolition and racial justice achieved dramatic growth and increased visibility. While much public discussion of abolition has centered on the call to divest from criminal law enforcement, contemporary abolitionists also understand public safety in terms of building new life-sustaining institutions and collective structures that improve human well-being, linking penal divestment to environmental justice. In urging a reimagination of public safety, abolitionists envision much more than decriminalization or a reallocation of police functions to social service agencies or other alternatives to imprisonment and policing. Instead, for abolitionists, meaningful public safety requires, among other things, a just transition away from an extractive fossil fuel driven economy characterized by vast racialized inequality and held in place by penal bureaucracy, and towards new regenerative economic, social, and ecological systems. This Article explores the connections between abolition and environmental justice, examining social movement organizing, litigation, and proposed legislation. These abolitionist environmental justice projects aim both to confront the harms associated with criminal law enforcement and ecological catastrophe and to build a more sustainable and just future. These efforts represent a necessary turn towards addressing multiple interlocking crises together rather than treating the harms involved in criminal law enforcement, climate change, and racial capitalism as separate and distinct. This Article attends carefully to and attempts to think with abolitionist and environmental justice movement participants, engaging the ideas and strategies generated by these movements as sources of insight into law's injustice and possible abolitionist futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1833 Slavery Abolition Act provided for the gradual emancipation of eight hundred thousand human beings. It also confirmed the sovereignty of King-in-Parliament over all people residing in British dominions and resolved a long-standing dispute over whether enslaved people were private property or royal subjects entitled to legal safeguards. This debate first emerged in the late eighteenth century but acquired additional urgency following the 1807 abolition of the slave trade, when attempts to mitigate slavery through the enactment of ameliorative statutes and procedural reforms encouraged enslaved people to petition magistrates for redress in cases of abuse. Slaves vigorously defended their newly granted rights to bodily protection, sustenance, and family preservation through the instigation of legal complaints against overseers, managers, and slave owners. By the 1820s, enslaved litigants across Britain's empire were publicly and collectively petitioning colonial magistrates to intercede on their behalf. The judicialization of quotidian battles over the terms of enslavement refashioned colonial social relations, affirmed enslaved people's status as British subjects, and generated volumes of case files that circulated back to the metropole, where the Colonial Office cited them in critical assessments of slave law and where abolitionists used them to press for immediate emancipation. Enslaved people's legal activism was operationally antislavery; it eroded the power of colonial enslavers and prodded Parliament to pass the 1833 Abolition Act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how different types of reform can be used to progress short-, medium-, and long-term abolitionist goals. I begin by examining liberal reform – or reformist reforms – and how they often end up reifying imprisonment. I juxtapose liberal reform to the proposed abolitionist reform typology, consisting of imaginable, semi-imaginable, and unimaginable reforms. Drawing on the community organizing of the Criminalization and Punishment Education Project (CPEP) – a volunteer-based activist group working in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada – I demonstrate how different types of reforms can be pursued by abolitionists simultaneously: imaginable reforms that reduce the harms and use of carceral spaces and practices; semi-imaginable reforms that work to divert and decarcerate people from custody; and unimaginable reforms that replace oppressive structures with caring and compassionate ones. I also explore the pitfalls, possibilities, and tensions within each approach to reform within revolutionary struggles. This paper seeks to cover the possibilities and pitfalls of different types of reform and envision how they can be used in concert to progress prison abolition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent historiography has placed particular emphasis on the social origins and influence of individuals who took opposing sides in debates on the abolition of the slave trade between 1787 and 1807. There is no doubt that family networks and connections influenced patterns of pro-slavery and abolitionist support. Despite this familial focus, comparatively little attention has been paid to the attitudes and interventions in the debate of King George III and his family. As early as 1808, Thomas Clarkson's History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade by the British Parliament recorded how Prince William Henry, duke of Clarence, and his younger cousin, Prince William Frederick, second duke of Gloucester and Edinburgh, held diametrically opposed views on the issue. Evidence that has recently come to light in the Royal Archives makes it possible to assess whether the divide between George III's son and nephew points to a royal family riven by disagreement on the rights and wrongs of slavery. By broadening the canvas of study to include other royal dukes, this article contributes to a much fuller understanding of the family's reaction to one of the most pressing moral and economic questions of the day. Their views were not just a matter of their own personal opinions; their interventions in debate affected (and on balance, impeded) the progress of abolition and had direct repercussions on the lives of hundreds of thousands of enslaved Africans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Gilmore observes, abolition is not "an aspirational adventure" but a movement that builds on "already-accumulated encounters and awarenesses and activities."[8] In the words of Critical Resistance cofounder Rose Braz, "abolition defines both the end goal we seek and the way we do our work today. The publication of I Abolition Geography: Essays towards Liberation i , the highly anticipated collection of Ruth Wilson Gilmore's writing edited by Brenna Bhandar and Alberto Toscano, provides an auspicious occasion to reflect on Gilmore's decisive contributions and significant influence.[1] There is perhaps no better testament to the importance of Gilmore's writing, teaching, and public lectures than how generative this work has been for so many community organizers, activists, students, scholars, and people engaged in everyday struggle. To introduce and frame this forum on Gilmore's book, I focus here on briefly highlighting aspects of Gilmore's work in the context of the movement for abolition since the 1990s. [Extracted from the article]

Jan Lowe Shinebourne, previously published as Jan Shinebourne, is a Chinese-Caribbean writer born and raised in Guyana. Her first two novels, Timepiece (1986) and The Last English Plantation (1988), focus on the Indian-Guyanese experience. Her third book, a collection of short stories entitled The Godmother and Other Stories (2004), suddenly acknowledges her Chinese heritage, both by using her full name, Jan Lowe Shinebourne, on the cover and by writing about the Chinese-Caribbean experience. Since then, Shinebourne has been foregrounding 'the Chinese' in her writing. Her latest novel, The Last Ship, published in 2015, tells the story of three generations of women in a Chinese-Caribbean family. This article explores the diasporic experience and identity-searching journey of these Chinese-Caribbean women from a performative perspective and analyses how the performance of naming, family storytelling, and culinary practices has contributed to the performative feature of the Chinese diaspora's subject formation. The novel, presenting Chinese-Caribbean people's performative construction of their diasporic identity, not only challenges the essentialised notion of Chinese immigrants' experiences as homogenous and unified but also promotes a third space of difference that subverts the binary concepts of assimilation and rejection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will not look at the incarceration of Ahmad Manasra through the prism of state violence against him, but more specifically through his radical call for "life-making"—as an abolitionist liveability against state criminality. We join Ahmad in taking a critical stance towards the politics of life—and what Aysha Odeh and Robin Kelley refer to as "freedom dreams"—refuting the state's carceral network and the acceptance of the settler colonial necropolitical structure. In doing so, the article conceptualizes Ahmad Manasra's multiple modes of refusal as acts of defiance against the brutality of state "unchilding," arguing that his unending search for freedom are radical abolitionist cries that cannot be overlooked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent debates in political ecology have sought to highlight and excavate the complex connectivity between ecological and carceral harms (e.g. Heynen and Ybarra in Antipode 53:21–35, 2021; Pellow 2021; Pulido and De Lara in Environ Plan E Nat Space 1:76–98, 2018; AAA = Brock and Stephens-Griffin, IDS Bulletin, 2017). 'Abolition ecology' presents an approach through which to explore, unravel and resist racial capitalism and environmental racism as interlocking and mutually generative systems (Heynen in Abolit A J Insurg Polit 1:240–247, 2018a; Pulido in Prog Hum Geogr 41:524–533, 2017). Green criminology is a field well-placed to explore such radical possibilities (Bradshaw in Crit Criminol 26:407–422, 2018). This paper offers a green criminological rejoinder to the bourgeoning project of 'abolition ecology'. The paper works to bring together these linked perspectives, asking how green criminology might contribute to abolition ecology. The paper outlines its abolitionist theoretical framework, and then identifies some benefits of a green criminological orientation. It goes on to suggest three possible points of unity between green criminology and abolition ecology. In embracing these points of unity, and abolitionist principles more broadly, green criminology can better work towards more racially and ecologically just futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many writers of antislavery and abolitionism have viewed their subjects through the lens of progress. Theodore Foster's trajectory calls that schema into question. Active in abolitionism's origins in Michigan, Foster served as a Liberty Party editor for the Ann Arbor Signal of Liberty during the 1840s. There, he created an extensive literary record that condemned slavery and championed African American rights. Almost sixteen years after leaving the Signal, Foster began editing the Lansing State Republican in 1863. Numbering among the radicals in the Republican Party, Foster remained committed to ending slavery. By the Civil War, though, he had developed an antipathy toward abolitionists. Further, Foster now used racist language that never appeared in the Signal of Liberty, openly accepted Black inferiority, and doubted whether emancipated people stood prepared for the responsibilities of citizenship. This evolution in Foster's thinking should cause us to reexamine white abolitionists' long-term commitments to racial equality, to reevaluate the distinctions between abolitionism and the Republican Party's antislavery message, and to recognize that abolitionists could be more easily transformed than the society they hoped to change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]