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This article draws upon recent historiography to critique the concept of “civil religion”, and argues that it should be replaced by nationalism. Its central point is that there is indeed a dominant language of American nationalism and one that has largely reflected the culture of the Anglo-Protestant majority, but that it has always been contested and that it has changed over time. Civil religion, by contrast, is a far more slippery concept that elides questions of power, identity, and belonging that nationalism places at the center of inquiry.

This article focuses on the facilitation, consent and consumption of state violence, as an aspect of the state’s hegemonic control in the current stage of neoliberal capitalism. We suggest that the commoditized symbols of state violence are a part of everyday life for millions within the United States and are embedded within ideologies of nationalism–national security, supported and reinforced through consumerism. The consumption (figuratively and literally) within the confines of neoliberalism is disconnected from the actual course of state violence, facilitating their own pacification while giving consent to hegemonic control. In this sense, the population’s consumption becomes more than pacification and consent, but rather an active constituent in the production and reproduction of state violence: making it the accepted and banal violence of the spectacle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will widen existing analyses of Russian imperial narratives through the introduction of the concept of ‘hybrid exceptionalism’, referring to discourses and practices of hierarchy emanating from the country’s liminal position between East and West. In its various—Tsarist, Soviet, contemporary—guises, Russia is posited to have reproduced narratives of hierarchy by formulating civilising missions within a distinct sphere of interest. Transcending political discontinuities, such hierarchical civilising missions have been a defining feature of various Russian worldviews for centuries, and are poised to remain so in the absence of a major redefinition of Russian national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses nationalism and national security strategies of the U.S. government for combating terrorism. Topics explored include the campaign "If You See Something, Say Something," launched by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in 2010, the observed normalization of the war on terror following the September 11 terrorist attacks, and the security rituals associated with the U.S. government since its U.S. Cold War policy.

Post-9/11 era is marked by the resurgence of white American nationalisms across the country. Members of Arab, Muslim, Sikh, and South Asian communities experienced hate crimes, anti-immigrant sentiments, and government surveillance due to suspicions of being ‘terrorist-monsters’. Since 2001, Sikh advocacy groups participated in the nationalist discourse to express their desire for legitimacy as national subjects while distancing themselves from the ‘terrorist-other’. This article explores the politics embedded within the thrusts of these desires. I examine the disciplining nature of these groups and the possible ways they homogenize and foreclose Sikh subjectivities through a rather violent love for the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines how American and Japanese women in the foreign missionary movement struggled to reconcile the rise of state Shintoism, Japanese patriotic nationalism, and American racism and nationalism with their Christian faiths during the 1930s and 1940s when the United States and Japan were moving towards war. It applies Kris Manjapra's notion of "aspirational cosmopolitanism" as the conceptual framework in its exploration of how an American woman missionary and her Japanese convert developed different visions of egalitarian cosmopolitanism and remained faithful to their Christian faiths as the states of Japan and the United States demanded more conformity to their wartime notions of patriotism. Charlotte B. DeForest, the last missionary president of Kobe College, who struggled with the questions of shrine visits and racism against Japanese Americans, managed to shape a new hybrid identity as Christian and "supernational." Takeda (Cho) Kiyoko, her former student, finally identified a Japanese dual consciousness through the image of "humans in shells"--a clue to another cosmopolitan vision rooted in Christian faith appropriate to Japanese culture in reconciliation with Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on efforts for public education reform in the U.S. and impact of changing education politics in Butte, Montana during the World War I. Topics include Mon­tana Teachers' Association president W. K. Dwyer views on educators' attitude, educational reform and conservative nationalism in Butte and George Strayer and education politics and its impact on Butte's citizenship training curricula.

The CBC's and NBC's primetime broadcasts of the 2014 Winter Olympics were analyzed to determine differences between the media treatment of home nation and foreign athletes. The CBC results showed that Canadian athletes represented 48.5% of total athlete mentions and constituted all of the top 20 most-mentioned athletes. NBC results showed that American athletes represented 43.9% of their total mentions and 65% of the top 20 most-mentioned athletes. The CBC was more likely to attribute Canadian athletic successes to commitment and intelligence, and non-Canadian successes to strength. The CBC was more likely to discuss the emotions and background of non-Canadians and make neutral/other comments about Canadians. NBC was more likely to attribute American failures to experience. Comparisons between the networks revealed 30 significant differences in the manner of depicting home athletes compared to athletes from other nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trumpism poses a difficult challenge for counterpublic scholarship: should forms of right-nationalism dissenting against dominant publicity be analysed using the same concepts as other types of dissent? This article argues that Trumpism demonstrated counterpublic dissent against dominant campaign finance publicity by criticising the influence of wealthy donors in both political parties. Trumpism also offered an alternative to the dominant logic of necessary ethical compromise shaping publicity about campaign finance in the wake of the 2010 Citizens United US Supreme Court decision. However, Trumpism failed to foster greater democracy because of the way it posed Trump himself as the only necessary solution to the problems of plutocracy. Counterpublic theory should revisit the way it balances its normative and empirical dimensions to account for the rise of radical-right nationalisms and their publicity outlets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented about the studies of transnational American literary research on virulent nationalism during the time of U.S. President Donald Trump. The topics discussed include the travel bans in the U.S., the American literature during the 20th and 21st century, and the writings of author Mark Twain on the invasion of the U.S. on the Philippines.

Since the mid-1800s, when the early women's movement began in the United States, Women of Colour have been marginalized by white Feminists. The 'waves of Feminism' frame the movement by marking changes in American history that benefit white women while excluding the diverse and unequal experiences of Non-white women. It is necessary to re-evaluate the history of women in America and the many ways in which Non-white women shape the Feminist dialogue. White Feminists must be intersectional and expand their understanding of Feminism beyond the realm of gender, to include race, class, religion, sexual orientation, etc., in order for Feminism to successfully achieve its mission to transcend socio-cultural limitations on women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on research regarding the influence of national identity salience on attitudes towards international institutions and the impact of nationalism on foreign policy preferences, in a case study of America, I explore the role of chauvinistic nationalism to understand its impact on attitudes towards international jurisdiction of punishment for alleged human rights violations by members of the American military. Using binomial regression of survey responses from the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, I find that respondents with higher levels of chauvinistic nationalist sentiment also have higher levels of opposition to the jurisdiction of international legal institutions to prosecute members of a nation's military. This study is the first of its kind to offer a systematic and multivariate explanation for public opinion towards the jurisdiction of international human rights institutions over a nation's armed forces using national survey data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses U.S. nationalism in relation to the civil rights of American sailors and prisoners of war in British prisons during the War of 1812, and it mentions national identity and loyalty to the U.S. The treatment of captured Americans at the Dartmoor Depot prison in England is examined, along with the impact of disease, poor food, and overcrowding on American prisoners in Great Britain. Reuben Beasley, the American Agent for Prisoners of War in England, is assessed.

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The article reports on the American West being reinvented to create, circulate and reinforce nationalist narratives of belonging and social exclusion. It refers to Leslie Marmon Silko’s novel "Ceremony" that reveals the construction of the West as a point of origin of U.S. national security during international conflict.

We propose a new history-friendly approach to evolutionary socio-economic dynamics based around competition between five 'utopias' as central ideas about which to order society: capitalism, socialism, civil liberty, nature, and nationalism. In our model, citizens contribute economic resources to support their preferred utopia, and societal dynamics are explained as a co-evolutionary process between these competing utopias. We apply the model to analyze certain aspects of socio-economic and political change in the US from the 1960s-present. We carry out a history-friendly analysis inspired by such episodes as the outbreak of civil movements in the 1970s, the rise of neo-liberalism in the 1980s, and the channels through which America has engendered an 'age of fracture'. Further applications for empirical and theoretical research are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Sabina Loriga, director of research at the École des Hautes Études school in Paris, France is presented. She discussed various topics including historical trauma, history of the U.S. politics, sociopsychology of historians, their national identity, humanity among slaves and colonization.

This article explores the little-known history of Japanese American survivors of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. By focusing on this particular group of survivors with a careful attention to their layered citizenship, national belonging, and gender identity, the article makes Important connections between the history of the bomb and the history of immigration across the Pacific. U.S. survivors were both American citizens and immigrants with deep ties to Japan. Their stories expand our understanding of the bomb by taking It out of the context of the clash between nations and placing it in the lives of people who were not within a victors-or-victims dichotomy. Using oral histories with U.S. survivors, their families, and their supporters, the article reveals experiences, memories, and activism that have connected U.S. survivors to both Japan and the United States In person-centered, relatable ways. Moreover, the article brings to light underexplored aspects of Aslan America, namely, significant intersections of former internees' and bomb survivors' experiences and the role of older women's agency In the making of Asian American identity. In so doing, the article destabilizes the rigidly nation-bound understanding of the bomb and its human costs that has prevailed in the Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article features author and social critic James Baldwin. Topics mentioned include the film "I Am Not Your Negro," his book "The Fire Next Time" and "Notes of a Native Son," and his objective to prevent racial discrimination. Also mentioned are the views of Baldwin on American normative sexuality, nationalism, and capitalism, the social aspects of racial discrimination, and the relationship between capitalism and racism. Also presented was the strategies by civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. and human rights activist Malcolm X to prevent racism.

The authors rethink the politics of the international student experience under the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump. They express concern about the rise of xenophobia and gains in authoritarian nationalism and over the anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant policies of the Trump administration. They tackle the implications of discriminatory immigration policy for international students and they propose areas for research agenda for scholarship of international students.

This paper focuses on Trump's aggressive language on immigration. By analyzing a data set made of public speeches, interviews, and statements from Trump's official website, the paper will look at how certain lexico-grammatical and intertextual choices in Trump's representation of immigration display all the typical features of a populist agenda. Trump's texts will be analyzed according to Wodak's Discourse-Historical approach: Trump's own "politics of fear" and language on immigration are evidence of the strong currency held by values associated with right-wing, ethno-nationalist populism, once the core ideological tenets only of certain fringe movements such as the Tea Party, but now firmly established in mainstream politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the corpus of research dedicated to nationalism studies is vast, less attention has been given to the surge of neo-nationalism especially in the context of far-right populism, which has also seen a significant rise in prominence. This study explores the emerging trend of neo-nationalist, more pertinently, isolationist sentiments that have gained popularity, specifically in the United States of America and in Europe. The phenomenon, which distinguishes these two regions include the snowballing popularity of Republican presidential nominee, Donald Trump, and across the Atlantic, the growth of far-right leadership and euro-scepticism. This paper explores both occurrences against the backdrop of a twenty-first century reinvention of nationalist sentiments. These two events are indicative of a political landscape that attempts to re-claim fundamental tenets of nationalist ideology. As such, the study will develop the growing body of research on nationalism perspectives as well as provide a platform for further research of similar topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some Americans feel more patriotic than others? We argue that feelings of national pride are reinforced by cues from people's political and social environments. When Americans reside in contexts that align with their values, traits, and civic orientations, they are more likely to express pride in their country. We consider both civic and ethnic pathways to patriotism. We expect that minorities and those who particularly value political equality will feel increasingly patriotic as the racial and ethnic diversity of their state climbs. For those who see politics through a partisan lens, we expect that environments defined by political competition will enhance feelings of national pride. We test our theory using data from the 2012 American National Election Studies (ANES). We find that Americans are more likely to say that they feel love for their country when they reside in political contexts congruent with their values and approach to citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower's cultural assistance, the use of cultural resources such as film and education to accelerate modernization, to Sub-Saharan Africa in 1953-1961. It explores the possible explanations behind Eisenhower administration's hesitance to offer aid to Guinea which include his conviction that the Soviet Union attached more weight to political tactics, the fear that countries would become permanently dependent and the administration's ideological atachment to the free market. Also discussed is the administration's differentiation between communist infiltration and nationalism.

This essay examines South Asian American writer Jhumpa Lahiri's literary engagement with the re-Orientalization and sexualization of a collective subject described as Indian diaspora within the context of contemporary consumer culture. The essay explores the relationship between Lahiri's best-selling novel, The Namesake (2003) and its contemporary society by taking the point of view that diasporic literary writing is an example of a Foucauldian social apparatus--a new form of governmentality--that was used for the production of American nationalism after the events of 9/11. Here, we expose the material and ideological specificities that formulate a particular group of women as powerless consumers in the context of the post-cold war period. More precisely, we focus on the ideological elements of the routine consuming experiences of these women to unpack the manner in which the macropolitics of economic and political structures influence the micropolitics of the everyday experiences of Indian immigrants in the capitalist society. In Lahiri's fiction, the Indian woman's body--in its both first- and second- generation types--is figured as a deliberate site of economic and erotic excess that fundamentally complies with the contemporary heteronormative ideology of patriarchal capitalism, wherein the woman is essentially treated as the archetypal consumer. In effect, as the essay further argues, Lahiri's fiction dances to the tune of Western marketing demands of production and consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional historical and popular accounts tend to emphasize sharp polarities between empires and nation-states. While an empire is traditionally associated with conquests, slavery, political inequalities, economic exploitation and the wars of yesteryear, a nation-state is understood to be the only legitimate and viable form of large-scale territorial organization today. This article challenges such interpretations by focusing on the organizational and ideological continuities between the imperial and the nation-state models of social order. In particular, I focus on the role coercive and ideological apparatuses as well as the transformation of micro-solidarities play in the formation of polities over long periods of time. I argue that although empires and nation-states are different ideal types of polity they are highly compatible and as such prone to metamorphosing into each other. More specifically I explore how, when and why specific coercive-organizational, ideological and micro-interactional processes make this periodic historical metamorphosis possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While empires and civic-liberal nations have been seen as opposite and even contradictory political forms, this essay argues that they are similar. Both create and depend upon hierarchical differentiation accompanied by exclusion and subjugation. Furthermore, they are logically related. The hierarchies typically attributed to empires are inscribed into the very theoretical and institutional core of civic-liberal nationhood. Using the American ‘liberal empire-state’ as the example, the essay uncovers these hierarchies and discusses two logics of imperial differentiation: the subjugation of bodies and of territory. It suggests that exploring the shifting lines and principles of hierarchization offers the most fruitful analytic strategy for examining the history of nations and empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the approach to economic nationalism in the U.S. Topics discussed economic regulations including build up of democratic international governance, preservation of space for economic life regulation, and advancement of interest of national constituency. It mentions argument of economist Dani Rodrik about the issue of national sovereignty, international economic integration, and democratic government. Also mentions the advocacy of economic historian Bradford DeLong about neoliberalism in global economy.

The article focuses on the politics and government in the U.S. and alt-right base, an ananonymous army of trolls or internet racists. Topics discussed include the alt-right base and its support to the campaign of President Donald Trump, the rejected nomination of Jeff Sessions due to a history of racism in 1986, and the tweets of media personality Milo Yiannopoulos about racist harassment. Other topics include bright-eyed fascist Richard Spencer, American nationalism, and inauguration ceremony of Trump.

What responsibilities do researchers of learning have in the wake of Trump's election and the proliferation of far-right, populist nationalism across the globe? In this essay, we seek to prompt and engage a dialogue about the political role and responsibilities of our field at this historical moment. First, we situate the social hierarchies that were most pronounced during this election within a longer history of U.S. policies and practices. We then examine the ostensible division between research on learning and the political contexts and consequences of learning. We argue for the need to address this false chasm and build on scholarship that has demonstrated the inextricable links among learning, power, and politics. We conclude by exploring how research on learning might more meaningfully engage with the political dimensions of learning through teaching, engaged research, publishing, professional forums, and service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a number of cases in which Puerto Rico-born individuals found that they lacked Jones Act citizenship, twenty-two years after the passage of the law. Letters written to Congressman Vito Marcantonio reveal that these petitioners utilized narratives of citizenship to counteract their lack of legal and social belonging, and dominant discourses which placed the Puerto Rican community outside of the boundaries of the North American body politic. Acting on instrumental, rather than ideological grounds, the petitioners fought to protect the most crucial rights of Puerto Rican U.S. citizenship--namely, mobility and right of abode. The seeming contradictions between their political positions on the rightful status of Puerto Rico and their self-advocacy should be seen, instead, as efforts to ensure conditions that would allow for their empowerment and continued work toward their vision of the Puerto Rican cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The T-Shirt stages a confrontation, through the encounter between Tomas and Mark, of two distinct worlds which share a number of essential commonplaces, but nevertheless structure them according to different centres of authority. The confrontation takes deep ontological dimensions challenging one of the protagonists' identity and world-view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses aspects of U.S. President Donald Trump's savage capitalism in 2017. He says that Trump represents a form of savage capitalism because his post-fascism traits including authoritarianism, radical nationalism and xenophobia. He adds that Trump is a product of the transformations of capitalism in recent decades. He also iterates that traditional politics may become obsolete or inadequate because of Trump's disrespect for the rule of law.

Since the Tea Party Movement (TPM) emerged, observers have drawn parallels between this movement and the Religious Right (RR). This article deepens our understanding of this relationship by providing a detailed analysis of religiosity in the TPM versus the RR. We find that compared to the RR, the TPM mobilized a religiously heterogeneous membership. Although roughly half of TPM members were also members of the RR, the other half of this movement reported lower levels of religious orthodoxy and commitment, and included relatively large numbers of nonreligious individuals. Yet a majority of TPM members, including disproportionately high numbers of nonreligious members, believed that America is a Christian nation. Our findings complicate the notion that religious "nones" are predictably liberal and that Christian nationalist views are necessarily linked to Christian identity, instead raising the possibility that Christian-America rhetoric can operate--even for some nonreligious individuals--as symbolic boundary-work that marks certain groups as political "others." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented that discusses nationalism in the thought of abolitionist David Walker and former U.S. President Thomas Jefferson. Topics include the relation of racism to the idea of human rights, Walker's tract "Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World, But in Particular Those of the United States of America," and Jefferson's book "Notes on the State of Virginia" and his role in authoring the U.S. Declaration of Independence. The relation of slavery and race to national identity is addressed.

This essay examines the social origins of the election of Donald Trump in November 2016, and assess the possible direction of his presidency. Riding the wave of middle class radicalism that began with the Tea Party insurgency, Trump’s nomination temporarily disrupted the dominance of capitalists over the Republican Party. Despite his economic nationalist rhetoric, Trump will be unable to break in practice with the neo-liberal consensus of the past forty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses the U.S. Southern States secessionists' support for the Confederate States of America prior to and during the U.S. Civil War, including in regard to secessionists' support for Confederate nationalism, the U.S. Monroe Doctrine and a desire to expand slavery through developing a U.S. empire. Confederate President Jefferson Davis' desire to expand slavery throughout Latin America is discussed.

The article offers information on Garrett Hardin, who is best known for his idea of the "tragedy of the commons," published a lesser-known piece in Psychology Today called "Lifeboat Ethics." Topics discussed include that the lifeboats were nations, and the drowning had no right to enter; discussing that for Hardin, the value of nationalism was the principle of collective self-interest a group survival instinct; discussing the views of E. Tendayi Achiume, the United Nations Special Rapporteur who uses the historian's eye and the lawyer's logic to reveal that demands for free movement are not as far-fetched as they seem.