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submitted by Emanuela Höllrigl, Universität Innsbruck, Diplomarbeit, 2021, (VLID)6052261

Die aktuelle Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise hat nicht nur wegen ihres Ausmaßes vielfach Verweise auf die Weltwirtschaftskrise der späten 1920er- und frühen 1930er-Jahre provoziert, insbesondere aber auf die deutsche Bankenkrise des Sommers 1931. Die zunehmende Unsicherheit in breiten Teilen der deutschen Bevölkerung nährte Zweifel an der Handlungsfähigkeit von Entscheidungsträgern in Wirtschaft und Politik. Nicht nur notorische Skeptiker sind der Überzeugung, dass bei einer anhaltenden Krise das Vertrauen in das System der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft und die politische Stabilität des Landes nachhaltig unterminiert werden könnten. Der Vergleich der jüngsten Ereignisse mit der wirtschaftlich und schließlich auch politisch verheerenden Krise der frühen 1930er-Jahre fördert, bei allen durch die Quellenlage begründeten Einschränkungen, tatsächlich gewisse Parallelen zutage; er zeigt aber auch gravierende Unterschiede auf. Im Folgenden soll dies - schon aus Platzgründen auf den deutschen Fall beschränkt - in drei Abschnitten skizziert werden, die sich nacheinander mit den potenziellen Verursachern der Krisenerscheinungen beschäftigen: Managern, Märkten und Politik.

Ist die aktuelle Krise schon hinreichend beschrieben, verstanden und erklärt, nur weil sich die Geschwindigkeit erhöht hat, mit der ein globales Phänomen von Wissenschaftlern durchleuchtet, von Journalisten interpretiert und von Interessengruppen instrumentalisiert werden kann? Gegenwärtig spielen sich diese kommunikativen Akte in Echtzeit ab und gönnen sich kaum den nötigen Abstand zum Ereignis. Ratlosigkeit herrschte nur in jenem kurzen Augenblick, der allen Beobachtern zum ersten Mal bewusst machte, wie ernst die Lage wirklich war: Am 4. Oktober 2008, dem Sonntag eines langen Wochenendes, traten Kanzlerin und Bundesfinanzminister vor die Presse und beteuerten, dass alle Spareinlagen notfalls durch den Staat gesichert seien. Davor und danach aber ist eine eigentümliche Paradoxie zu beobachten: Eine extrem unsichere Situation, deren genaue Dimension heute ebenso wenig zu ermessen ist wie das Ausmaß ihrer Folgen, wird fortwährend im kommunikativen Modus der Gewissheit thematisiert.

This chapter links the political consequences of the Great Recession on protest and electoral politics. The economic voting literature offers important insights on how and under what conditions economic crises play out in the short run. However, it tends to ignore the closely connected dynamics of opposition in the electoral and protest arena. Therefore, this chapter combines the literature on economic voting with social movement research. It argues that economic protests act as a ‘signalling mechanism’ by attributing blame to decision-makers and by highlighting the political dimension of deteriorating economic conditions. Ultimately, massive protest mobilization should thus amplify the impact of economic hardship on electoral punishment. The empirical analysis to study this relationship combines the data on protest with a dataset of electoral outcomes in thirty European countries from 2000 to 2015. The results indicate that the dynamics of economic protests and electoral punishment are closely related and that protests contributed to the destabilisation of European party systems during the Great Recession.

Political mobilization in the electoral and protest arenas have long been studied as separate phenomena, following their own, independent dynamic. Parties and protests are rarely examined within the same framework, although the protest engagement of political parties is often assumed to be one of the main driving forces of the wave of protest in southern European countries, those most exposed to the economic crisis. The chapter provides the first large-scale study of protests sponsored by political parties across Europe before and after the Great Recession. It relies on a novel protest event dataset, collected by semi-automated content analysis of news agencies. The data cover protests in thirty countries, from 2000 to 2015. The results show the ‘crowding out’ of political parties as the driving force of the protest wave in southern Europe. We find the highest share of party sponsored protest in eastern Europe, where unlike in north-western and southern Europe, right-wing and non-mainstream parties are also active in protest. In line with the overall findings of the book, our results confirm the distinctive dynamic of protest in the three European macro-regions and put the link between social movements and the new challenger parties in perspective.

Dieser Artikel verwendet das verhaltensökonomische Konzept der Heuristik, um die durch Narrative verzerrte Wahrnehmung von ökonomischen Sachverhalten zu analysieren. Vier Fallbeispiele aus der jüngeren wirtschaftsgeschichtlichen Debatte um Wirtschaftskrisen zeigen auf, dass Narrative nicht nur eine positive gemeinschaftsstiftende Funktion erfüllen, sondern auch im negativen Sinne grenzüberschreitende wirtschaftspolitische Kooperation erschweren können. Wie und an was wir uns erinnern sowie die Narrative, die wir auf Grundlage dieser Erinnerungen konstruieren, sind somit für ein Verständnis aktueller wirtschaftspolitischer Präferenzen unerlässlich. Daher wird eine um wirtschaftsgeschichtliche Fallstudien und digitale Methoden angereicherte Forschung über die Zusammenhänge zwischen Narrativen und ökonomischem Verhalten benötigt., This article uses the concept of heuristics stemming from the field of behavioural economics to analyse how narratives can lead to a distorted perception of economic actions. Four case studies inspired by recent economic historical debates on economic crises show that narratives not only fulfil a positive community-building function but can also, in a negative sense, hamper cross-border economic policy cooperation. How and what we remember as well as the narratives we construct on the basis of these memories are therefore crucial for a comprehensive understanding of current economic policy preferences. As a result, research on the connections between narratives and economic behaviour, including case studies taken from economic history and analysed via digital methods, is needed.

The choice of specific action repertoires allows protesters to increase their visibility and eventually their success. A rise in protest, i.e. a protest wave, often comes with a qualitative expansion of the conflict, which can take two forms: changes in the action repertoire and a growing diversity of involved actors. In this chapter, we examine the types of protest and the types of actors over time. In so doing, we ask whether and how the Great Recession transformed customary action repertoires in southern, north-western, and eastern Europe. Hence, we show variations in the use of commonplace action forms, i.e. demonstrations, strikes, and confrontational and violent actions. We find that demonstrations and strikes remain the dominant form of protest across regions and time periods, while transformations in the action repertoire of contention, in the form of violent events, took place only in some parts of the south and were short lived. Lastly, we turn to actors and we show that protest events increasingly feature social groups without formal organizational structures. We conclude by arguing that contention repertoires remained largely unaffected by the Great Recession; demonstrations were and remained the prevailing form of protest in all three regions during the whole period under study.

How can we explain why some regions experienced large decreases in subjective well-being during the 2008 recession, while in other regions, the changes were only very modest? Building on the literature on resilience in subjective well-being during periods of crisis, this article explores a related but undervalued factor that moderates the localized relationship between macroeconomic developments and life evaluation: regional quality of governance. We use individual-level data on life satisfaction and personal information taken from Eurobarometer for 89 European regions in the EU-28 for the period of 2005-2014, combined with macroeconomic variables and regional quality of governance data to test for the hypothesized moderating effect of quality of governance. The results demonstrate that increased regional unemployment and financial stress have a less aggravating effect on subjective well-being in regions characterized by a high quality of governance. These results support the capacity of quality of governance to buffer the negative effects of adverse macroeconomic conditions, most likely through generating trust and providing a safety net.

Using harmonised micro data, this paper investigates the effects of the early phase (2008-10) of the recent economic crisis on transitions between labour market states in Europe. Our analysis focuses on individual heterogeneity, on the type of employment contract, and on cross-country differences. Our analysis shows that specific worker groups, such as men and young persons, were particularly strongly hit by the crisis. Furthermore, more transitions from employment, especially temporary employment to unemployment, were the main factor behind rising unemployment. Reduced unemployment outflows did not contribute substantially to the increase in unemployment during the early phase of the crisis.

Background: A growing literature investigates health effects of the recent economic crisis. This study examines how different economic mechanisms affected low self-rated health (SRH) in Europe over the crisis period (2008-2011). We measure changes in low SRH over 2008-2011 and analyze how they are accounted for by changes in household income levels and income distribution (income poverty, income inequality), labour market developments (increasing unemployment, falling employment, changes in labour market inactivity), and non-income poverty (material deprivation). Methods: We use balanced panel data for 2008–2011 covering 26 European countries and 43,456 participants. The data come from longitudinal 2011 European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) database. Increases in low SRH incidence over time are decomposed into the contributions of changes in the distribution of covariates and changes in returns to the covariates. Main covariates include household income and its distribution, labour market developments, and non-income poverty (material deprivation). The decompositions are performed using a detailed non-linear multivariate regression-based decomposition methodology. Results: Low SRH incidence increased in Europe during the crisis by almost 2 percentage points, and by 3.7 percentage points in case of the Baltic countries. Decomposition analysis shows that: 1) decreasing household incomes and changing income distribution had no impact on low SRH incidence, 2) rise of material deprivation accounts for a significant portion (12%) of the overall growth in low SRH rates (27% for the Baltic countries), 3) decreasing levels of full-time and part-time employment as well as transitions to unemployment, economic inactivity, disability, or retirement account jointly for about 21% of the rise in low SRH in Europe (73% for Baltic countries). Conclusion: Together, the recession-related economic factors account for about 33% of the increase in low SRH in

This article discusses the effects of the current socio-economic crisis on Spanish youth and their political response to it. It does so in three consecutive stages. In the first, it analyses the repercussion of the crisis on young people using information from certain social indicators (employment, mobility and education). It then outlines the subjective perception of the crisis, i.e., how they are experiencing it and what their hopes are regarding the economy and politics. The third part focuses on how young citizens have responded to the situation politically. The article finishes by considering what implications may be drawn from that response in terms of citizenship education.

The purpose of this article is to empirically analyze the long and short runs association of some macroeconomic variables in Romania. Variables used across regression include foreign direct investments (FDI), imports, exports, GDP and labour and we also take into account some economic and financial crisis’ influence on these. In order to establish this influence, a dummy was used for the 2008-2012 intsb erval. Then, all variables were found to be integrated of order one I (I). Cointegration was performed under Johansen test and a VECM was applied according to its result. Our model results point on the association between variables on both long and short runs. Then, Granger test under VECM was equally applied in order to establish the uni- or bi-directional causality between variables. We found that the economic crisis actually caused significant influence on FDI, imports, exports and GDP and rather no influence on labor, as reliable resource.

The economic crisis in the wake of the COVID pandemic is putting Cuba's socialism to a severe test. The government in Havana has put a reform of the economy, institutional structure and social policies on the agenda. This volume brings together contributions from leading international experts as well as from the island itself, analysing the economic, political and social challenges facing Cuba today., La crisis económica a raíz de la pandemia de COVID está poniendo a prueba el socialismo cubano. El gobierno de La Habana ha puesto en la agenda una reforma de la economía, la estructura institucional y el sistema de protección social. Este volumen reúne contribuciones de destacados expertos internacionales, así como de la propia isla, que analizan los retos económicos, políticos y sociales a los que se enfrenta Cuba en la actualidad.

The Great Recession and the Eurozone crisis taking place since 2008 are real-life tests for policies aimed at promoting inclusive labor markets in the Eurozone. Therefore, this article discusses first how the risk of being a labor market outsider evolved in the Eurozone during the crises, and whether this risk diverged between social groups. Using EU-SILC data, we describe the overall level of outsider risks before and during the crises - risks of being either unemployed, temporarily employed or earning a low wage - among the labor force ('polarization') and the concentration of these risks among vulnerable groups ('marginalization'). Our results show that the outsider risks have particularly increased in the Southern European countries, and for young workers throughout the EU, and in the case of unemployment, also for low-skilled workers. In the second step, we study how employment protection legislation, union density and wage bargaining systems influence polarization and marginalization in the context of an economic crisis. In contrast to discussions about the end of Eurosclerosis, we find that strict employment protection and centralized bargaining in-crease the marginalization of vulnerable groups while strong unions can reduce polarization.

The economic crisis in Europe since 2008 has led to high unemployment levels in several countries. Previous research suggests that becoming unemployed is a health risk, but is job loss and unemployment easier to cope with when unemployment is widespread? Using EU-SILC panel data (2010-2013), this study examines short-term effects of unemployment on self-rated health (SRH) in 25 European countries with diverging macroeconomic conditions. Ordinary least squares regressions show that the unemployed are in worse health than the employed throughout Europe. The association is reduced considerably, but remains significant in several countries when time-invariant personal characteristics are accounted for using individual-level fixed-effects models. Propensity score kernel matching shows that both being and becoming unemployed are associated with slightly worse SRH. There is a weak tendency towards less health effects of unemployment in countries where the experience is widely shared. In particular, countries with a very low unemployment rate stand out with larger health effects. The results overall suggest that a changed composition of the unemployed population is an important explanation for the weaker unemployment - health association in high-unemployment countries.

Purpose: to identify weaknesses and advise the Ukrainian Government's managerial concept in economic stabilization during the crisis. There were applied system's methods and functional analysis and control systems' synthesis. Findings: It was established that the country has no institute for monitoring and developing a strategy for macroeconomic regulation during the crisis, the Government's inability to compensate for the lack of conceptual substantiation for its decisions, most of which are not timely brought to the final economic entities that negatively perceive the Government's regulatory decisions, suspending from their implementation and even resorting to resistance. Significant deficiencies in the Government's regulatory activities during the crisis were identified, which demands its improvement based on managing economic entities' behavioral concepts in changing environments. Proposals for the selecting behavioral imperative for Ukraine's economy during the crisis and regulatory decisions were developed, considering changes in the management object's stability. Theoretical and practical implications: The research's theoretical significance is to substantiate the Government's managerial concept during the crisis, and when the possibility of its direct application determines the practical significance. Originality/Value: The research's novelty is the behavioral theory's elements application for Government activities. Research limitations/Future Research: Prospects for further research are related to the substantiation and development of a government's holistic management model during the crisis. The article is theoretical and empirical. Paper type: theoretical.

In this study, we examine the effects of the economic uncertainty of partners on the transition to first birth in Greece before and after the onset of the recent economic crisis. After selecting a sample of childless couples, we applied a random effects model to EU-SILC data for the period 2005-2013. Few studies have focused on the association between economic uncertainty and fertility in Greece considering characteristics of both partners. Even fewer studies have examined panel data in the context of the recent crisis. Our findings show that Greek couples in which both partners are employed, have a high income, or are highly educated are in a more favourable position to have a first child. During the Greek Great Recession, corresponding in our study to the period 2010-2013, the odds of having a first child decreased to half the odds in the 2005-2009 period. The recession period also modified the effect of couples' characteristics on first childbearing. During the economic crisis, male breadwinner couples were particularly penalized in their transition to have a first child. Surprisingly, couples with at least one temporary worker, usually the woman, were encouraged to have their first child. Implications in terms of gender and social inequality are discussed in the concluding section, and selection processes at play are also discussed.

How do economic recessions affect European citizens’ attitudes towards environmental policies? In this article we investigate the attitudes of European citizens towards environmental protection considering its importance both at individual and country levels and adopting a longitudinal view. In light of the existing research on the link between pro-environmental attitudes and economic affluence of societies, including Ronald Inglehart’s theory of post-materialism, we hypothesise that levels of economic well-being as well as trust in political institutions are important drivers of Europeans’ attitudes towards environmental protection. Taking into consideration some macroeconomic indicators and the environmental attitude of public opinion, our main results show that even in time of crises, citizens’ pro-environmental attitudes persist in terms of importance, both at country and individual levels.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the dimension of the humanitarian crisis of Venezuela, with a particular emphasis on the importance of regional migration problems and the involvement of the international community. The article consists of an introduction that focuses on the background of the current migration crisis, especially in terms of substantive and methodological assumptions and the theoretical perspective. Then, the article focuses on analyzing two major research areas: a) the main social, economic, and political causes of the Venezuelan migration crisis; the effects and causes of the crisis for both the Venezuelan economy and the security of the Latin American region; and b) the involvement of the international community, with a particular emphasis on the activities of the European Union, the United Nations, Latin American governments and the United States. Hence, the hypothesis indicates that the problem concerning the migration crisis of Venezuela is both caused by and deepens further socio-economic problems of the country, causing a feedback effect. The article is prepared based on an institutional and legal method (analysis of selected initiatives and the shape of public policies supporting the problem of the refugee crisis of Venezuela); systemic (analysis of the impact of the migration crisis on regional security in Latin America); content analysis (in particular documents and statutes of international organizations and governments); descriptive statistics method (analysis of statistical data related to the scale of the economic crisis of Venezuela and the population affected by the refugee problem). The results of the article indicate that the possibilities of handling the migration crisis are still limited due to the lack of coordination of the actions of the Venezuelan government and international organizations.

The main scope of the paper is to adopt a fuzzy sets approach for the measurement of multidimensional poverty over a period of eight years, from 2007 to 2015, which takes into account the effect of the 2008 economic and financial crisis. In particular, the focus is on the financial dimension of poverty, and its effects on citizens in the EU Mediterranean Area. The empirical analysis, based on the European Union - Statistics on Income and Living Conditions survey (EU-SILC), covers eight Mediterranean Countries.

The article analyzes the course of the unprecedented economic crisis in the last century caused by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic around the world. The COVID-19 pandemic affects all spheres of economic life, causing a huge collapse in international trade, a collapse in industrial production, and a reduction in the inflow of services and foreign investments. The aim of the article is to analyze the causes and the counteraction of the European Union’s breakdown in international trade turnover in 2020. The analysis uses a qualitative and quantitative method consisting in a review of international trade figures, statistics from Eurostat, World Trade Organization, IMF, and World Bank. The analysis examines the depth of the collapse of international trade, the most important entities in trade, including the European Union. The results of the economic analysis allow understanding the activities of the European Union institutions in the field of counteracting the negative effects of the collapse of international trade in the world and in the European Union.

The question of how rising atavistic nationalism will affect democracies worldwide is an essential one of our time. In this paper, I focus instead on conducting a comparative historical analysis of atavistic nationalism in two unrecognized states: North Cyprus and Taiwan. I argue that the democratic crisis of our times is, in its essence, economic and has been precipitated by the failure of democracies to build domestic capacities to support democratic values. Furthermore, I posit that engaging populaces at the local political level will prove essential to preserving democracies around the world. I conclude by underlining that atavistic nationalism is indeed a significant threat to regional and global peace and requires further co-operation on trade and governance, and should be engaged at the local level. Lastly, I suggest that co-creating local cultures that will act to soften atavistic nationalism, which feeds off the perception of threats and fear.

Oscar Giovannini, Diplomarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2021

by Alexandra Paratscher, Universität Innsbruck, Masterarbeit, 2020, (VLID)5332672

Welche politischen Auswirkungen wird die aktuelle Cornavirus-Pandemie zeitigen? Drei Lektionen aus Europas Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise von 2008.

Im Juni 2020 sagte die saudi-arabische Regierung die jährliche "große Pilgerfahrt" ("Hajj") nach Mekka für alle aus dem Ausland anreisenden Gläubigen ab. Schon Ende Februar hatte sie die "Umra" genannte "kleine Pilgerfahrt" ausgesetzt. Damit hat die Corona-Krise bewirkt, dass neben den Einkünften aus dem Ölexport auch die zweit­wichtigste Einnahmequelle der saudi-arabischen Regierung schwer getroffen ist, auf die sie selbst in Krisenzeiten meist bauen konnte. Das Jahr 2020 dürfte zum Epochenjahr der Geschichte Saudi-Arabiens werden, denn der zeitweilige dramatische Verfall der für seine Wirtschaft so wichtigen Erdölpreise seit Frühjahr reduzierte die Staats­einnahmen so drastisch, dass das Königreich zu Steuererhöhungen und Sparmaßnah­men griff, um die Krise abzufedern. Trotzdem setzt Kronprinz Muhammad Bin Salman auf Kontinuität, indem er sein immens teures wirtschaftliches Reformprogramm "Vision 2030" fort­führt, seine aggressive antiiranische Regionalpolitik weiterverfolgt - bisher ein­schließlich des Krieges im Jemen - und unvermindert moderne Waffensysteme für die saudischen Streitkräfte kaufen lässt. Diese Politik wird das Königreich rasch an die Grenzen seiner finanziellen Belastbarkeit bringen und dazu zwingen, Prioritäten zu setzen. (Autorenreferat)

This article links the consequences of the Great Recession on protest and electoral politics. It innovates by combining the literature on economic voting with social movement research and by presenting the first integrated, large-scale empirical analysis of protest mobilisation and electoral outcomes in Europe. The economic voting literature offers important insights on how and under what conditions economic crises play out in the short-run. However, it tends to ignore the closely connected dynamics of opposition in the two arenas and the role of protests in politicising economic grievances. More specifically, it is argued that economic protests act as a ‘signalling mechanism’ by attributing blame to decision makers and by highlighting the political dimension of deteriorating economic conditions. Ultimately, massive protest mobilisation should, thus, amplify the impact of economic hardship on the electoral losses of incumbents and mainstream parties more generally. The empirical analysis to study this relationship relies on an original semi-automated protest event dataset combined with an updated dataset of electoral outcomes in 30 European countries from 2000 to 2015. The results indicate that the dynamics of economic protests and electoral punishment are closely related and point to a destabilisation of European party systems during the Great Recession.

On April 23, 2020, the European Council mandated the European Commission to work on a European Recovery Fund and to clarify its possible link with the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), the EU’s long-term budget. Negotiations on the MFF for the period 2021-2027 were at an advanced state when the coronavirus-induced economic crisis hit the EU. Like so much else, the EU budget now needs to be adapted to meet new challenges in the wake of the health crisis.

Laut Duden ist die Korona der sichtbare Strahlenkranz der Sonne im Falle einer totalen Sonnenfinsternis. Die Finsternis der Corona-Pandemie ist nicht total, aber die menschlichen Opfer und wirtschaftlichen Folgen, die sie mit sich bringt, sind un­ge­mein verheerend. Das stellt auch die EU "vor die größte Bewährungsprobe" ihrer Geschichte (Bundeskanzlerin Merkel). In dieser Lage übernimmt Deutschland am 1. Juli 2020 die EU-Ratspräsidentschaft - im Spannungsfeld zwischen hohen Erwartungen auf der einen und geschrumpften Möglichkeiten einer Präsidentschaft auf der anderen Seite. Dabei geht es neben Kriseneindämmung auch um nachhaltige Weiterentwicklung der EU. Denn darin liegt die größte Chance und Herausforderung: die Lehren der Pandemie zu beherzigen und sie zu nutzen, um eine dauerkriselnde EU zu revitalisieren. Das können die EU-Mitglieder nur zusammen erreichen, die deutsche Prä­sidentschaft kann aber viel dazu beitragen, indem sie Kompromisse schmiedet, Impulse liefert und sich am Leitbild eines solidarischen und autonomen Europa orientiert - auch über die Ratspräsidentschaft hinaus. (Autorenreferat)

The corona pandemic and its economic and social consequences are testing EU cohe­sion as well as the balance of power in the Union. The belated -or lack of - reaction by the EU during the crisis has reinforced the national sovereignty of the member states and the dominance of the intergovernmental method in moments of crisis. One of the palpable consequences has been an alteration in the "North-South divide" resulting from a European policy offensive by Spain and Italy, a stronger "southern orientation" by France, and a simultaneous crumbling of the "New Hanseatic League". During the corona crisis, institutionalised groups of member states have acted pri­marily as interest groups that exacerbate differences rather than overcome them. Germany, which will assume a special mediating role as the Presidency of the Council from 1 July 2020, has to act as a bridge builder. (Autorenreferat)

The main objective of this work is to carry out a descriptive and explanatory analysis of the income distribution in the EU-15 during the Great Recession of 2008, with special attention to salaries. Its content is structured in three sections. Firstly, we make a diagnosis of the national dynamics of poverty and economic inequality from 2005 to 2017, which also allows us to establish country groups based on empirical standards. In the second part we analyze the individual determinants of the salary status of European workers from 2005 to 2015. The results point to a countercyclical behavior of economic inequality during the crisis, to a greater affection of it in the wages of partial and/or temporary workers and, also, in southern and northern Europe. In addition, the recession would have also intensified the previous dispersion according to sex and/or qualification level of the worker.

The global economic meltdown is a situation in which the economy of a country experiences a sudden downturn brought on by a financial crisis. This global recession was caused by so many factors, thus, inflation rate, exchange rate, interest rate, unemployment rate, etc. This paper examined the impact of the global economic meltdown on property development in Bauchi, Nigeria. Data for the study are mainly primary in the form of questionnaires administered. The study had property development as an endogenous variable while a high-interest rate and unemployment rate as exogenous variables to measure the constructs. Multiple Regression were used to analyze the data. Among the study, findings are that high relationship exists between the two predictor variables (High-Interest Rate & Unemployment Rate) and dependent variable (property Development) where ‘R’ of 0.724 means the correlation is about 72 %; with R2 of 0.052 indicate that 5.2 % correlation, the analysis also depict in coefficient table that high-interest rate has more influence on dependent variable (PD) than unemployment rate. The analysis signified that the impact of the global economic meltdown has a positive effect on the dependent variable. Based on the findings, the study recommended governments and financial institutions intervention to curb the impediment of property development in Bauchi, Nigeria.