Search

In the eighties of 20th century, Vergil was interpreted from a precise and particular approach inspired by Nietzsche. This new vision could be categorized, basically, as the idea of death (Broch), the sickness of poetry (García Calvo), the commemoration (remembrance) of the bimillennium of his death (Colinas), his poetic rereading from a new aesthetics (Borges and Bernhard), the boom of verse translation (Fontán Barreiro) and, finally, the remarkable picto-rial rereading of his Eneida (Carlos Franco). Therefore, this essay tries to give an account of a specific decade in Vergil's historical reception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pigoń Jakub, Patrzenie jako źródło cierpień (z rzymskich dziejów pewnego motywu literackiego) (Sight and Suffering: From the Roman History of a Literary Motif). The paper examines a number of Roman literary texts (by Ennius, Cicero, Vergil, Ovid, Seneca the Younger, Lucan, Tacitus, Jerome, etc.) in which viewing is connected with mental or emotional suffering. Usually, the emphasis is laid on a character's viewing of some dramatic events -- a close relative's death, for example -- and on his or her emotional response to what is being seen. In some works, especially in consolatory contexts, someone's premature death is presented as advantageous because the dead person is now spared the necessity of viewing misfortunes which the living have to witness. Also, people may be compelled (e.g. by an emperor) to watch evil things; in such a situation they are usually viewers and objects of viewing at the same time, since their gestures and facial expression are carefully observed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The second part of the study analyses selected scenes from several poems in the Codex Salmasianus: the anonymous De alea (Anth. Lat. 8 Riese2), the tragedy Medea attributed to Hosidius Geta (Anth. Lat. 17 Riese2), and the fragmentary De opera pistoria, formerly entitled De panificio (Anth. Lat. 7 Riese2). The first two contain passages with a strong intertextual connection to the fifth book of Vergil,s Aeneid, which also intensely employ the concepts of performance and gaze. The analyses of the two poems confirm the conclusions of the first part of the study. Encouraged by connotations to Aeneid V, the same concepts in the third poem support thenew interpretation of the poem recently coined by Maria Teresa Galii and Luca Paretti. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written on the various aspects of casus belli in Aeneid 7, but the setting of the episode (in which Ascanius shoots a stag with great horns) remains unclear. This paper proposes a new reading of this crucial juncture by situating it on the river Tiber and contextualizing the fluvial setting within the wider structure of books 7-9. The role of the Tiber is significant because the Italian landscape is a major theme in the second half of the epic and the Tiber features in several key episodes, e.g. Tiberinus appears to Aeneas and directs him to the site of Rome. The history of the river is tied up with the larger history of early Latium. The river shares many affinities with the stag in terms of legal status, visual representation, and mythic significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exegetical trope of 'commentaries as mirrors of a text' lends itself to vast diversification. In approaching classical texts Petrarch deployed contrasting modes of cross-reference exemplified by Servius, and of interpretation in bono and in malo exemplified by St Augustine, both in late antiquity. In the early age of print, commentators on Petrarch's Rerum vulgarium fragmenta contributed other modes developed by Italian humanists. Milanese commentators explored a sense of regional rivalry and partisanship in the poet's work. Venetian commentators probed his life-experiences as a guide to individual poems and focused upon merits of their style. Neapolitan commentators examined virtuosic effects of their rhetorical turns. In Modena and Ferrara commentators identified proto-Reformationist elements of their religious doctrine. For Renaissance readers these collective approaches mirror and illuminate Petrarch's texts in myriad ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers several reasons for reconsidering seventh-century Rome's reputation as a literary dark age. It provides close readings of several epigrams inscribed in Roman churches during and soon after the papacy of Honorius I (625-38) as evidence for a revived literary scene in the city during these years. It also argues that the intertextual maneuvers deployed by these epigrams suggest, contrary to current opinion, that Lucretius's De rerum natura had Roman readers in the early seventh century. Lucretius's "popularity" in contemporary Visigothic Spain; the likelihood that Honorius's younger contemporary and acquaintance, Jonas of Bobbio, was familiar with Lucretius; and the eventual presence of a (lost) manuscript of the De rerum natura in the library of the Bobbio monastery are enlisted in order to set both early seventh-century Rome and the De rerum natura in wider historical context. In general, this essay encourages the re-evaluation of the place of epigraphic poetry in our histories of late Latin literature and literary culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Vergil’s Aeneid the problematics of remembering and forgetting emerge as an issue of essential importance: the Trojans – somewhat paradoxically – have to bring about both of them in order to be able to found a new native land in Italy. The matter in question emphatically occurs in two speeches of fathers given to their sons in the epic: in that of the shade of Anchises given to Aeneas in Book 5 and in that of Aeneas given to Ascanius in Book 12. These passages both recall the speech of Aegeus to Theseus in Catullus 64, in which the father aims to ‘program’ his son’s mind to remember his instructions. It will be of fundamental importance to observe the way the Catullan text presenting the failure of this kind of ‘mnemotechnical’ remembering encodes forgetting into the Vergilian passages mentioned above, by means of intertextual connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Myrtia is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to examine the ways in which the Calpurnian text converses with the earlier pastoral tradition focusing on the women identified in the collection. Leaving aside the mythical female figures who are also traced in the collection (e.g. Pales and Venus), this study focuses on all the female characters mentioned by male figures, trying to show that women in the Eclogues, among other elements (such as subjects, motifs, intertexts, language and style), constitute a significant means by which Calpurnius shows originality and generic evolution. It is argued that the female characters in Calpurnian pastoral are the erotic objects of the herdsmen and the recipients of their songs and in that sense they recall the pastoral tradition (Greek and Roman) that Calpurnius inherited. What is more, they are central metapoetic elements which show Calpurnius' metaliterary engagement with gender in a collection that stresses the originality of the Neronian pastoral. Most importantly, however, they incorporate features and elements from other literary genres (mostly from Roman comedy and love elegy) and in that sense they constitute a significant means by which Calpurnius maintains the generic tensions employed by his literary antecedents (i.e. Vergil) and broadens the limits of pastoral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article identifies and defends a previously unobserved dedicatory acronym to Maecenas in the second half of Ecl. 6.69 (MAEC- in reverse: Calamos, En Accipe, Musae) and contextualizes the specific linguistic choices and central themes of that acronym within a broader network of Vergilian word games. I argue that the dedicatory acronym in Ecl. 6.69 shares linguistic and thematic features with numerous previously identified Vergilian word games, and that from this network of wordplay emerges a common discourse on poetic lineage, genre, and patronage. An awareness of this network of wordplay in Vergil's corpus provides a starting point for a more comprehensive and nuanced interpretation both of individual Vergilian word games and of Vergilian wordplay as a general phenomenon. On a literary level, the conclusions I draw from the MAEC- acronym and the relationship between wordplay and various thematic issues inform a clearer picture of generic shifts and expectations in Eclogue 6, the Eclogues in general, and Vergil's corpus more broadly, and contribute to an understanding of the subtle ways in which Vergil negotiates issues of patronage in his first collection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explanation and justification of the conventions and methods adopted in the Harvard Edition of the Servian commentaries on Vergil, as they are being applied in the author's in-progress volume covering commentary on Aeneid 9-12.This paper was part of a panel sponsored by the Committee on Publications of the American Philological Association (later renamed Society for Classical Studies) at the Annual Meeting, January 5, 2004, in San Francisco. Of the other papers in the panel, that of Cynthia Damon and the response to all papers by Robert Kaster have been added here as supplemental files in January 2018, while the paper of James Zetzel is to be made available at his academia.edu site.

After Birger Munk Olsen's great and precious work about the manuscripts of classical auctores from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the bulk of the glosses on the classics from the age of the so-called 'twelfth-century Renaissance' remains unpublished and lacking proper surveys, thus deserving attention. A small but intriguing piece of this enormous puzzle can be seen in the different paths followed through the centuries by the glosses on Aen. 1.94, which includes the first words of Eneas in the poem: "O terque quaterque beati." From the twelfth century onwards these words began to receive an allegorical interpretation, tied to the numbers 3 and 4, which is probably connected with the gloss of Guillaume de Conches on Macrobius' quotation of the Virgilian verse itself (Comm. 1.6.44). Only in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries did awareness about different roots of the Virgilian numbers begin (e.g. Hom. Od. 5.306).

This paper examines the way the depiction of Medea in Ennius' Medea exul and that of Ariadne in Catullus 64 constitute the background for the Dido-episode of Vergil's Aeneid. Regarding the intertextual relations of the Vergilian and the Catullan texts, I focus on the motif of fluctus curarum, the 'flow of concerns' affecting the above mentioned heroines. These Catullo-Vergilian intertextual connections are tinged by the circumstance that the phrase is also employed by Lucretius in his De rerum natura. It will be of key importance to observe the way the Aeneid's combined reminiscences to the Lucretian mankind as a victim of illusions and to the Catullan Ariadne as not only a victim but also a product of them lay the foundation of Dido's falling prey to unrealities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fifth book of Vergil's Aeneid plays a crucial role in the composition of the entire poem. It provides a certain repose in the turbulent story while directing readers' attention towards Aeneas himself, as he fully assumes the role of the leader and "father" to his people. Later reception of the Aeneid focused mainly on other, more dramatic, parts of the story (e.g. Books IV and VI). Late-antique cento poetry, however, contains several passages that find ample inspiration in Book V, and make references to this book central to their meaning. Based on an analysis of one of the poems, namely Hippodamia (Anth. Lat. 11 Riese2), the first part of this study proposes a hypothesis that all these passages are linked by two crucial motifs - gaze and performance - which could be the central connotation associated with the book among late-antique readers. The following two parts of the study aim to confirm the hypothesis using other centos (the Anthologia Latina, the Cento Probae, and Ausonius's Cento Nuptialis). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IV 47-52)", I ACD i 52, 2016, 21-37, and M. Robinson, "Arms and a Mouse: Approaching Acrostic in Ovid and Vergil", I MD i (forthcoming). the latter - recently discovered by Leah Kronenberg - spells the word DE-CA-TE. By the way, in line 49, immediately preceding the triple acrostic ASTER, one can notice the acronym DECA, echoing the DECATE acronym detected by Kronenberg in lines 9-11: Vergil admits both syllabic and Greek acrostics, using them alongside acronyms to constitute intentional wordplay. [Extracted from the article]

This essay, written as a sequel to “From Passio to Compassio: Marian Beatrice and Dante in the Vita Nuova” (Kim), first observes Beatrice, Vergil, and Dante imitating and enacting Mary in the Inferno and then interprets the otherworldly meeting between Beatrice and Dante in the Purgatorio as celebrating the Marian Dante’s Assumption to the Paradiso [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rónai - Revista de Estudos Classicos e Tradutorios is the property of Ronai - Revista de Estudos Classicos e Tradutorios and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Instead of exiguo prostratus corpore terra, in Theodulf of Orléans, Carmen 29,73, we should read exiguo prostratus corpore terrae. This poem is preserved in a late and very corrupt witness. Here the corruption has remained hidden because terra seems acceptable. The slight emendation terrae is supported by a number of significant parallels and a careful literary and linguistic analysis. The verse seems to be modelled on Virgil's Aeneid, XI,87 (toto proiectus corpore terrae), and should be linked to two other contemporary compositions: Alcuin of York, Carmina, 20,23 and 44,11 {prostrato corpore terris), and the anonymous eighth century poem Exbortatio poenitendi, 86 (prostratus corpore terrae). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Roman literature, Troy appears as a locus memoriae on several occasions. As a locus memoriae is an image of a location's past state, it inevitably recalls that past state's absence in the present. Troy as a literary locus memoriae recalls its own present absence, that it is only a ruin, or - according to Lucan - even less than a ruin. In this context, a literary phenomenon, i. e. the depiction of Troy being the equivalent of the absence of/or the grief for the loss of something or somebody can later be traced in the Roman poetry. Catullus, mourning his brother's death at Troy, calls the city the common grave (commune sepulcrum) of Asia and Europe in his carmen 68. Regarding Troy, several complex allusions can be noticed in Vergil's Aeneid recalling both Catullus 68 and 101, the two poems that are in both thematic and intertextual connection with each other. The purpose of the present study is to examine - by means of analysing the above mentioned intertexts - what kind of special locus memoriae Troy becomes in the Aeneid. This will be of crucial importance to observe the way Troy later appears in Lucan's Bellum Civile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ágora: Estudos Clássicos em Debate is the property of Agora: Estudos Classicos em Debate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines how Vergil uses appearances of ghosts in Aeneid 2 to articulate his hero's latent psychological struggle with guilt. I argue that Aeneas' vision of Hector's ghost (2.270-97) and his interaction with the ghost of Creusa (2.771-94) occur as direct responses to his initial experience of this emotion for his failure to save Troy and his entire family. Hector's ghost represents Aeneas' subconscious recognition of his inability to identify the warning signs that Troy would fall. Vergil correlates the Hector episode with Aeneas' exchange with Creusa's ghost later in the book to show that she is also a manifestation of Aeneas' culpability for his role in her disappearance and death. By investigating Vergil's portrayal of Aeneas' intense struggle with guilt, another facet of the emotional landscape of the Aeneid can be discerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper intends to investigate to what extent the attention of the ancient commentators to the antiquarian and theological erudition of Virgil can provide an accessus useful to penetrate some fundamental strands of meaning of the Virgilian poem. The analysis deals mostly with the scholia of Servius and Servius Danielis concerning the Penates of Troy. Starting with the exegesis of the expression Penatibus et magnis dis (Aen. 3.12 and 8.679), we discuss the various antiquarian interpretations witnessed in the stratified Virgilian exegesis, in relation to the relevance of the 'theme of greatness' in the overall design of the Aeneid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ANAFORA is the property of Anafora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pages 209-223 of Cabinet of the Muses: essays on classical and comparative literature in honor of Thomas G. Rosenmeyer, edited by Mark Griffith and Donald J. Mastronarde (Atlanta 1990).

The exposition “Andrea Palladio e la Villa Veneta. Da Petrarca a Carlo Scarpa” (Andrea Palladio and the villa veneta. From Petrarca to Carlo Scarpa) offers a trip through the history of the villa, in places of time, space and culture. The exposition crosses the seven centuries of the villa civilisation, suggests an itinerary of the most celebrated villas in Veneto, and has the start point in the latin culture. In this contest, we’ll explore, in latin authors original texts and in art-works showed, the typolocigical, ideological, literary archetypes of the villa, discovering the landscape relationship, read in the ancient Rome. Palladio is the concrete and conceptual centre of the exposition, and in his work, we’ll find the same ideological elements of the villa, grow up in latin culture. This text, divided in two parts, proposes, in this first piece, the born, the consolidation, the growth of the myth of an idea, that from the ancient Rom till today, doesn’t cease amazing end evolving.

The philosopher as necromancer is a commonplace medieval reality. This paper traces how William of Malmesbury invents the figure of a necromantic philosopher in the person of Gerbert of Aurillac. This new image of the philosopher, which William elaborates using many classical and religious reminiscences, gave personal expression, at the beginning of the 12th century, primarily to fears generated by new knowledge arriving from Arabic sources. As a figure inspiring terror, however, the necromantic philosopher did not exist for long. As the second part of the paper will argue, his disappearance owes nothing to scientific progress or religious enlightenment, but is rather connected with the emergence of a new cycle of legends. Virgil is their protagonist: in the new legends that begin to circulate in the late 12th century, the Latin vates becomes a kind of magician. He uses his magical powers, however, not so much for his own benefit as to help out his adopted hometown of Naples. Thanks to Virgil, or rather thanks to the new Neapolitan stories about him, the formerly evil necromantic philosopher turns into a good necromantic philosopher, whose newly positive image colours the representation of many great philosophers in the following centuries.

The investigation of the biblical epic is usually focused on the literary reception of the ancient epic. This is expedient. Nevertheless, in this paper additional perspectives on the biblical epic are discussed. It takes into account the early-modern, literary-theoretical reception of the Bible and it compares the reception of the Bible in epic with that in early modern tragedy. In conclusion, it critically discusses the considerations on the biblical epic in Ernst Robert Curtius’ Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter (first 1948). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Exemplaria Classica is the property of Exemplaria Classica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Etudes Romanes de Brno is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Nisus and Euryalus episode in the ninth book of Vergil’s Aeneid and Kevin Powers’ 2012 novel The Yellow Birds on a soldier’s experiences in the year 2004 during the American War in Iraq are both constructed around a very similar story pattern of two friends who go to war together and are faced with bloodlust, cruelty, death, mutilation, and the duties of friendship, as well as the grief and silencing of a bereft mother. While the narrative and commemorative background of the two texts is very different – including the sense of an anchoring in tradition, the role of memory, even the existence of a coherent plotline itself – both the Augustan epic and the modern novel employ strikingly similar techniques and sensory imagery in their bid to convey the fundamental experience of warfare and of “what it felt like” as vividly as possible.

One of the Greco-Roman theories of the relationship between fact and fiction in poetic texts remained quite widespread in the medieval commentary tradition. The unpublished accessus to the Aeneid by Zono de’ Magnalis (early 14th cent.) presents an unusual variant of this theory.

Copyright of Bulletin Hispanique is the property of Universite de Bordeaux III (Michel de Montaigne), Institut Hispanique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)