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Collective instruments, such as UN peacekeeping or mediation, are a lens through which we can examine broader normative fault lines in the international order. They hold both practical and symbolic value. In the post-Cold War moment, these instruments started reflecting liberal values. They became concerned with balancing the rights of individuals and state sovereignty. These advances around "human protection" are now in question, with contestation perceived as emerging from non-Western powers. I contribute to the debates on the "pragmatic turn" within collective responses but contend that while the focus in current debates about the normative shift has become global fragmentation, the momentum for the de-prioritization of human protection within collective instruments comes from within the liberal order itself. Human protection is now a broadly shared and firmly entrenched norm, but to shield the norm from abuse, the collective international community progressively restricted any use of force to advance the norm within the instrument of UN peacekeeping. The co-optation of UN peacekeeping into counter-terrorism efforts and the introduction of stabilization mandates undermined the principled nature and moral authority of the instrument of peacekeeping itself. This, in turn, compromised the implementation of human protection. This development is now accelerated and exposed due to global fragmentation, influencing not just peacekeeping but also other adjacent activities, such as mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes Chinese geopolitics from a Chinese perspective. Three characteristics of Chinese geopolitics are highlighted: internal orientation, the desire to rely on the neighboring environment, and the increasing global influence. China aims to establish good neighborly relations in order to overcome its decades-long hostility with Russia. There are territorial conflicts with various countries, but China seeks good neighborly relations without interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. China is strengthening its naval defense capabilities and has a growing global economic and political influence. China actively participates in UN peacekeeping missions and advocates for an international order in which the UN and international law play a central role. [Extracted from the article]

Private interests might occasionally influence the decisions of troop-providers when contributing to UN peacekeeping missions. However, the pursuit of private benefits impacts how the mandates of peacekeeping missions are fulfilled. Drawing upon the conflict-of-interest theory, I argue that the effectiveness of UN peacekeeping operations is compromised when troop-providers lack ideational commitment to the principles of UN peacekeeping. This article explores the impact of troop-providers' ideational commitment to UN peacekeeping on the duration of UN missions. To achieve this, a duration analysis is conducted over all completed and ongoing peacekeeping operations from April 1991 to December 2019. The results reveal that conflicting interests within peacekeeping operations lead to an increased time required for concluding UN missions. In essence, by establishing a connection between the raison d'^etre of troop-providers and the duration of missions, this article outlines significant policy implications for the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While studies have investigated why states contribute personnel to peacekeeping operations, little consideration has been given to how domestic political factors influence state contributions. We argue that changes in executive power that involve a shift in the domestic source of leadership support cause fluctuations in troop deployments, leading to inconsistent contribution behavior. However, we argue that this effect is attenuated in more democratic states since greater overlaps in the preferences of domestic groups are present and political institutions exist to constrain major policy shifts. Analysis of state troop commitments to UN peacekeeping from 1991 to 2018 supports this argument. This research highlights the often overlooked role of domestic policy processes in peacekeeping contributions while moving beyond considering why some states contribute relatively more personnel to address variation within countries. The findings indicate that while democracies typically contribute fewer peacekeepers, they tend to be more consistent contributors in the face of leadership turnover. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of writing this article was to show how disruptive technologies, including artificial intelligence and machine learning, can be used in military operations. We also covered how the UN and other international organisations have begun to regulate this rapidly exploding field from a policy perspective. We presented some of the technologies that use AI and made suggestions for their general military application and how these technologies can be used in peacetime operations. Artificial intelligence and intelligent devices can also bring enormous benefits in the areas of command and control systems, reconnaissance and intelligence activities. We also presented issues and dilemmas related to developments in this direction, such as ethical, liability, security and information protection problems and dilemmas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The South African Journal of Military Studies provides insights into various topics related to war, conflict, defense, and security. The articles in this issue cover a range of subjects, including cybersecurity awareness among military personnel in South Africa, the writing on the South African Border War by Colonel Jan Breytenbach, the changes in the South African Defense Industry, the counterterrorism partnership between the United States and Kenya, the South African Air Force's response to Soviet air defense systems in Angola, and the high treason cases of Afrikaner men during World War II. The journal also includes book reviews. [Extracted from the article]

This study falls under the scope of the recent debate around UN peacekeeping transitions and exit strategies and highlights a critical gap in understanding the design and conceptualization of these strategies, especially for the long run as post-conflict societies consolidate peace. Using Liberia and Sierra Leone as case studies, the research aims to remedy the empirical gap and shed light on the complexities of framing UN transitions and exit strategies. A central argument posited in this study is that effective management of the entanglement between peacekeeping and peacebuilding is pivotal for enduring success in transition processes. Key contextual elements influencing this management include early planning and initiation of peacebuilding, coordination and integration with local actors, and alignment of benchmarks and needs with all stakeholders before concluding missions. The study applies a social constructivist perspective to examine the different trajectories both Liberia and Sierra Leone have taken in managing their transitions. This article uses qualitative research methods with data drawn from primary and secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa is the epicenter of conflict in the world. Seven of the 12 current United Nations peacekeeping operations are in Africa, and 80% of its peacekeepers are deployed on the continent. Nigeria is one of the largest troops contributing countries to the UN. This article interrogates Nigeria's peacekeeping role in Africa and its voting pattern at the Council. Founded on unstructured interviews, it offers deep insight into Nigeria's leadership role in conflict resolution and peacekeeping during the 2010/2011 and 2014/2015 tenures. Nigeria has declined in influence and is unable to provide the robust conflict resolution that Africa needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many international organizations (IOs) provide assistance to governments through country offices or peacekeeping operations. Sometimes, government authorities in countries receiving IO services violate norms that underpin the IO's engagement. IO officials must then choose between confrontational and conciliatory responses. These responses are located on a spectrum that ranges from a firm and public response to silence and downplaying. How do IO officials decide on their response? Based on over 200 interviews with UN peacekeeping officials, we argue that the factors that shape their decision-making are found across three categories: individual, departmental, and positional. In terms of individual characteristics, previous experience, career security, and the length of service at a particular duty station matter. Regarding departmental factors, politicization of work, professional composition, and the type of interlocutors predispose departments to be supporters or critics of authorities in recipient countries. In terms of positional considerations, the place of a post or department in the IO hierarchy, relations with other IO entities, and the distance from the field play a role. While important in its own right, decision-making by civilian UN peacekeeping officials is informative about similar processes in other complex international bureaucracies that employ individuals from diverse backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

War and conflict are issues that happened in the past few years, they affect many sectors and the most one is the refugees of women and children. Therefore, this paper will examine Angelina Jolie's strategy for promoting women's involvement in peace negotiations. Transnational Advocacy Networking Theory has been chosen for this article. The method of qualitative and library research was chosen to collect various pertinent data, the data itself was obtained from Scopus, Google Scholar, and the speech video from YouTube. The data will be processed by Nvivo 12 application and divided into three data (Word Cloud, TreeMap, and Word Tree). Word Cloud data will show the most spoken words by Angelina Jolie in her speech, Tree Map data will display the frequency of words that bin used by Angelina Jolie to the lesser ones, and the Word Tree data will show the sentences that can be associated with the words Angelina Jolie uses frequently. The results indicate that Angelina Jolie as United Nations Ambassador of refuge uses her ability in entertainment and profile to leverage her lobbying for women's involvement in peace negotiations. Jolie also to be more directly involved in the field, stepped down as United Nations Ambassador and joined the private sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Token Forces: How Tiny Troop Deployments Became Ubiquitous in UN Peacekeeping" by Katharina P. Coleman and Xiaojun Li explores the phenomenon of token troop contributions in international peace operations. The authors argue that token forces, defined as military deployments of less than 40 troops within larger coalitions, have become the dominant form of troop contributions in UN peace operations since the early 2000s. The book provides insights into the motivations of states to offer token forces and the interest of the United Nations in accepting such contributions. It also examines the diffusion of token participation and the reasons why UN coalition builders accept token forces despite potential impacts on mission effectiveness. The book includes a dataset on token forces and offers valuable facts and figures on the subject. While the analysis of norm diffusion could be stronger, the examination of UN coalition builders' reasoning is more convincing. Overall, the book provides essential insights into the motivations behind tiny troop deployments in peacekeeping and the dynamics between states and international organizations in this context. [Extracted from the article]

African-led Peace Support Operations (PSOs) were established to support the African peace and security architecture by developing integrated capacities for deployment in crises. However, since the deployment of the first African-led PSOs, there has also been the emergence of new types of African-led PSOs, such as the African Union Mission in Somalia; the Lake Chad Basin Commission Multinational Joint Task Force; the Joint Force for the Group of Five for the Sahel; the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique; and the East African Community Force in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The paper examines why African-led PSOs have emerged, arguing that these operations have allowed for increased African agency and shaped the African peace and security space. The paper finds that African-led PSO reflects a more regional and local-specific response in a declining era of new United Nations peacekeeping operations but has also resulted in an overreliance on force to solve the continent's peace and security issues. Consequently, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of African-led PSOs, positing that they represent generation three and a half of peacekeeping which focus on the effectiveness of force and the morality of using force to deal with insecurity and multifaceted crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the challenges and future of United Nations peacekeeping, with a focus on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It acknowledges the successes of peacekeeping operations in countries like Sierra Leone and Côte d'Ivoire, as well as the protection of civilians in conflict zones. The article also discusses the division within the international community, the worsening security situation, and the changing nature of conflict. It emphasizes the need for unity, digital transformation, regional cooperation, and a responsible transition process. The author, Bintou Keita, a long-time member of the United Nations, reflects on her three decades of work and expresses her ongoing commitment to the organization's mission. Keita emphasizes that the work of the UN is not yet finished and highlights the collective responsibility to continue striving for progress. The article provides a personal perspective on the importance of the UN's work and serves as a reminder of the ongoing efforts needed to address global challenges. [Extracted from the article]

UN blue helmets increasingly deploy in partnership with regional organizations and coalitions of states. While this development is hailed as a way out of geopolitical fragmentation and capacity overstretch, little is known about the effectiveness of these peacekeeping partnerships. We argue that UN and non-UN operations exercise different forms of power, which reinforce each other to reduce battle violence in active wars. If non-UN military operations actively engage in combat, the UN can focus on what it does best—employing its broad toolbox to coerce, induce, and persuade. Our quantitative analysis of the interaction between UN and non-UN peacekeeping supports these expectations: partnership peacekeeping works. With a non-UN partner, UN troops can reduce battlefield violence more effectively, that is, with fewer blue helmets. Importantly, non-UN missions need UN operations to successfully curb violence. The UN's multidimensional engagement offsets the potential negative effects of an all-too militarized approach to violence reduction. Regional and coalition peacekeeping can only support the UN, not replace it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, United Nations (UN) peacekeepers have been engaged in multidimensional activities in conflict-affected countries. The existing literature, however, focuses predominantly on the effectiveness of military and police peacekeepers involving the threat of force, and does not shed light on the effectiveness of civilian peacekeepers despite the latter's crucial role in rebuilding local livelihoods and restoring state institutions. Civilian participation in peacekeeping increases both the benefits of peaceful life and the costs of combat. Further, civilian activities, by strengthening the rule of law and political accountability mechanism, contribute to encouraging both the rebels and government to disengage from further violence. Using the original dataset of financial resources for UN peacekeeping operations in the world, from 1988 to 2019, I test hypotheses regarding the impact of civilian expenditures on battle-related deaths. Regression analysis shows that spending on the civilian component in UN peacekeeping reduces battle-related deaths on the government side inflicted by insurgents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Conflict and Peace in Western Sahara: The Role of the UN's Peacekeeping Mission (MINURSO)" is a comprehensive study of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). The book takes a multi-dimensional approach to examining MINURSO, covering historical, legal, political, and human rights aspects. It explores the challenges faced by MINURSO in fulfilling its mandate, including obstructionism by the Moroccan government and peacekeeper misconduct. The book also analyzes the regional interests of key actors, such as the United States, China, Russia, France, and African states, and their impact on the mission. This book is a valuable resource for researchers interested in UN peacekeeping and the involvement of the Security Council in peace and security. [Extracted from the article]

"In the Beginning: Secretary-General Trygve Lie and the Establishment of the United Nations" by Ellen J. Ravndal is a book that examines the role of the first UN Secretary-General, Trygve Lie, in the context of the UN's institutional design, its involvement in international politics, and the creation of new standards of conduct. The book does not focus on Lie's biography or the early history of the UN, but instead explores the agency of individuals within the institution. The author uses a historical approach and extensive archival research to provide a balanced perception of Lie's work. The book offers new insights into Lie's role in various conflicts and his efforts to broaden the role of the UN Secretary-General. However, some shortcomings include a lack of depth in the concept of "roles" and a need for more exploration of the interactions between Lie and his staff. Overall, the book successfully illuminates important issues and offers valuable insights for readers interested in both history and International Relations. [Extracted from the article]

This year marks the 75th anniversary of what the UN itself understands to be its first peacekeeping operation. It is therefore an appropriate time to reflect on the track record of UN peacekeeping in its efforts to try to maintain and realize peace and security. Moreover, this milestone invites us to ponder what lies ahead in the realm of peacekeeping. For this reason, this forum article brings together both academics and UN officials to assess the achievements and challenges of UN peacekeeping over the past 75 years. Through a dialogue among peacekeeping scholars and practitioners, we hope to identify current trends and developments in UN peacekeeping, as well as explore priorities for the future to improve the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations in terms of achieving their mandate objectives, such as maintaining peace, protecting civilians, promoting human rights, and facilitating reconciliation. This forum article is structured into six thematic sections, each shedding light on various aspects of UN peacekeeping: (1) foundational principles of UN peacekeeping - namely, consent, impartiality, and the (non-)use of force; (2) protection of civilians; (3) the primacy of politics; (4) early warning; (5) cooperation with regional organizations; and (6) the changing geopolitical landscape in which UN peacekeeping operates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a deep dive into those factors in one specific case: The decision to reinforce the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) after the war between Israel and Hezbollah in 2006. This case is a particularly useful case-study of the UN's utility as a framework for peacekeeping because – as we will show – a significant number of actors involved in negotiations around the mission initially assumed that UNIFIL would not survive for long after the war. While many actors in 2006 wanted to see the end of UNFIL, preserving it proved to be the only diplomatically feasible option. Hence, this article explains why UNIFIL avoided closure, and how the issue of the host state consent progressively shaped the negotiation in and outside the Security Council chamber to find a solution to end the conflict. This case-study approach also centres the importance of diplomacy – including but not only at the UN – and of finding the right balance in negotiations to the making of peace operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kosovo has historically been the scene of ethnic-driven regional conflicts among the communities. After the disengagement of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1992, the conflicts that had begun with the independence declarations of the Republics of SFRY eventually evolved into ethnic disputes between Serbs and Albanians. As the United Nations (UN) failed to resolve the conflict by diplomatic means, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated an air campaign to stop armed attacks by Serbian Military Forces on the Albanian civil communities. The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was established in 1999 to restore peace and stability in Kosovo. One of the mandated tasks of the UNMIK was to establish the local police known as Kosovo Police Service (KPS) and to build its capacity. The objectives of this research are to determine whether the UNMIK was effective and successful in building the KPS's capacity. A set of new success criteria is developed and applied to evaluate the success of UNMIK in this mandated task. Data for this study were collected using official reports of the UN and the crime statistics of the KPS. As a result of the analysis, it was determined that UNMIK was successful in establishing a local police force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Security Council mandates the protection of civilians mandate in UN peacekeeping missions, it inadvertently forms an obligation on States involved with UN peace missions. To affirm the concept of State sovereignty, the Security Council constantly references 'the primary responsibility of the State to protect' within their resolutions. This developing norm, beginning within the protection of civilians mandate, is an expansion of existing obligations under IHL and IHRL. Within the text of Security Council resolutions there is an obligation that States who are a party to a NIAC are responsible for peace and security. Therefore, force should be used for peace and security, rather than for "triumphing" in the conflict or entrenching power. As such, a State can achieve its obligations under IHL when governments take all reasonable steps to conclude the conflict, for any hostilities within civilian areas by its very nature is a breach of a State's obligation and responsibility to protect their own civilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A group of scholars gathered at the University of Sydney Law School to discuss the intersection of law, language, and war. The symposium focused on the language used in legal discourse and documents related to the law of armed conflict. The papers presented explored the terminology used in this field of law, the linguistic analysis of texts, the contradictions within the law, the role of language in enforcing double standards, the classification of combatants, the gendered constitution of the laws of war, and the role of language in UN mandated peacekeeping operations. The symposium highlights the fluidity and sometimes restrictive nature of language in international law. [Extracted from the article]

Which countries deploy troops to violent locations within UN peacekeeping operations? Troop contributing countries face different incentives to participate in peacekeeping operations. These motivating factors should also condition their willingness to take on risks to implement mission mandates. I argue that states motivated to ensure the effectiveness of an operation as well as states that expect to receive private gains by deploying to riskier locales within missions will send more of their troops to these areas. In contrast, states with leaders that are more sensitive to the potential costs associated with riskier commitments will be less willing to send their service members to violent locations. Results from an analysis of spatially disaggregated data across 23 UN missions from 1994 to 2015 support these expectations. States hosting refugees from a mission location tend to deploy more troops to local areas that experience major violent episodes. States that generate greater benefits to their militaries through their involvement in peacekeeping also provide more troops to these areas. In contrast, democratic contributors send fewer troops to violent locations. The results further reveal important disparities in troop deployments within UN peacekeeping operations. ¿Qué países despliegan tropas en áreas violentas dentro del marco de las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz de la ONU? Los países que aportan contingentes cuentan con diferentes incentivos para participar en las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz. Estos factores motivadores también pueden condicionar su disposición a asumir riesgos durante la ejecución de los mandatos de las misiones. Sostenemos que aquellos Estados que estén motivados en garantizar la efectividad de una operación y aquellos Estados que esperen recibir beneficios privados debido a su despliegue en áreas más arriesgadas dentro de las misiones, son los que enviarán una mayor proporción de sus tropas a estas áreas. En contraposición, aquellos Estados cuyos líderes son más sensibles a los costes potenciales asociados a los compromisos más arriesgados, tendrán una menor disposición a enviar a sus miembros fuerzas armadas a áreas violentas. Los resultados obtenidos de un análisis de datos desglosados espacialmente de 23 misiones de la ONU entre 1994 y 2015 ofrecen respaldo a estas expectativas. Los Estados que acogen a refugiados desde un emplazamiento de misión tienden a desplegar más tropas en las áreas locales en las que tienen lugar episodios violentos importantes. Los Estados que generan mayores beneficios a sus fuerzas armadas a través de su participación en el mantenimiento de la paz también proporcionan más tropas a estas áreas. En contraposición, los contribuyentes democráticos envían menos tropas a las áreas violentas. Los resultados revelan, además, importantes disparidades en el despliegue de tropas dentro de las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz de la ONU. Quels sont les pays qui déploient des troupes dans les zones de conflits où interviennent les opérations de maintien de la paix de l'ONU ? Les pays qui fournissent des troupes participent aux opérations de maintien de la paix pour différentes raisons. Ces motivations s'accompagnent logiquement de conséquences quand il s'agit de prendre des risques pour mettre en œuvre des mandats de mission. Selon moi, les États qui souhaitent garantir l'efficacité d'une opération, mais aussi ceux qui agissent dans leur propre intérêt en déployant des forces sur les lieux d'intervention les plus risqués des missions, enverront davantage de troupes dans ces zones. À l'inverse, les États plus sensibles aux coûts potentiels des engagements plus risqués seront moins enclins à envoyer leurs militaires dans les zones de violence. Les résultats d'une analyse de données ventilées dans l'espace issues de 23 missions de l'ONU de 1994 à 2015 viennent étayer cette hypothèse. Quand un État accueille des réfugiés provenant d'un lieu d'intervention d'une mission, il a tendance à déployer davantage de troupes sur les zones qui subissent des épisodes de violence importants. Les États dont les armées bénéficient davantage de leur engagement dans le maintien de la paix fourniront aussi davantage de troupes pour ces lieux. À l'opposé, les contributeurs démocratiques envoient moins de troupes dans les zones de violence. D'après les résultats, il existe encore d'autres disparités importantes dans le déploiement de troupes dans le cadre des opérations de maintien de la paix de l'ONU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effects does participation in peacekeeping operations (PKO) have on the participating countries' civil–military resource allocation? Answering this question can widen our understanding of state motivations to contribute to the United Nations PKOs by incorporating the civil–military dynamic. We argue that contributing states can substitute part of their domestic military expenditures with external resources. Governments act as brokers between domestic military interests and international sources of rent, a process which we call civil–military resource substitution through international brokerage. By doing so, governments can (i) reduce part of the bottom-up demands for increased military spending (i.e., salaries and allowances) and (ii) outsource critical resources to meet military organizational priorities (i.e., training, weapons, perks for the military elite, and so on). Using cross-national statistical analysis, we find that the UN PKO contributing states allocate fewer resources to the defense sector than the non-contributing states, and higher troop-contributing states are likely to allocate fewer resources to the defense sector than the lower-contributing or non-contributing states. The implications point to a much wider role of the UN peacekeeping missions than what is previously understood and demonstrate their impacts beyond the host countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GWP: Gesellschaft Wirtschaft Politik is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Sino-Russian strategic partnership, among its many facets, includes broad alignment in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on issues of intervention, and their similar (if not identical) stances on the controversial Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine in regard to Darfur, Libya, or Syria are well known—but the Libyan R2P-inspired enforcement action (intervention absent the consent of the host state) is relatively rare. Less work has been carried out on Russian and Chinese discourse on UN peacekeeping, viz consent-based operations. We fill a gap by examining and comparing their discourse on UN peacekeeping in UN Security Council meetings, demonstrating that their converging views have begun to seep into the previously 'safe space' of peacekeeping. The controversy surrounding the 'protection of civilians' encapsulated in the Libyan resolution 1973, which was used for regime change, caused concern for Russia and China. New directions in UN peacekeeping—in particular, stabilization missions—which emphasize the protection of civilians, are testing UN peacekeeping doctrine. A comparison of Chinese and Russian voting patterns in the UNSC reveals a fairly similar line taken on voting to extend peacekeeping mandates, yet upon examining the discourse in UNSC meetings regarding three UN stabilization missions between 2011 and 2022, as well as more generic meetings on peacekeeping, subtle differences emerge, which reflect differences in Russian and Chinese narrated global identities and status concerns. These differences show that alignment is based more on converging interests than converging values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The perceived impunity of the United Nations peacekeeping missions has been the subject of numerous reports and studies. These studies are in agreement that the legal accountability of the UN is strongly challenged by the UN's absolute immunity coupled with a lack of or inadequate alternative dispute resolution mechanisms. This situation has led to what is referred to as a 'remedy gap' whereby third-party claims against the UN are extinguished due to a lack of forum with jurisdiction over the UN. This article is a study into the second component of the remedy gap, namely, the lack of or inadequate alternative dispute resolution mechanisms. This is a study on the underlying obligation to provide access to remedies as a potential component of the remedy gap. It seeks to assess the legal framework of the UN's obligation to provide access to remedies and the scope thereof. This is to establish whether the lack of or shortfalls of the UN's alternative dispute resolution mechanisms are imputable to an inadequate legal framework which does not provide sufficient legal tools to ensure the suitable adjudication of claims or whether the issue lies in the implementation phase through the UN's policies and practice. In essence, this article seeks to determine the basic rules that form part of the UN's obligation to provide access to remedies. This is done through a comprehensive analysis of all the possible sources of this obligation to determine its scope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains UN member-state personnel withdrawals from peacekeeping operations? Withdrawals can occur at the behest of contributor states, as contributions are voluntary. We argue that withdrawal is motivated by violence in the peacekeeping operation host state. Research shows that well-resourced missions improve the prospects of success. Personnel withdrawals are dangerous, as they are more likely when continued deployments are needed. We thus need to understand why some states resist withdrawing in the face of instability. We argue that democracies are more stalwart than their counterparts given their constituency interests, the democratic benefits of peacekeeping and the political cover offered to democratic policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature of the relationship between statecraft and third-party interventions is complex and remains an issue that has not been fully explored in the academic literature. Experience shows that the two often interact, at times creating harmonious coordination, at times exacerbating tensions. These actions and reactions were present for Israel after the War of Independence as it worked to form an effective approach to the UN and its peacekeeping forces that were created to supervise implementation of the 1949 Arab-Israeli armistice agreements. This article examines how Israel strove to develop its own foreign policy statecraft strategies and to protect its national and strategic interests in the early 1960s, while contending with the involvement of UNTSO under the activist leadership of Swedish Maj. Gen. Carl Von Horn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The group of three non-permanent African members (A3) of the UNSC are expected to advance AU common positions and strengthen UN-AU collaboration.[20] Similarly, the members of the EU that serve on the UNSC are obliged to defend the positions and interests of their union and coordinate their work at the UN.[21] Experiences of E10 Memberships Contributors in this section disentangle different types of E10 state memberships. The UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) have held annual consultations since 2007. The United Nations' (UN) charter endows its Security Council (UNSC) with primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. [Extracted from the article]

Ralph Bunche, the first African American to receive the Nobel Peace Prize, was a committed anti‐imperialist, a fighter against racism and for civil rights. And yet, his action and appearance as special representative of the United Nations Secretary‐General in the Congo, made him appear as hostile to African independence and as a (neo‐colonial) "blanc," questioning the sincerity of his anti‐imperialism as well as his anti‐racism. The article argues that Bunche's dilemma is paradigmatic for the paradox that exists between the United Nations' (UN) declared anti‐racism and anti‐imperialism, on the one hand, and its politics of peacekeeping and peacebuilding which are effectively a quasi‐imperial politics of world order, on the other. The article dissects Ralph Bunche's writing and thinking on the international system, Africa and the Congo in order to understand how individual anti‐racist commitment can co‐exist, or even be co‐constitutive of, systemic racism of international politics and law. Apart from providing important insights into the thought of a central founding figure of UN peacekeeping and peacebuilding, the article contributes, hence, to ongoing discussions on Eurocentrism and race in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For instance, while State B may have the military capacity to intervene, it may still be too risky for B to intervene alone, or doing so may be very costly for the citizens of State B. As in the Dangerous Beach cases, B could perhaps ask other states to join in a "coalition of the willing." For example, the financial costs faced by militaries include the costs of transport or equipment, whereas the financial costs faced by civilians (including neutral civilians, e.g., in neighboring countries) include the cost of replacing damaged property and the cost of lost business. Keywords: duty to rescue; Good Samaritan; humanitarian intervention; just war theory; responsibility to protect EN duty to rescue Good Samaritan humanitarian intervention just war theory responsibility to protect 183 200 18 06/06/23 20230601 NES 230601 INTRODUCTION The academic debate on armed humanitarian intervention has, in the last 20 or so years, largely moved on from the question of whether it can sometimes be permissible to intervene in another state (i.e., whether there is a right to intervene), to questions regarding, for instance, the existence of a duty to intervene, the allocation of the responsibility to intervene, and so on. So if we only look at country A and country B, or country A and country C, and so on - the kinds of assessments the individual rescue analogy would have us consider - we would be likely to conclude that rescue, while permissible, cannot be required in this case, given that for each country B, C, and so on, rescue would not be required.[2] However, Dangerous Beach shows us that there is another way to look at this case. [Extracted from the article]

Countries contribute to United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations for a variety of reasons. That diversion of interest affects how the operations' mandates are fulfilled. While some troop-providers align with the principles of UN peacekeeping, others act in favor of their private benefits. Drawing on the conflict-of-interest theory, I posit that divergent interests within peacekeeping operations reduce the commitment of troop-providers to the principles of UN peacekeeping; therefore, the functionality of UN peacekeeping missions is damaged. This article explores the effect of troop-providers' ideational commitment to UN peacekeeping on reducing the length of conflicts and civilian victimization by the combatants in all terminated and ongoing peacekeeping operations from November 1990 to December 2019. The results show that an increase in troop-providers' ideational commitment to UN peacekeeping reduces both the length of conflicts and civilian victimization. The article makes three contributions. First, it elaborates on the consequences of how peacekeeping operations are composed, bringing in the primary motivations of troop-providers. Second, it develops a new measure of troop-providers' ideational commitment to UN peacekeeping, taking into account their human rights stance in the UNGA. Third, the study suggests that troop-providers' commitment to the principles of UN peacekeeping becomes more pivotal in large deployments. Los países contribuyen a las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas (UNPKO, por sus siglas en inglés) por diversas razones. Esa diversidad de intereses afecta la forma en la que se cumplen los mandatos de las operaciones. Mientras que algunos de los países proveedores de tropas se alinean con los principios del mantenimiento de la paz de la ONU, otros actúan a favor de sus beneficios privados. Basándonos en la teoría del conflicto de intereses, postulamos que los intereses divergentes dentro de las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz reducen el compromiso de los países proveedores de tropas con los principios del mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas y que, por lo tanto, la funcionalidad de las misiones de mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas queda menoscabada. Este artículo explora el efecto del compromiso ideológico de los países proveedores de tropas con el mantenimiento de la paz de la ONU en cuanto a la reducción de la duración de los conflictos y de la victimización civil por parte de los combatientes en todas las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz, terminadas y en curso, desde noviembre de 1990 hasta diciembre de 2019. Los resultados muestran que un aumento en el compromiso ideológico de los países proveedores de tropas con el mantenimiento de la paz de la ONU reduce tanto la duración de los conflictos como la victimización civil. El artículo realiza tres contribuciones. En primer lugar, el artículo desarrolla las consecuencias de la composición de las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz, aportando las motivaciones principales de los países proveedores de tropas. En segundo lugar, el artículo desarrolla una nueva forma de medir el compromiso ideológico de los países proveedores de tropas con el mantenimiento de la paz de la ONU, teniendo en cuenta su postura sobre los derechos humanos en la AGNU (Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas). En tercer lugar, el artículo sugiere que el compromiso de los países proveedores de tropas con los principios del mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas resulta más crucial en los grandes despliegues. Les pays peuvent avoir de multiples raisons de participer aux opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies. À cause de ces divergences d'intérêts, les mandats sont exécutés de différentes façons. Bien que certains fournisseurs de troupes partagent les principes du maintien de la paix de l'ONU, d'autres agissent dans leur propre intérêt. En m'appuyant sur la théorie des conflits d'intérêts, je postule que les divergences d'intérêts au sein des opérations de maintien de la paix nuisent à l'engagement des fournisseurs de troupes à respecter les principes de l'ONU. Le fonctionnement même de ces missions de maintien de la paix est donc remis en cause. Cet article étudie comment l'engagement idéationnel des fournisseurs de troupes pour les opérations de maintien de la paix de l'ONU réduit la durée des conflits et la victimisation des civils par les combattants dans toutes les opérations menées entre novembre 1990 et décembre 2019, qu'elles soient passées ou encore en cours. Les résultats indiquent qu'un renforcement de l'engagement idéationnel des fournisseurs de troupes pour les opérations de maintien de la paix de l'ONU réduit à la fois la durée des conflits et la victimisation des civils. L'article offre trois contributions. D'abord, il développe les conséquences de la composition des opérations de maintien de la paix, en incluant les motivations principales des fournisseurs de troupe. Ensuite, il propose une nouvelle mesure de l'engagement idéationnel des fournisseurs de troupe pour le maintien de la paix de l'ONU, en prenant en compte leur position sur les droits de l'homme à l'AGNU. Enfin, l'étude suggère que l'engagement des fournisseurs de troupe en faveur des principes de maintien de la paix de l'ONU devient crucial lors de déploiements importants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the phased withdrawal of United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) influence electoral violence? Many PKOs recently ended and peacekeeping personnel numbers are decreasing. Yet, research on peacekeepers' exit remains in its infancy. We help fill this lacuna and examine how peacekeepers' withdrawal affects violence during electoral periods. We focus on electoral periods because elections are both often-desired intervention endpoints and violence-prone moments in post-war trajectories. We argue that electoral violence increases shortly after a reduction in PKO troops because shortfalls in external oversight and security assistance reduce costs for organizing violence and open opportunities for pursuing a coercive electoral strategy. However, violence-inducing exit effects are likely short-lived due to adaptation by domestic security forces or peacekeepers who remain in the host country. We examine our argument across electoral periods and first-order administrative units of all African countries hosting a PKO (2001–2017). Controlling for violence trends prior to peacekeepers' exit, two-way fixed effects models suggest that a local reduction in PKO troops is not associated with subsequent increases in electoral violence. However, withdrawal incidents lead to spikes in political violence more broadly defined. Our results confirm worries that downsizing during election times may endanger security gains in post-war countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses "middle power" and "status-based" approaches in the International Relations literature to explain Türkiye's motivation for participation in UN peacekeeping operations. Turkish peacekeeping activism is considered a recognitive practice based on status-seeking. It is claimed that especially since the 2000s Türkiye has participated in operations to gain a reputation and raise its international status before UN countries, to become visible by contributing to global peace and conflict management, and to influence member countries in its favour to win the elections for non-permanent membership in the UN Security Council. To determine the overall trend and motivation in participation, the international context, the domestic political environment, and the general foreign policy orientations of the governments are taken into account. Personnel contributions related to 28 peacekeeping missions between 1988 and 2022 are examined by reviewing UN Peacekeeping Data, the Grand National Assembly's decisions, and foreign policy officials' statements. Suggestions on the future of Turkish peacekeeping policy are also presented in the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite decades of success, abuse has pervaded UN peacekeeping. This article argues that there has been a combination of incremental, conditional, and tenuous accountability for UN peacekeeping personnel accused of perpetrating sexual exploitation and abuse against civilians. This article argues that the relationship with accountability has been shaped by the reliance on troop-contributing countries to supply peacekeepers. This has limited the ability and desire of the UN to institute full accountability for peacekeeper actions. Looking at examples and trends of abuse and punishment, the article demonstrates that there has been a push-pull relationship of accountability between the media and nongovernmental organization reporting on one side and UN reliance on troop-contributing countries and institutional reluctance on the other side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations is known to be the preeminent body to authorize and oversee international peacekeeping missions; however, new forms of African-led Peace Support Operations (PSO s) are increasingly common, innovative, and context-specific. This paper examines the evolution of African-led PSO s and argues that African-led PSO s are filling a vacuum and taking on responsibilities once assumed by the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO). The paper posits that the rise of African-led PSO s is due to the growing need for security and respond to the changing nature of conflict, the spread of insecurity and terrorism, and cross-border violence. Finally, the paper explores the implications of these operations for future missions in Africa, arguing that the future of African-led PSO s may be the preferred choice, with Regional Economic Communities and Ad-hoc Security Initiatives leading the way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is multipolarity impacting on UN peacekeeping operations? This article sets out to answer this question by examining the ongoing decline in UN peacekeeping operations and the concurrent rise of regional and ad hoc coalitions in an era of increasing geopolitical competition. The article argues that coalitions have significantly less focus on human rights, international humanitarian law, and the protection of civilians. They thus represent a shift away from the liberal values that have marked UN peacekeeping operations, and are coherent with current geopolitical shifts where China is chipping away at human rights at the UN and African states are increasingly voicing a need for more robust operations. The article concludes that the likely outcome of these trends is a continued decline of UN multidimensional peacekeeping, but that coalitions may receive logistical and administrative support from the UN peace operations machinery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s, conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) started to transform into a matter of international security. Today, this is reflected in the Women, Peace and Security framework, which has left an impression also on UN peacekeeping mandates and operations, as well as on global protection imperatives. Simultaneously, academic attention to CRSV has skyrocketed in the past two decades. This article reviews what this growing body of research tells us about how peacekeeping authorities handle CRSV. In brief, scholars have identified encouraging trends in peacekeeping responsiveness to this violence, and prior research on its effectiveness in protecting civilians also gives cause for cautious optimism. Nonetheless, notable gaps in our knowledge remain, in particular when it comes to more local, fine-grained data and analysis. By way of conclusion, the article therefore outlines where the authors see the most promising avenues for future research on CRSV and peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]