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As De Angelis, Federici, and others have noted, there are “no commons without community.” The concept of community, however (as, among others, Jean‐Luc Nancy and Roberto Esposito have shown), has a dark history continuing up until today, when extreme right‐wing or even downright fascist appropriations of the concept have understood it as a static and identitarian unity bound to a specific territory or ethnicity. While commons‐scholars try to circumvent this legacy by emphasizing the commons as a “praxis” (Dardot and Laval) or “organizational principle” (De Angelis), they thereby tend to neglect the important cultural and symbolic connotations of the concept of community (which, in part, seem to make right‐wing movements appealing for certain segments of the population). In my article, I want to raise the following question: Do we need a sense of community for a politics of the commons, and, if so, what concept of community should it be? To answer this question, I will refer back to the use of the concept of “common sense” (sensus communis) in Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Judgment. Characteristic of Kant’s use of the term is that it does not refer to an actually existing community, but rather to an imaginary community that is anticipated in our (aesthetic) judgment. Common sense, in other words, involves “acting as if”—with the dual dimensions of acting (i.e., the community is based in praxis) and as if (an imagined, anticipated community bordering between the fictional and the real).

The leading thread of this work represents an investigation into the relations that are primarily formed between the instances of knowledge, power, and gaze. These instances are recognized as some of the constituent parts of the Occidental way of thinking and its culture. The text shows that it is possible to form a fundamentally different way of social organizing if the stale mechanisms of despotic regimes of governing and all-encompassing hierarchization are deconstructed in a particular manner. The model of the 'panopticon', taken as one of the primary blueprints for creating the institutions such as correctional facilities, hospitals, mental asylums, schools, etc., can be shown to be replaceable if the axis of knowledge and power is recognized as the one that does not necessarily lead to the repressive modes of manifesting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The following essay proceeds through twenty-one visual and textual 'scenes' from the complex history of the art school, as a contribution to debates about its political character. The title is taken from Jacques Rancière's (2013) Aisthesis. This is Rancière's most sustained exposition of the 'aesthetic regime of art'. His strategy in this book is to juxtapose 'the event' of an artwork against 'the interpretive network which gives it meaning' (2013, ix). He is specifically interested in the transition between different 'regimes of art'. The scenes in this article map the transition from what Rancière calls the 'representative regime' to the 'aesthetic regime' on to the historical, pedagogical, ideological, and political evolution of the modern art school. These scenes roughly cover the period from the formation of the Royal Academy in 1768 to the art school protests in 1968. They also include references to the nineteenth-century UK Schools of Design, Socialist Realism, Greenbergian Modernism, Althusserian ideology critique, and the Bauhaus. This essay is a sketch leading toward a longer, non-linear, counter-history of the art school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the educational and the aesthetic significance of the subject matter (i.e., "the third thing") in the relationship between teacher and pupil. This, through a reading of two texts, one written by the 19th century educationist and German philosopher Johann Friedrich Herbart, and one written by the contemporary philosopher and political theorist Jacques Rancière. By emphasizing the third thing between pupil and teacher, the article intends to reimagine both the educative and aesthetic values of those timeless things around us, such as objects of art and education, which give life a meaning beyond our limited socio-cultural desires, interests, concepts, and identities. Teaching, from this "fusion of the horizon" between Herbart and Rancière, is an activity created by the heterogeneity already integral to the "essence" of the subject matter. As such, the article also offers a fusion of the horizon between aesthetics and Didaktik. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En este ensayo se examina el carácter trasnacional del estallido social y las protestas desde 2019 en Colombia. Toma distancia del modelo analítico de Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow y Charles Tilly (2005) sobre protestas disruptivas que da por sentado la existencia de la política y, en cambio, indaga por las condiciones de aparición de esta. Plantea que la dificultad para caracterizar el estallido acontecido en Colombia radica en que este tiene unos vínculos nacionales, continentales y globales que no estaban previstos. El carácter impredecible -y transnacional- de lo sucedido abre la invitación a utilizar otras maneras de pensar el problema. De hecho, lo que hay que hacer es construir el problema. Usando la estética y la filosofía política de Jacques Rancière, se plantea que i) cambió la naturaleza de la protesta y ii) cambió el semblante de los actores sociales. Esto permite afirmar que aquello que emergió en las protestas en Colombia no fue el vándalo: fue el pueblo, «los restantes».

I Zombie es una serie de televisión inspirada en un cómic, en la cual se narran las relaciones de cooperación y conflicto entre zombis y humanos. Dicha convivencia es posible debido a que los zombis se parecen a los humanos cuando están bien alimentados. Esta convivencia representa, de forma figurada, algunos de los conflictos más importantes de nuestro tiempo, como el reconocimiento del otro, los límites de la moralidad kantiana, a favor de la eticidad [sittlichkeit] hegeliana. Además, ilustra problemas más concretos, como la gestión de los flujos de población o la convivencia entre nacionalismos distintos dentro del mismo Estado. Se nos enseña también que la libertad no es una cuestión de pura voluntad moral individual, sino que además necesita de instituciones para desarrollarse, sin que suponga grandes tensiones psíquicas entre egoísmo y altruismo. I Zombieis a television series inspired by a comic book, which depicts the relationship of cooperation and conflict between zombies and humans. This coexistence is made possible by the fact that zombies resemble humans when they are well fed. This coexistence figuratively represents some of the most important conflicts of our time, such as the recognition of the other, the limits of Kantian morality in favour of Hegelian ethical life [sittlichkeit]. It also illustrates more concrete problems, such as the management of population flows or the coexistence of different nationalisms within the same state. We are also taught that freedom is not a matter of purely individual moral will, but that it also needs institutions to develop, without involving great psychic tensions between egoism and altruism.

'Homelessness' in the UK, currently at record levels, is the focus of an ever-expanding mass of law, policy, procedures, practices, and institutions and enterprises of all sorts, from government, local government, national and local NGOs. All are implicated in the drive to keep houseless people in their place, obedient, out of sight, receiving assistance in the 'appropriate' way. This contribution is an account of a successful activist campaign to make a UK city adopt a Homeless Bill of Rights. It is unusual as a campaign using a legal discourse, that of human rights, not to create legally enforceable rights but as a political tool to force a different kind of visibility and equality. The political philosophy of Jacques Rancière helps to theorize these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Music has been welcomed to juvenile justice institutions as a transformative practice supporting the rehabilitation of youth offenders to citizens. However, acknowledging that such institutions are not neutral instruments of the law but political arenas within which notions of ideal citizenship are imposed and contested, the transformative work of music in these settings is related to profoundly ethical questions of who incarcerated young people are, who we hope they become, and the kind of society we are striving towards. This article reports a qualitative metasynthesis of contemporary research on music in juvenile justice settings, examining how such transformative work might reinforce or disrupt the existing social order and enable young people to enact their own subjectivities through music. Arguing against music as a form of coercive correction, this article suggests that an engagement with the politics of music programmes might better support the realisation of a shared humanity underpinned by ideals of equity and relationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foucault distanced himself from Marxism even though he worked in an environment—left French theory of the 1960s and 1970s—where Marxism was the dominant frame of reference. By viewing Foucault in the context of French Marxist theoretical debates of his day, we can connect his criticisms of Marxism to his discussions of the status of intellectuals. Foucault viewed standard Marxist approaches to the role of intellectuals as a problem of power and knowledge applicable to the Communist party. Marxist party intellectuals, in his view, had developed rigid and universal theories and had used them to prescribe action, which prevented work on the sorts of problems that he uncovered—even though these problems were central to the development of capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Filozofski Vestnik is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the function of 'expertise' in mediating the student–supervisor relationship in Higher Degree Research (HDR). Prevailing conceptualisations of expertise generally translate as disciplinary acumen and reference the supervisor's specialist disciplinary and methodological knowledge. Beyond establishing the disciplinary 'signatures' of a discipline, this expertise also confers 'symbolic capital' within the disciplinary field. This paper asks: 'What might it mean when supervisors lack such specific disciplinary knowledge in the supervision of HDR projects?' Drawing on theoretical foundations from Jacques Rancière and Paulo Freire, this paper considers how alternative ways of knowing and enacting scholarly inquiry might afford new terrains of practice within the HDR project, with the authors' recent experiences in supervising beyond their respective disciplinary expertise providing an illustration of this modality of supervision. This case example demonstrates how mutuality and the enactment of a dialogic supervisory approach might widen considerations of what 'counts' as expertise within HDR supervision. In setting out this conceptualisation, an ethic of mutual inquiry prefaced by Rancière's 'two wills' provides a means for activating a dynamic HDR candidature, the production of innovative research and the recognition of expertise beyond narrowly defined configurations of disciplinary acumen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RESUMO O fato de a arte ter sido e ser ainda vinculada a uma ideia moral consolida a crença histórica na sua capacidade de determinar (re)ações a partir das proposições que ela destina ao público. A arte, sobretudo na fase moderna e contemporânea, possuiria a força singular de afetar o espectador segundo um mecanismo de “gozo” que garantiria como, ao ver, eu entenderia naquilo que olho uma motivação a agir no mundo para responder a uma injunção moral presente na obra. Para pensar essa crença, que interessa, em primeira instância, a compreensão do trabalho de muitos artistas, Hans-Robert Jauss providencia argumentos decisivos. As análises de Giorgio Agamben sobre a função da “liturgia” antiga revelam-se fundamentais, também, para cernir ainda mais intensamente o que está em jogo nessa crença na possibilidade de as obras terem um efeito moral mobilizador sobre aqueles que as recebem. Todavia, cabe a Jacques Rancière questionar se o gozo estético proporcionado por essa liturgia dispara verdadeiramente no espectador uma motivação a agir.

The author considers the concept of democracy in the articles published in the journal Politička misao (Political Thought). It seems that there are two fundamental concepts of democracy that have been analysed in the journal in almost sixty years of its activity: self-management democracy and liberal democracy. The author also takes into account different versions of liberal democracy which have been presented in the articles. Both main concepts of democracy are not treated as structurally different, but as quite similar. Namely, they share the idea that history should end with them, or that they are ‘the last political forms’ (Đorđević). Both have been developed as a kind of consensus democracy, which is explored in the text based on Rancière’s (and Badiou’s) thesis. As ‘consensus democracies’, they show significant selectivity considering the type of interests they promote as public interests. In the concept of self-management democracy, priority belongs to the working class, while versions of liberal democracy support ‘sociologicalized’ interests which are derived from what Rancière calls ‘redistribution of senses’. Thirdly, both concepts of democracy try, each in its own way, to dissolve the political into the social. The author believes that the actual variant of liberal democracy is post-democracy, which, although problematic in itself, still defends, as proven by the articles in Politička misao, the current (liberal) consensus. This consensus is defended as more pragmatic and realistic than its alternative, which would be mystical-revolutionary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Scienza & Politica is the property of University of Bologna, Department of Political & Social Sciences Alma Mater Studiorum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pensamiento, Palabra y Obra is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The democratic leadership literature emphasises those leadership practices that involve dialogue and communication within the frame of reference of existing organizational structures, discourses and hierarchies. Our contribution is to problematise this approach to democracy from the perspective of the work of Jacques Rancière, which highlights the importance of dissensus, that is to say a breaking away from organizational structures and hierarchies. We argue that this allows us to conceptualise collective leadership in a postfoundational way that connects a critique of individual and organization-bound leadership to a democratic logic, in particular through Rancière's analysis of the myth of the murder of the shepherd. This also enables us to study radically disruptive, non-hierarchical and pre-dialogic dimensions of leadership that may destruct as well as construct. Two democratic leadership practices are outlined: contingent acts of leadership and the practice of radical contestation. Our argument is that both practices of democratic leadership can be deployed as radical ruptures and disruptions of organizational orders, beyond dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper’s aim is to provide a new interpretation of Martha C. Nussbaum’s and Richard Rorty’s views on the ethical role of literature. I pursue this aim in a threefold manner. First of all, I shortly discuss and provide a critique of previous comparisons by other authors. Afterwards, based on the presented critique of other comparisons, I present concise summaries of their respective views. Finally, I propose a double context for interpreting and assessing their views together. The main claim of the paper is the following: despite several differences in their philosophical underpinnings, Nussbaum’s and Rorty’s views on literature can be interpreted together using the context of John Rawls and Jacques Rancière. This interpretation consists of showing how uncovering a shared Rawlsian characteristic of Nussbaum’s and Rorty’s views paves a way for explaining how literature actually does ethical work, using some concepts of Rancière. Such a contextual reading allows for both a more thorough understanding of their respective projects and assessing their shared shortcomings.

O conceito de cena é fundamental para a elaboração feita por Jacques Rancière de seu método da igualdade. A partir de montagens que reúnem ima- gens, gestos, textos, discursos e acontecimentos prosaicos, Rancière aposta em uma racionalidade ficcional, capaz de produzir uma composição fabuladora na qual múltiplas temporalidades surgem de uma série de intervalos, que se desviam da explicação consensual do mundo. Este texto destina-se a refletir acerca de três dimensões específicas e entrelaçadas na montagem da cena como método: o dissenso, a desierarquização e o desarranjo. Argumento que tais dimensões estão interligadas em três operações a serem evidenciadas neste artigo: a) a cena como método que requer uma escrita baseada na cons- trução de montagens e intervalos; b) a cena como gesto de aparição do sujeito político, de sua corporeidade e vulnerabilidades, buscando sua emancipação; c) a cena como justaposição de tempos e espaços, configurando uma fabulação estético-política capaz de recolocar os vários elementos, que conferem a um momento singular um valor de ruptura com a cadeia interminável de condi- ções, definindo as possibilidades de uma experiência. Essa operação coloca em marcha um tipo de emancipação em que Rancière associa o devaneio ao desvio e à desestabilização das relações de dominação.

This article considers how mourning is configured as a site of political and aesthetic conflict in Aeschylus' Persae. Aeschylus represents the Persian defeat at Salamis as a catastrophe that unsettles the Persians' habitual modes of visualizing and quantifying the empire's population as an ordered whole. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou, I show how characters in Persae construct novel representations of the war dead as social collectivities that do not fit into the hierarchical structures of dynastic rule. I focus on two passages that stage this work in granular detail: the Messenger's list of dead commanders recited soon after he reports the defeat (302-330) and a second list of the dead sung by the Chorus in dialogue with Xerxes (955-1001). Each passage advances a polemical recount of the dead, at once reevaluating the scale of the disaster and reframing how individuals and collectivities destroyed in the war should be mourned and memorialized. The Messenger and Chorus thereby contest the efforts of the royal family to count the losses at Salamis according to the circumscribed terms of imperial administration. By tracing how the memorialization of the dead galvanizes conflicting efforts to count (or miscount) the community as a whole, Persae raises larger questions about the political affordances of aesthetic form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In dominant discourses, migrants are mostly perceived as either victims or villains but rarely as political subjects and democratic constituents. Challenging this view, the aim of the article is to rethink democracy with respect to migration struggles. I argue that movements of migration are not only consistent with democracy but also provide a decisive impetus for actualizing democratic principles in the context of debates about the crisis of representation and post-democracy. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière, Étienne Balibar and Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, I develop a theory of radical democracy as practice, which, starting from the proposed notion of 'democratic difference', goes beyond the fixation on democratic regimes and focuses on contentious practices of enacting democratic principles. I articulate these theoretical concepts by analysing how refugees in Germany have managed to break out of a marginalized position and have challenged their denial of rights through a protest march. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Art and entrepreneurship both demonstrate a particular power to experiment with how the social is apprehended, organized and inhabited. How can we then understand and theorize the particular power of art understood as entrepreneurial organizing? In this paper, we develop the concept of artistic entrepreneuring. It is based on contemporary art's wide-ranging 'organizational turn', where art becomes organization by experimenting with forms and processes of emancipatory organizing. Interweaving art theory, examples of art's organizational turn and a processual understanding of public entrepreneurship, we conceptualize artistic entrepreneuring as fundamentally aesthetic, necessarily sited and invariably political, and we discuss the implications for entrepreneurship studies and research on the aesthetics and politics of organizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El análisis comparativo de dos obras del artista multidisciplinario Samuel Beckett —El innombrable (texto literario) y No yo (video-arte y pieza teatral)—, de sus declaraciones y de la obra de dos escritores que influenciaron su trabajo (James Joyce y Stéphane Mallarmé) nos llevará a distinguir en el proceso creativo de Beckett la constitución de una investigación artística (sin fronteras disciplinares) comprometida con una idea precisa de arte y con un proyecto artístico radical que marcarán de manera singular todo su proceso y su devenir sujeto-artista.

Eu gostaria de dar algumas pistas para se entender o que às vezes é descrito como a minha mudança ou virada "estética". Estou ciente da simplicidade e do caráter retrospectivo dos assuntos a seguir. No entanto, espero que possam ajudar não somente na compreensão do meu trabalho - o que não é de maior importância -, mas também em seu uso como ferramenta para o que é mais relevante: tentar reformular as categorias pelas quais captamos o estado da política e o estado da arte e compreendermos sua genealogia.

The autofictional novel La hija extranjera (2015), by the Catalan-Moroccan author Najat El Hachmi, is linked to the figure of exclusion and to what, in particular, Hannah Arent called “modern pariah”. Her literary writing vindicates a border thinking and the vision of a fragmentary, multiple and plural migrant female subject –contrary to the unitary male hegemonic subject – that shows, in Jacques Rancière’s terms, the close relationship that literature maintains with politics.

Os autores Jacques Rancière e Paulo Freire em suas obras asseveravam sobre a importância da educação como uma prática de liberdade, sem hierarquização, que conduza os alunos para uma emancipação intelectual. Nossa reflexão é sobre a presença destes ideais na adoção da metodologia da Sala de Aula Invertida para respondermos de que forma o uso dessa estratégia contempla os preceitos destes pensadores, na perspectiva da emancipação, da igualdade das inteligências de alunos e professores. O objetivo geral do estudo é refletir criticamente sobre como a Sala de Aula Invertida contribui para a emancipação de alunos e professores à luz das ideias de Freire e Rancière, bem como identificar os pilares que dão sustentação à metodologia de inversão da aprendizagem e extrapolar a concepção tradicional do ofício de ser professor como um mero explicador. Infere-se que o objeto escolhido para estudo poderá abalizar a adoção desta nova metodologia, contribuindo para práticas pedagógicas que colaborem para a construção de uma educação emancipadora, igualitária, pautada em valores éticos e alicerces sólidos que permitam ao indivíduo não só estar no mundo, mas ser parte integrante dele, problematizando, reconhecendo-se e intervindo. A pesquisa tem uma abordagem qualitativa e procedimento bibliográfico, compondo uma tessitura de reflexões e considerações para confirmação ou não da hipótese inicial. Sua relevância centra-se na possibilidade de identificar na Sala de Aula Invertida, além de uma estratégia do uso da tecnologia a favor da aprendizagem, também um potencial para o exercício emancipatório de professores e alunos, na prática da igualdade das inteligências. Neste viés, será destacado o poder do diálogo, a relevância da dúvida e da curiosidade como pontes para o conhecimento, apontando que as convicções de Freire e Rancière são possíveis de concretização e estão presentes no desenvolvimento desta estratégia tão contemporânea.

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In this paper, the argument that we make is that public education emerges from when democracy is put into practice in education. For the purposes of this paper we use pedagogic rights as proposed by Basil Bernstein as a way to frame and support this 'putting into practice'. Democracy, we argue, has to be practiced in two senses: 1) it does not 'exist' but has to be continually renewed and brought to life between people, as such it is precarious and fleeting; 2) one might become better at democracy by trying to 'do it' more often and that education is where this 'trying' might occur. We draw on Rancière's work on democracy that focusses on democratic acts or moments; on the 'fracturing' of sense (what is sayable, seeable, thinkable) – when people whose only part (including in education) is none, take one. A process of 'becoming public', we suggest, is instituted in these events. To this end, our proposal for public education is adversarial to contemporary formations of education. Conceptualising public education in this way shows that it is rare, and becoming rarer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how "parasitical" political language can help explore a new understanding of oppositional opinions in a global context of political polarization. By parasitical political language, I refer to what speech act theorist J.L. Austin calls "infelicitous speech acts", language that is used unsuccessfully. Jacques Derrida argues that these "incorrect" utterances can escape from an already determined context and extend to a more liberated kind of communication. To explore the potentially "positive" effect of parasitical language, this article examines the utterances of Hong Kong protesters prior to the 2020 US elections as infelicitous speech acts. Their radical political approach, surprisingly, spawned an anti-globalist activist subculture shared by protesters in other parts of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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En el presente trabajo analizamos la pieza teatral El cartógrafo-Varsovia, 1:400.000 de Juan Mayorga desde el concepto justicia epistémica elaborado por Miranda Fricker. El teatro de la memoria de Mayorga tiene como propósito desvelar la experiencia de los vencidos bajo la historia institucionalizada que perpetúa la injusticia testimonial y epistémica generando una ruptura en la confianza de los sujetos marginados que los aleja de la comunidad política y de la condición de ciudadano. Veremos cómo esta fructífera relación entre el teatro de Juan Mayorga y la teoría de Miranda Fricker puede responder al problema planteado por Jacques Rancière en El espectador emancipado: '¿Qué mecanismos se deben de poner en marcha para producir una conciencia crítica en el espectador que se oponga a la continuación de las injusticias sociales?' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En Europe, de nombreux exilés se heurtent à des politiques migratoires de plus en plus restrictives qui provoquent en région parisienne des situations d'errance. Les personnes qui cherchent l'asile expérimentent de longues périodes d'attente et d'incertitude qui se passent principalement dans la rue. Entre 2015 et 2020, cette errance a conduit à la formation de regroupements sous la forme de campements spontanés et à l'élaboration d'un système d'évacuation par les autorités, lequel n'empêche pas leurs reformations successives. Ces campements dessinent alors la frontière d'un non‐accès aux droits qui contraint les exilés à une posture d'attente subalterne. Nous proposons ici d'étudier la géographie et les ambivalences des campements, à la fois espaces d'exception, espaces normalisés et espaces de revendications. Nous nous inspirons des notions de police et de politique développées par Rancière, dans le cadre d'une approche critique de la géographie et des études sur la citoyenneté. Nous défendons l'idée que les campements urbains parisiens, sous certaines conditions géographiques, sont situés « aux bords du politique » selon les termes du philosophe, c'est‐à‐dire à l'articulation des processus de contrôle et d'émancipation. Messages‐clés: La géographie des campements parisiens révèle l'errance des exilés dans sa dimension systémique et collective tout en dessinant la frontière de l'accès aux droits à l'échelle urbaine.Les campements urbains parisiens sont, d'une façon paradoxale, des espaces d'exception et des espaces normalisés par un processus d'évacuations successives.Les campements urbains parisiens, lorsqu'ils contredisent les stratégies des autorités, deviennent des objets spatiaux revendicatifs et des scènes polémiques qui dévoilent la dimension politique du phénomène. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study considers the political significance of Alain Resnais's Je t'aime, je t'aime through a comparison of the structural determinations imposed on subjectivity by the time machine and the analogous determinations imposed by the mechanism of cinema and the structures of capitalism, demonstrated by the film's medium and content. To participate in the time travel experiments, Resnais's character must be both conscious and passive. Like in film spectatorship or life under capitalism, the time-traveling subject is fully aware, but this experience is determined by an exterior structure and its machinations. The exteriorized mechanism of Resnais's malfunctioning time machine thus permits an outside view of its structural determinations of time that I compare to those imposed by cinema and capitalism, which emerge as time machines of their own. I analyze this using Althusser's theorization of the conceptual mechanisms that reproduce real objects (time, cinema, capitalism) as thought-concretes. I then suggest, through Rancière's recent work, that aesthetic experience inside of these time machines presents the potential to recuperate one's subjectivity from their grasp. To conclude, I contrast Resnais's character's solitary experience in the time machine with the collective aesthetic experience of film that is already inclined toward political consequence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Beytulhikme: An International Journal of Philosophy is the property of Beytulhikme: An International Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar qué 'otra posibilidad de Nación, en ficción, en chiquitito', como lo formula Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, le propone al lector su novela Las aventuras de la China Iron (2017). Primero, vamos a ver cómo el texto parodia las propuestas existentes en la tradición argentina, preparándose el campo imaginativo. Después, recurriendo al pensamiento del filósofo francés Jacques Rancière, vamos a demostrar cómo se construye, en Las aventuras, otro escenario para pensar la comunidad y la emancipación. Para hacerlo, vamos a utilizar varios conceptos rancierianos, como, por ejemplo, el reparto de lo sensible, aisthesis, el desacuerdo, lo posible, lo político. La tesis es que la novela no ofrece ninguna visión utópica de una sociedad finalmente perfecta, sino más bien propone una metáfora del proceso político de renegociar el mapa de lo posible, que no acaba nunca pero permite guardar esperanza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of common space has seen revived attention in activist and academic circles. In a collective and non‐monetised manner, space‐commoners seek participatory control over the urban commonwealth. Lacking, however, within common space research is a deeper understanding of space‐commoning's assumed politicality. Therefore, this article seeks to come to terms with the concept of politics and, subsequently, to highlight commoners' possibilities and pitfalls on the road towards it. Mobilising Rancière's lexicon of "police" and "politics", the Public Land Grab is discussed. This case inverts the capitalist tool of the land grab in order to oppose capital‐led development and its intrinsic inequalities. We show how commoners subvert legislation (Localism Act) and functionalisation (of land). We firstly conclude that, when critical and tactical, an engagement with municipal institutions may enhance commoning's political nature. We secondly conclude that political commoning entails a struggle that is quotidian and continuous rather than momentary and disruptive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay posits tensions in art, education, and politics by using philosophical discourse to suggest that the way to create transformative events for social change is to understand Lyotard's diagnosis of the current age and Rancière's call to critical art practice. By proposing new strategies and tactics such as 'post-art' and 'strange tools', the author tries to demonstrate in the text the indirect approaches advocated by Lyotard and Rancière in tackling the current post-political world.

L’article souligne le parallèle entre des formes d’opposition au projet althusserien présentées par Axel Honneth et Jacques Rancière. Cette discussion nous aide à penser un débat Rancière-Honneth capable de comprendre critiquement le concept de reconnaissance aujourd’hui et le concept de sujet qui y est implicite. Nous soulignons l’importance de réfléchir à une reconnaissance non idéologique, dans des conditions de possibilité de subjectivités politiques qui nous garantissent, sous forme de litige, de pouvoir occuper temporairement certains espaces de reconnaissance. Nous cherchons à penser que si cette reconnaissance non idéologique est possible, il faudrait la penser non seulement en termes de justification, d’apprentissage rationnel avec les autres, avec leurs expériences, de place que nous devons occuper comme des êtres de nécessités, de droits semblables et d’estime sociale. L’article est divisé en trois étapes: la première, consacrée à la présentation et à la critique de Honneth à Althusser; la deuxième à la critique de Rancière à la théorie de l’idéologie althusserienne; et la dernière, à la proximité et à l’éloignement entre les deux critiques.

RESUMO Este artigo versa sobre a relação entre a obra de Rancière e os escritos de Jacotot, sobre os quais a primeira se debruça. Para Jacotot, observa-se que o ato de educar deve ser revestido pelo pressuposto da igualdade, o que constitui antes um postulado político do que uma orientação de caráter pedagógico. O educador inscreve-se em um programa de ação voltado para a criação de cenas de igualdade, mediante uma perspectiva educacional passível de ser fundada em um princípio universalizável. Procurar-se-á cotejar esse debate, não apenas com a literatura pedagógica contemporânea, mas também com a maneira pela qual os próprios contemporâneos interpretaram a experiência de Jacotot.

Despite the attention drawn to the plastic crisis by the media and environmental campaigns, much of the practice around single-use plastic has remained unchanged. It appears that, although many know the correct position to assume regarding the issue, the 'talk' does not necessarily translate into action. This incongruity can be explained with reference to Heidegger's theory on the everydayness of discourse which suggests that a lack of authenticity underlies our everyday interactions and that what is needed is a different kind of encounter with the world. In the light of this we consider Ranciere's theory on the potential of a political artwork to disrupt the everyday and prompt a different response. Within the framework of these theories, this paper discusses a performance artwork protesting plastic pollution – namely 12 Plastic Monsters by Luke Rudman - as an alternative strategy to prompt a fresh engagement with the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of "literary democracy" can be traced back to the early twentieth century, which this article does by looking initially at the work of Georg Lukács. His distinctly humanist view of literary democracy resonates with other key thinkers, including Erich Auerbach and Mikhail Bakhtin. But it is in the contemporary work of Jacques Rancière that an explicit engagement with this idea resurfaces. The task, then, becomes to trace the progression in thought in the passage between these two thinkers, and to evaluate the differences in their concept of literary democracy. Whilst Lukács presents a humanist view of the relation between literature and democracy, Rancière, I argue, presents an anti-humanist view. This claim leads to a critique of Rancière's anti-humanist position, which has much in common with concepts of democracy in critical theory at-large. The essay ends by returning to Lukács' work, which provides some solutions to the problems posed by Rancière's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Hegelian opposition between institutions of Police and Corporation, leading to the objective spirit formed in the notion of the State. Juxtaposing both of Hegel's institutions against the usage of these notions proposed by Jacques Rancière (Police) and Alain Badiou (State of the Situation) opens a critical dividing line. We emphasize the inadequate handling of economic factors inherent in both notions, consequently obfuscating the economic conditioning of the political dimension in the social body. Moreover, we supplement both of the institutions with an economic-counterpart notion; to Police we add "Private Property" and to Corporation "State of Technology". Further, we apply Badiou's handling of Hegel's dialectics as the dialectics of "constitutive scission". The dialectical play of private property and state of technology is distinguished in the dialectics of algebra of places and topology of localizations. The resulting intersection is shown to be the place of torsion – corresponding to the place of the Subject – an interval, where we confront an uttered "wrong", an interruption in the smooth counting of parts in a social body. This torsion is an immanent backside operation of the economic structure as far as it is a necessary factor in the upsurge of political subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the aesthetics of silent political resistance by focusing on refugees' silent political action. The starting point for the analysis is Jacques Rancière's philosophy and his theorisation of the aesthetics of politics. The article enquires into the aesthetic meaning of silent refugee activism and interprets how refugees' silent acts of resistance can constitute aesthetically effective resistance to what can be called the 'speech system' of statist, representative democracy. The article analyses silence as a political tactic and interprets the emancipatory meaning of silent politics for refugees. It argues that refugees' silent acts of political resistance can powerfully affect aesthetic, political subversion in prevailing legal-political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]