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The eminent personality, Mahapurush Srimanta Sankardev (1449-1568) was the preacher of 'Ek Sharan Naam Dharma' and the father of Assamese literature, culture and society. Earlier Tantra-Mantra had immense influence in the Country till the advent of Srimanta Shankardev for which shakti puja, shiva puja etc. were widely prevalent in that time. Opposing to all the shakti puja's, sacrifices of the lives, the tantra mantras, Srimanta Shankardev founded monotheism, which basic mantra is 'Shelter- in- One-Religion' (here 'religion' refers to the religion of Krishna). The neo-vaishnavite religion promoted by Shankardev preached pure devotion to Krishna. His 'bhakti' infused works can be devided into poetic, devotional texts, translational texts, one act play, songs and naam kirtan. Kirtan Ghosha comes under his poetic works, Naam Kirtan. Surdas (1478 AD- 1583 AD approx) was a blind Hindu devotional poet known for his lyrics written in praise of Krishna in Braja language. Surdas, the leading poet of Ashtachap, was an ardent devotee of Shri Krishna and even after being blind, he, in his works has been very successful in lucidly describing Krishna's beauty. Surdas has described the Krishna character on the basis of the tenth book (skandha) of Srimad Bhagavat. The goal of this symposium is to conduct a comparative study of the Gopi- Uddhav dialogue of Kirtan Ghosha and Sur Sagar and bring Mahupurush Srimanta Shankardev out of the limitation of Assamese society and get his works and establish in the international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bhagavad Gita literally means 'The Lord Song'.Mahatma Gandhi said on Gita "The Gita is a universal mother, she turns away nobody, her door is wide open to any one who knocks."Through Arjuna, Lord Krishna revealed the ultimate truth to human beings and peached the Gita. The Gita is not only a religious book but also a philosophical book. In the time of crisis, when the mind of man is tormited by doubts and is tornd by the conflict of duties, it has turned all the more to the Gita for light and guidance. According to the philosophy of Gita Education is the process of performing own duties for the attainment of peace, joy, satisfaction and salvation being rid of the three wraths (i.e. lust, anger, fear) with steady mind and wisdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the Bhāgavata Purāṇa presents an innovative soteriology of emotion that explicitly identifies kāma as the gopīs' path to union with Kṛṣṇa, a close reading of his commentary on the rāsalīlā (and other passages treating the gopīs) reveals how Śrīdhara introduces preman into the narrative, sharply distinguishing kāma and preman. Śrīdhara also states that Bhāgavata 10.29–33 portrays Kṛṣṇa's "victory over kāma" and that devotees who hear and recite the rāsalīlā likewise attain victory over kāma as the reward for their Kṛṣṇa-bhakti. This article shows that such claims disregard the Bhāgavata's unambiguous statements about the gopīs' kāma, and thus deny the Purāṇa's subversive soteriology that legitimates various emotional modes of bhakti in order to enable everyone, including women, to experience an intimate and unmediated relationship with Kṛṣṇa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Harivaṃśa chapter 83, Kṛṣṇa's brother Baladeva changes the course of the river Yamunā, using his plough. This article reviews previous interpretations of Baladeva's deed by André Couture and Lavanya Vemsani and develops in detail an interpretation briefly proposed by A. Whitney Sanford, whereby the deed is viewed, among many superimposed views, as at some level a sexual assault. This angle is explored in the article in various ways, with close reference to the Sanskrit text. The article includes discussion of the dialogue between Baladeva and the personified Yamunā, Baladeva's connection to plough agriculture, the dynamic between Baladeva and Kṛṣṇa, and Vaiśaṃpāyana's commentary on the events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Tamil there is a proverb "KALLADI PATTALUM KANNADI PADAKUDATHU", which means throwing stone attack harms the body but evil eye causes severe worse damage to growth. Kannadi padakudathu means evil eye should not fall on us. This evil eye is called as Drishti. Some people are of the opinion that this Drishti is generally a "Superstitious" phenomenon. At the same time many people are of the opinion that Drishti will bring severe damage, so that we have to do Drishti parikaram to avoid bad eye vision. Even in Hindi it is called as "Nazar" and say "Nazar laga" when they feel they got an evil eye on them. The babies below 5-6 years of age are protected from "Drishti" with great care by mothers. Mothers place a small black dot on child's both cheeks to drive away this "Evil eye" or "drishti" or "Nazar". This perception is not limited to Telugu or Tamil people, but it is present all over India in general. People assume that this Drishti creates a variety of problems such as depression, unclear thinking or malfunction of an organ which lead to even further difficulties such as addiction, financial problems, or chest pain. It is believed that the targets are usually people who entertain negative personality traits such as anger, hatred, jealousy, lust, greed etc. It is believed that when people are jealous at our growth in life, at our prosperity, our good looks, they do not have to physically abuse us or make us realize their enmity outwardly, but their subconscious mind gives negative radiation towards us and spoils our growth. This paper presents how the "Drishti" plays a major role in Kurukshetra war. In Kurukshetra war, by Sanjaya's Divya-Drishti, Dhritarashtra came to know from Sanjaya that the Kaurava's army was the largest army when compared with the Pandava's army. Also, the Kaurava's Commander-in-chiefs were very brave and unbeatable commanders. The initial war strategy and military formation of Kauravas were extremely good. These things made Dhritarashtra felt very proud of his son's army and this excess of love and pride damaged the growth of his children. The love and pride of Dhritarashtra made a parental "Drishti" to Kauravas which made severe damages and at last they were defeated and all his sons including Duriyodhana were killed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses women in the Hare Krishna movement, as well as the "caring" issue present in the practice of bhakti yoga. We are investigating a specific movement (Hare Krishna), which appeared in 1965 in the west, in New York-USA. The purpose of this text is to reflect on the issue of "caring" within the Gaudya Vaishnava tradition as well as on the position and the knowledge woven by women over the years within this tradition and since the creation of ISKCON. So, we aim to reflect on the possibilities of this issue of caring and women's knowledge to contribute to the processes of struggle against a misogynistic and patriarchal view that exists in society in general. As final considerations, we highlight that ISKCON is a recent institution, having completed 54 years in this year 2020. Despite being new, compared to other religious institutions that are even millennial, ISKCON has been showing maturity and human development. Apologies to women and recognition of their knowledge and rights also demonstrate that the institution is making progress in combating machismo and the oppressions arising from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the reference of T.S. Eliot to Krishna and Arjuna in his books 'Dry Salvages' and 'Little Gidding.' Observations of several critics; Speculation of who might comprise the compound ghost; Details of Eliot's connection with Buddhist and Hindu texts.

This article explores what I describe as a living theology of moral emotions in the context of a multi-national community of ISKCON (International Society for Krishna Consciousness) devotees in Mayapur, West Bengal. Against the backdrop of a rich history of moralisation of emotions, I outline how ISKCON's philosophy has been informed by the context of its cross-cultural transmission to the West and back again to India. In particular, I focus on how devotees manage the seeming impossibility of the central spiritual goal of prema ('pure love for Krishna'). Through a focus on moral narratives that cohere around understandings of emotion, I suggest that the careful aversion to displays, or indeed claims, of overt emotional experience in Mayapur is best understood by treating emotions as sites of moral self-cultivation. Whereas the anthropology of emotions has tended to privilege temporal episodes of rupture, I argue that more attention needs to be paid to how emotions are conceived and managed in the context of broader sustained projects of self-transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ISKCON founder Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupāda was convinced that the name Christ was derived from Krishna. He frequently appealed to this as a way of dispelling Western Christian reservations about participating in kirtana. The present article explores (1) the place this etymological claim played in Prabhupāda's thinking and missionary strategy, (2) how he came to defend it in the first place, and (3) how his defense fit into the ongoing East/West discussion of the alleged etymological interdependence of Christ and Krishna that has been going on since the 18th century. At the heart of Prabhupāda's argument is the interchangeability of Ns and Ts in the 'avarga such that Kristo and Kesto appear as common alternative forms of the name Krishna. Prabhupāda then goes on to argue that Christos was similarly derived from Krishna as well. The argument, however, is not tenable because the t in Christos is not actually part of the original Greek verbal stem chri-, but only enters in when the suffix -tos is added to form the adjective christos (anointed). Ultimately Krishna and Christos arose independently from two separate Proto- Indo-European roots, the former from ke' rs- (dark, dirty, grey) and the latter from ghrēi- (to rub). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bhāgavata Purāṇa is one of the fundamental texts in the vast aggregation of philosophical contemplation and systems of thought across India. Based on the foundations of bhakti as a dominant path to union with the divine, this text emphasises the value of bhakti in attaining mokṣa by way of establishing a direct relationship with Viṣṇu in the form of Kṛṣṇa. Not only has the text been commented upon in Sanskrit but also extensively in other Indian languages, adding to its popularity. The present article is based on one such commentary on the 10th skandha— the Bhairavī Ṭīkā— written in Marāthi by Bahirā Jātaveda. The Bhairavī Ṭīkā is based on the Sanskrit commentary—the well-known Śrīdharīya or Bhāvārthadīpikā by Śrīdhara. This article focuses on the Rāsakrīdāvarṇana, with a view to compare the Bhairavī with the Śrīdharīya. The article argues that Bahirā, has followed Śrīdhara in thought but at the same time, has also presented his views by deliberating and reflecting on Śrīdhara's commentary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This note examines images of textual narration in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Indian manuscript illustration. In examining a large, dispersed Tenth Book of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa (Delhi–Agra Region [Mathura?] c. 1520–30 CE) that is the earliest surviving illustrated version of the life of Krishna as recounted in the Tenth Book, the author distinguishes between representation of the sage Śuka reciting the text and non-brāhmaṇical recitation of the text as depicted within the illustrations. He suggests that these depictions, coupled with the sudden appearance of lively and varied compositions in a painting style generally associated with formal, even hieratic, compositions, may link the illustrations to a tradition of performance of the Kṛṣṇa story emerging in the sixteenth century in connection with the Vallabhite revival of Kṛṣṇa worship. This performance tradition is otherwise known only through textual references. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In what is probably the earliest illustrated Bhāgavata attributed to Mewar, the Sanskrit text of the Bhāgavata, the text of a Sanskrit commentary on the Bhāgavata (by Śrīdhara Svāmin), vernacular captions, and illustrations come together to recount the adventures of Kṛṣṇa. All four elements typically occur on the recto and verso of every folio of this double-sided manuscript, creating a singular combination of text and image rarely seen in other illustrated Bhāgavatas. Close examination of the folios reveals that the borders were added subsequently; the vernacular captions are occasionally written on these attached borders, suggesting that they too were included later. This article imagines how the manuscript was handled, viewed, and used. Borders and other physical additions help ensure the manuscript's longevity while new folio numbers reorder the series. The vernacular captions were written while looking at the illustrations, referencing painted details not mentioned in the Sanskrit text; they were probably incorporated due to a shift in the manuscript's function. By paying attention to such organisational, narrative, and material aspects, this article attempts to understand how the manuscript was reframed during the course of its life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paramahaṃsapriyā as a commentary on the Bhāgavata Purāṇa is found to be associated with the thirteenth-century AD Bopadeva. Madhusūdana Sarasvatī, the sixteenth-century AD Advaita Vedāntin is known to have commented on the first three verses of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa. The editors/scholars since 1933 have been wrongly identifying Madhusūdana's commentary by the name Paramahaṃsapriyā. This has led to further confusion among scholars who seek to claim that the Paramahaṃsapriyā is Madhusūdana's own work. Such a misconception, prevalent among some scholars till date, has obscured our attention on two important figures in the history of commentarial tradition of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, i.e. the thirteenth-century Bopadeva and the sixteenth-century Madhusūdana. This article for the first time deeply engages to bring in clarity with regard to the authorship and content of the Paramahaṃsapriyā commentary on the Bhāgavata Purāṇa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief essay explores the emergence of a distinctive regional performance of Kṛṣṇa's biography drawing from the interpolation of local themes from a rich legacy of Gauḍīya songs and temple imagery, introducing shades of nuance to popular Bhāgavata episodes. Vernacularisation, I argue, inheres no less in the interplay of the physical properties of the scroll as medium, and the ambiguities inhering in the ever-changing entanglements of visual and verbal cues, performers, and audiences. As the Bhāgavata acquires such material and performative incarnations, takes on local landscapes and tastes, and individual episodes develop lives of their own, the unmooring of specific or explicit intertextual referencing and tenuousness of linear patterns of transmission simultaneously reinforce its authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies how Brajbhāṣā Vaishnava narratives describe the role the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb played in the displacement of Krishna images from the Braj heartland in the 1660s and 1670s. While contemporary discourse frequently suggests that the emperor was a villain persecuting beloved Hindu deities, who in turn are victims forcibly moved from their original homeland, the early-modern vernacular narratives we consider here perceive these peregrinations in rather more complex ways. This article foregrounds the case of the best-known dispersed Krishna image: Śrī Nāthajī, a deity of the Vallabha-Sampradāya, now residing in the Mewar area of Rajasthan. It analyses mostly the discourse of the Śrī Nāthajī kī Prākaṭya-Vārtā, or ‘The story of the Appearance of Śrī Nāthajī’, attributed to Vallabha's descendant, Harirāy. The sectarian logic presents Aurangzeb as an ardent, if uncouth, devotee and Śrī Nāthajī as an autonomous agent, not a victim, but rather a victor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of 'identity' often becomes convoluted within the tradition of bhakti (devotion of god). This article engages in a comparative study of two of Lord Krishna's devotees, each from a different gender group, in order to determine if gender divisions remain constant or change with the emerging emotions of bhakti. The article claims that the works of the early bhakti poets evince several instances of queer identity that history and modern Indian homophobia seek to erase. To understand such complexities, the article uses the queer theory, whose main project is to explore the contested categorisation of gender and sexuality. According to the queer theory, identities are not fixed, categorised or labelled, but composed instead of a variety of constituents which often cannot be characterised systematically. The objective of the article is to reveal both Mirabai and Surdas as sexual subjects who are culturally dependent and historically specific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bhāgavata Purāṇa gives expression to a new type of aesthetic, passionate, and ecstatic Kṛṣṇa bhakti that is rooted in the vernacular Tamil devotional traditions of the Āḻvārs supported by the popular power matrix. The processes of Sanskritisation and vedacisation served as a means of legitimating and promulgating the Bhāgavata’s innovative devotional teachings by incorporating them within a Sanskritic framework invested with the pan-Indian canonical authority of a vedacised Purāṇa. Through this strategic appropriation of the discursive practices of Sanskritisation and vedacisation, the exponents of Kṛṣṇa bhakti sought to position their devotional teachings in relation to the dominant discourse of the brahmanical elite, while at the same time they developed countervailing vernacularising practices through which they sought to reclaim the Bhāgavata Purāṇa for the popular power matrix from which its devotional teachings originally derived. In this article, I interrogate the mechanisms of ‘scripturalising’ at work in the social life of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, which involve a complex interplay between the dynamics of Sanskritising and vedacising practices, on the one hand, and vernacularising practices, on the other, through which we move from the world of the text to the text-in-the-world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to analyse the erotic-mystical nature of the "padavalis" (song-series) of the Bengal school of Vaishnavism between the twelfth and the sixteenth centuries. It projects the extramarital love of Radha and Krishna against the rigid "kulin" (clan system) of Bengal at the time and shows how Radha, locked up within the veritable fortress of the marital home, disobeys the inflexible norms of feminine chastity and braves social and familial dishonour and rejection to unite with her beloved. This is a form of bhakti in which Radha represents the "hladini sakti" (infinite bliss) of Krishna, and their love is the prime manifestation of the bhakta's intense, unsatisfied, and selfless desire for the Lord. The explicitly erotic nature of the imagery of the poems is itself a departure from the established literary tradition of the day and is also a form of worship through the sexual union of the lovers that it describes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the first substantial study of the Jilwa-yi ẕāt, an unabridged Persian verse translation of the tenth skandha of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, completed in Delhi in 1732-33 by Amānat Rāy, a Vaiṣṇava pupil of the influential poet-philosopher Mīrzā ‘Abd al-Qādir Bīdil. The paper focuses especially on the textualization of Kṛṣṇa and Kṛṣṇaite devotion within the framework of Persian literary conventions and the dominant Ṣūfī-Vedāntic conceptual atmosphere, with a special attention for the intertextual ties with the works of Bīdil. A few philological remarks on the contours of a hitherto largely ignored Kṛṣṇaite subjectivity in Persian are also included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]