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In den vergangenen Jahrzehnten hat sich, vor allem im globalen Süden, ein Diskurs über „Straflosigkeit" entwickelt, der zahlreiche Ähnlichkeiten und Assoziationen mit dem über „Korruption" aufweist. Der Artikel hellt theoretisch die – oft unterstellte, aber kaum je analytisch beleuchtete – Beziehung zwischen beiden auf. Dazu werden zunächst vier verbreitete Annahmen über die Art der besagten Beziehung und anschließend vier Gemeinsamkeiten identifiziert, die diese Annahmen einen. Um für die Gemeinsamkeiten eine soziologische Erklärung zu geben, wird eine Reihe von systemtheoretischen Theoremen zur Anwendung gebracht, wobei die Argumentation in drei Schritten verfährt: Korruption und Straffreiheit werden als Verstöße gegen zwei verschiedene Formen von Entscheidungsprogrammen dargestellt; diese beiden Arten von Programmen werden mit den Funktionssystemen Politik und Recht verknüpft und schließlich wird die Unterscheidung zwischen beiden Phänomenen als semantische Differenzierung ausgelegt, die der strukturellen Differenzierung der genannten Funktionssysteme auf der Ebene der Weltgesellschaft nachfolgt. During the past few decades a discourse about "impunity" has been rapidly gaining ground, mainly in the Global South, exhibiting multiple similarities and associations with the discourse about "corruption." The article sets out to clarify the, often assumed but rarely analyzed, relation between both. To that end, first, four common assumptions about the nature of their connection, and subsequently, four commonalities implicit to the respective assumptions are identified. To offer a sociological explanation for these commonalities, a number of concepts from systems theory are applied, the argument proceeding in three steps: corruption and impunity are made out to be violations of two different forms of decision programs; these two types of programs are associated with the functional systems of politics and the law; and finally, the distinction between the two phenomena is interpreted as a semantic differentiation mirroring the said systems' structural separation on the level of world society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a critical assessment of efforts to address the legacy of the Northern Ireland conflict. We begin with an overview of government-led initiatives since 1998 and then reflect on three underpinning themes: justice, accountability and the tilt towards impunity; the shift from 'truth' to 'information' recovery; and the instrumentalization of history. We then offer a reflexive assessment of our endeavours to contribute to a 'from below' variant of legal, political and historical advocacy. Reflecting on our efforts to contest and critique successive government proposals, we draw out three overlapping 'ideal types' of transitional justice advocacy: technical engagement, coalition building and exposition. We conclude by highlighting the very specific challenges of engaging in transitional justice scholarship and advocacy in a 'post-truth' era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims to discuss some of the underlying factors that have significantly hindered the ability of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL, or 'the Tribunal') to fulfil its mandate — bringing those responsible for the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and others to justice, and thereby bringing justice to victims. Since its inception, the Tribunal has been received with mixed feelings. On the one hand, given the inability and unwillingness of Lebanese domestic courts to deal with gross human rights violations — including heinous terrorist crimes — the establishment of a judicial body was considered indispensable to ending impunity for such crimes. On the other hand, the Tribunal has been perceived as selective and the outcome of a politically-convenient temporary impetus. Adopting a Third World Approach to International Law, the article argues that the model applied in establishing the STL adopted most of the shortcomings of international criminal justice. Furthermore, considering the perceptions of the Tribunal's legacy among victims and the public in Lebanon and in the wider region, it is no less contentious from a transitional justice perspective. The article concludes that such a model, due to its legal, structural, policy, and management shortcomings, has failed to fulfil its mandate and there are lessons that can be learnt from this contentious experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In my role as the UN's lead expert on tackling torture I see the scale and extent of torture crimes being perpetrated by – and being ignored by – States every day, and everywhere. It is my opinion that only through national prosecutions can the cycle of impunity – the antithesis of accountable government – be broken. For too long, the burden of achieving justice has been pushed onto overloaded and inherently limited international courts and tribunals, even as they play an important role (and sometimes are the only acceptable actor). In this column I make the case why national prosecutions are so important and how they can be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Uzhhorod National University Herald Series Law is the property of Uzhhorod National University, State Higher Educational Establishment and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the interplay of development, militarization and culture of impunity in Balochistan. It contends that the State's pursuit of large-scale infrastructure projects is intensifying the conflict. Balochistan has increasingly been positioned as the potential fulcrum of Pakistan's economic revival due to its vast, untapped resources and significant Chinese investments. While this vision seems promising, it has heightened Baloch anxieties and resistance. Large development initiatives bring about socio-economic disruptions, fuelling existing anti-State sentiment. The article argues that the imperative to protect expanding economic assets has enabled the region's further militarization, engendering an environment wherein the security-intelligence apparatus employs force inordinately and arbitrarily with impunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is devoted to the study of the legal phenomenon of punishment from the perspective of the general theory of law. It argues the need for an integrated approach to identifying the most important characteristics of punishment, considering its historical roots, etymology of the term and development trends. Relying on dialectical methodology, the author examines the prerequisites for the formation of the social institution of punishment, starting with the emergence of the first taboo and/or prohibitions. The conclusion determines the universal nature of the phenomenon of punishment, which applies to any negative sanctions implemented as measures of legal responsibility in both public and private law. The work substantiates an increased relevance of the issue of adequate understanding of legal punishment in national and international law. Three groups of interaction of punishment with other legal phenomena (means) are differentiated; they are interaction with similar phenomena that include punishment (group 1), interaction with phenomena that functionally contribute to the consolidation and implementation of punishment (group 2) and interaction with phenomena that have an auxiliary effect on consolidation and implementation of punishment (group 3). The lack of consistency (unified strategy) in law-making and law enforcement decisions in relation to the system of punishments and its dynamics have been demonstrated. The institutional features of the system of punishments in the Russian Federation, subject to a general theoretical analysis, have been determined. Approaches to the definition of the legal meaning of impunity as an independent category of jurisprudence are considered. The author gives his point of view on the issue of the forms and content of impunity and substantiates the need for its further study. In addition to domestic and foreign doctrinal and reference publications, the provisions of international legal acts, national legislation and materials of judicial practice are used as a source base. The author formulates proposals regarding the directions for further research of the category punishment in the general theory of law.

After more than a decade of armed conflict in Syria, few perpetrators of mass violence have been held accountable for their actions. The Assad regime is the prime sponsor of impunity for these human rights abuses, but global and regional powers also bear responsibility for allowing the perpetuation of atrocities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the impact of therapeutic lesioning of the basal ganglia on patients with movement disorders. While lesioning can have clinical benefits, such as reducing akinesia and tremors, it can also lead to deficits in motor performance and impairments in learning new tasks. Non-motor symptoms like impulsivity and speech disturbances can also arise. The document emphasizes the role of the basal ganglia in motor function and discusses the effects of lesioning or blocking basal ganglia activity. It suggests that interrupting abnormal basal ganglia activity is preferable to allowing faulty signaling to disrupt the motor system. Additionally, the document provides a list of references to scientific articles on Parkinson's disease and the basal ganglia, offering valuable insights for researchers and healthcare professionals in the field. [Extracted from the article]

Sexual violence is a very complex sociological, criminological and, above all, legal problem. The variety of forms, the characteristics of the victims and the severity of the consequences that this form of gender-based violence has on the victim and their families, therefore requires an urgent social response. This study is the first one of this type, in this field, and aims to be guidance to the judicial system and other relevant Institutions in Kosova in better understanding of rape as a raising phenomenon. Identification of pitfalls should further lead into articulating the interventions needed to improve treatment of sexual violence cases. In the study, all pertinent national and international legislation regarding sexual violence was reviewed. Requests for data were submitted to Kosovo Police, IFM and Kosovo Judicial Council. Data collected from relevant Institutions treating sexual violence cases were examined, processed and presented graphically in this paper. The obtained data from Institute of Forensic Medicine in Prishtina showed that majority of victims of sexual violence in Kosova are minor girls. Most of rape cases reported is in the capital, Prishtina. As shown further in the results, majority of these cases are dismissed at Courts, due to lack of evidence, or given soft and innapropriate punishments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the constant increase in the crimes of femicide and hired assassination in the districts of Ate and Santa Anita, the Public Ministry has as a fundamental tool the restrictive measure of rights of the Lifting of the Secret of Communications, to know the identity of the material author and arrive at the clarification of the facts; however, the reports of the telephone companies are sent in a very long period of eight to fourteen months after being requested, which leads to serious delay and damage to the investigation due to the excessive delay in the delivery of the information. information, since, given the expiration of the procedural deadlines and the lack of identification of the perpetrator of the act, the prosecutor proceeds to make the unfair decision to file the investigation and the death of the victim remains unpunished, therefore, It is necessary to establish a time limit of 90 calendar days for the delivery of the required information, under the criminal responsibility of the officials in charge and imposing the sanction with a fine on the telephone companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the neo-patrimonial conception of power as a cause of the development of criminal governance. It analyzes how patrimonialism and the culture of privilege foster the privatization of public power by officials and private actors, who assume the public as their own, and governance becomes private. This governance is then legitimized by a population that has also assumed that culture. This culture and its symptoms of state inefficiency, corruption and impunity are studied. Then, the ideal scenario for the development of these forms of governance, through which organized crime is consolidated, is analyzed. It is established that, rather than the absence of the State, what benefits organized crime is its complicity and coexistence with weak States and a legal order that guarantees minimum conditions of stability for large-scale criminal activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of corruption is quite a complex and multidimensional subject. Recently this subject has been studied from different angles. One of the major causes and consequences of corruption is impunity.Since corruption provides a supportive environment for the development of impunity, and vice versa, the present text aims to analyze the impact that corruption and impunity have had on Mexico in recent years. The methodology of this text is based on in depth reports, academic research, specialized literature, ethnographic observations, statistical reports, and press news. The text is divided into three sections. The first section describes the relation of corruption and impunity in countries with low levels of good governance, accountability, and balance of powers. The second one presents the case of Mexico, where impunity and corruption have caused the killings of journalists, attacks on press freedom, increases of violence perpetrated by criminal groups, rise of violence including torture, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, violence against women and girls, andan increase of social instability. The third one presents the challenges and vulnerabilities Mexico faces in terms of strengthening the rule of law as a key pillar to conduct Mexico towards a more equal society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The overwhelming majority of digital and physical attacks on journalists are done with impunity. This results in lower-quality journalism, less scrutiny of government, and less healthy societies and democracies. The international human rights law concept of transitional justice could bolster collective will and inform legal mechanisms to combat such impunity. Judges and investigators in several recent cases of attacks on journalists have invoked transitional justice concepts, including truth-telling, criminal investigations and prosecutions, reparations, and institutional reforms to guarantee non-recurrence. These mechanisms should be fully implemented to protect journalism at local, national, and international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The peace agreement signed by the Colombian government and the FARC has an innovative sanctioning regime which, based on a restorative approach, offers non-custodial sanctions as a less punitive form of punishment for international crimes. However, given their leniency, these 'special sanctions' have caused controversy. Based on qualitative interviews, this study explores the perceptions of different stakeholders concerning various issues related to the special sanctions' nature, goals, processes, (envisioned) outcomes and challenges. Our findings reveal that most participants perceive these sanctions as a tool that can modestly help repair the damage done, reintegrate (certain) offenders into society, and promote coexistence. Only a limited number of respondents saw these sanctions as punishment. For several participants, the special sanctions may be an alternative accountability measure to prison. However, this seems to depend on meeting certain preconditions, victims' participation, the type of crime and the offender's rank and affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how the immunity privilege given to international organizations (IO) could lead to the practice of impunity. Also cited are the need for states to adopt a right-to-an-effective-remedy approach to address the tension between IO immunity and the victims' ability to seek redress, and how the International Finance Corp. (IFC) can be held liable on its role in the construction of a coal-fired power plant in India that caused environmental harm.

In Mexico and Honduras, journalists face violence from state and non-state actors and almost complete impunity. Given a lack of effective state protection, some resort to alternative means of (self-)protection and justice-seeking. Via analysis of 67 interviews with journalists and protection actors, this article shows how many reporters use journalistic and profession-specific forms of self-protection and analyses their benefits and challenges. It adopts a novel analytical approach building on insights from diverse areas of research on people's responses to violence and insecurity. Scholarship on civilian responses to armed conflict offers a relevant framework for understanding self-protection measures. Although measures such as "avoidance" and "accommodation" of violent actors are a means of survival and short-term physical protection, they bring significant new risks. Above all, they can undermine trust from the public and within the profession and the usefulness of journalism for society. Drawing on literature on the protection of human rights defenders, the analytical framework is extended to show how some journalists also engage in broader self-protection strategies around transforming their work. These strategies combine protection and professionalisation and aim to boost journalists' internal and external support and credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes some implications of new drone aesthetics involved in affective politics against state impunity in social conflicts. Whereas the literature on media, war and conflict has been centered around the war aesthetics of military drones, the author argues that civilian drones can mobilize affective politics - expressed, for example, in the aestheticization of shame, rage and the subversion of fear - as a means of political communication with and against the state. Further, she proposes that the present focus on drone aesthetics should be expanded to also account for the political affects that aesthetic sensory perceptions mobilize. Drawing on actor-network theory and new materialism, the article takes the disappearance of 43 students in Ayotzinapa (Mexico) as an exemplary case of state impunity in the context of the war against drugs and social conflict. By means of a digital ethnography of the social collective project Rexiste, the author analyzes its public interventions deploying a civil drone named 'Droncita', which sought to generate an aesthetics of affect against state impunity. The article contributes toward expanding investigation of (civilian) drone aesthetics and the mobilization of affective politics in the literature on war and social conflicts and collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We experimentally study a class of pie-sharing games with alternating roles from a decision-making perspective. For this, we consider a variant of a two-stage alternating-offer game which introduces an imbalance in the protagonists' bargaining powers. This game class enables us to investigate how exposure to risk and strategic ambiguity affects one's bargaining behaviour. Two structural econometric models of behaviour, a naïve and a sophisticated one, capture remarkably well the observed deviations from the game-theoretic benchmark. Our findings indicate, in particular, that a higher exposure to strategic ambiguity leads to a behaviour that is less responsive to the game's parameters and to distorted, yet consistent, beliefs about other's behaviour. We also find evidence of a backward-reasoning whereby first-stage decisions relate to the second-stage ones but which do not call for the counterfactual reasoning that characterises rationality in such settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the lessons learned about clerical abuses in Ivory Coast based on the experience of the Center for the Protection of Minors and Vulnerable Persons (ICMA) in Abidjan. The center promotes the responsibility of churches and society in protecting minors and vulnerable adults through awareness campaigns, training, and support for victims. Cultural, social, psychological, canonical, civil, and theological aspects of sexual abuse are addressed, emphasizing the importance of breaking the silence and impunity in Ivorian society. Although progress has been made, there is still work to be done in the Church of Ivory Coast in terms of structuring dioceses and institutes to receive abuse reports. It is suggested to reconsider the training of priests and promote greater collaboration and comprehensive care for victims. [Extracted from the article]

Greek life in American colleges and universities is characterized by white hetero-masculine dominance. A large scholarship has documented Greek life's association with women's sexual violence, yet much less is known about how men—who are ostensibly privileged in these settings—experience sexual harassment and assault. Using 15 interviews with fraternity members attending an elite, midwestern university, we examine men's experiences of intra-fraternal sexual violence. We describe fraternity members creating and deploying a white hetero-masculine discourse of "brotherhood" that institutionalizes intra-fraternal sexual violence, makes it illegible, and gives its perpetrators impunity. We also show how the brotherhood discourse differentially deploys resources and power to fraternity brothers based on their intersectional location and relationship to intra-fraternal sexual violence. Future applications of the brotherhood discourse in fraternities and other institutional contexts can help us better understand how such organizations reinscribe intersectional power hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describe and analyze the so-called Collective's role as an armed group operating in Venezuela in areas of Aragua and Carabobo, specifically in the cities of Maracay and Valencia. Some reflections on the role of these groups within Venezuelan society and their relationship with government agencies are presented. The data that feed the content of this article are part of an investigation carried out during the first semester of the year 2021, in several states of Venezuela. It was a qualitative study, where the interview was used as a data collection technique, and as an instrument an interview guide for community members, and another for members of armed groups. The interviews were recorded and transcribed and then subjected to content analysis to extract the findings presented here. An analytical look at the information obtained in the research allowed us to see the phenomenon's complexity and understand how the armed organizations represented in the collectives have managed to maintain their power and leadership in the social, political, and economic spheres of communities. There seems to be a weakness or exhaustion of the State model in its capacity to defend the interests of citizens and the government, through its structures, has granted these armed groups impunity in committing crimes and in appropriating their functions. The Collectives represent a key piece for the security of the government, so it may be a government strategy transferring responsibilities and the legitimate use of violence to exercise authority and control in some sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The multiplication of information exchange in the internet era inevitably also extends into aggressive communication, especially because communicating via digital devices produces a false feeling of impunity. In this context, it is worth inquiring how to defi ne hate speech (1) and in what manner such elements of the speech act are realised – identity, sender, intention (illocutionary content), receiver, perlocution – in the case of a hateful communication (2). Methods: To reach these research goals, it is necessary to analyse basic legal concepts describing hate speech, then compare them and determine the context of communication acts with similar intention and defi ned in the penal code. These include defamation, insult, and punishable threat in the penal code, which are akin to hate speech. Results and cognitive value: This consideration has been presented with the help of the philosophy of language, to build a model of such communication and also to show its limiting features, i.e., this kind of transmission of information seems to contradict the essence of communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations & International Law Journal / Seriâ Meždunarodnye Otnošeniâ & Meždunarodnoe Pravo is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Judges 3:15–26 describes the murder of Eglon, the king of Moab by a Benjaminite named Ehud son of Gera. In this article I propose that archaeological remains of ancient Judahite and Judean toilets, particularly the arrangement of two installations in the eighth-century BCE gate at Lachish, shed light on some of the obscure elements in this story. My analysis supports the humorous and scatological understanding of the Eglon story favored by many scholars and suggests that toilets and excrement might have been associated with ritual impurity even before the Second Temple period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the investigation of criminal and legal problems of enforced disappearance in Ukraine, taking into account the realities of today. The prerequisites for the criminalization of enforced disappearance are considered. Separate elements of the composition of the criminal offense in question have been analyzed. Disagreement with the correctness of the legislator's definition of the object of the considered criminal offense has been justified. Attention is focused on the peculiarities of the subject of enforced disappearance, including in view of the changes made to the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Separate problems of responsibility for enforced disappearance have been identified. Emphasis is placed on the prevalence of the practice of enforced disappearances in Ukraine during the war, taking into account statistical data. The stages of regulation of the legal status of missing persons in Ukraine are studied: the key concepts of the adopted law, as well as the amendments made to it, are analyzed. Based on the results of the study, positive achievements of Ukrainian legislators were determined. At the same time, problematic issues that require legal settlement were emphasized. A conclusion was made about the need to take further measures for the formation of an effective mechanism aimed at attraction to the criminal liability of persons guilty of crimes of enforced disappearance, in order to avoid impunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Impunity as a sanctuary refers to a situation wherein structures are constituted to prevent the legal system from reacting to criminal conduct. Focusing on the state criminality, this study examines the concept of impunity as a form of interference with the legal process. It also analyzes the continuities between the structures of power prompting criminal conduct and the lack of legal sanction. In this sense, the metaphor “sanctuary” shifts the main understanding of impunity as a problem that is exclusive to the internal operation of the criminal system to a wider constraint that supposes studying possible asymmetries of power from the legal system vis-à-vis other powerful actors. With this purpose, this paper considers a number of cases shedding light to structures of denial and obfuscation that allow to understand the particularities of understanding impunity as a sanctuary. La idea de la impunidad como santuario da cuenta de una forma específica de ausencia de rendición de cuentas cuando diferentes estructuras impiden que el sistema jurídico dé respuesta a conductas criminales. A la luz del estudio de la criminalidad de Estado este artículo explora el concepto de impunidad como una forma de interferencia del procesamiento judicial de las conductas violatorias. Refiere así a la comprensión de la continuidad entre las estructuras de poder que promueven las conductas criminales y su impunidad. En este sentido, la metáfora del “santuario” propone un viraje de la comprensión de la impunidad como un problema centrado en la operación interna del sistema penal a los elementos de influencia externa al sistema que supone el análisis de condicionantes mayores al funcionamiento del sistema de responsabilidad relacionados con posibles asimetrías de poder de diferentes actores capaces de influir en el funcionamiento de la rendición de cuentas. Con este propósito nuestro estudio aporta el análisis de algunos casos que permiten dar cuenta de las estructuras de negación y ocultamiento que involucra la comprensión de las particularidades de la impunidad como una forma de santuario. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1316