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This essay analyzes Pope Francis' social teaching on relationality within his 2020 encyclical letter Fratelli tutti [Brothers all]. The relationship between the Church and modern nation-states is an important macro-level social dynamic, and Francis explains it by placing Church–State relations into a broader spiritual context of human communication and interaction. He articulates norms of fraternal contact growing from the bottom-up, that is, from interpersonal encounters through groups and movements on to countries and the United Nations. After a focused research question and discussion of critical method, this article offers a rhetorical critique of Fratelli tutti. To provide context, it explains the genres of Judeo-Christian and papal communication, Francis' biography, and the immediate global context of his encyclical. Working within the text, this study details the Biblical foundations of his argument for "fraternity and social friendship" and shows how they are applied to global social media dystopia and accelerating migration/border crises. Conclusions include the utility of Francis' contact terms in analyzing complex religio-political dynamics and their value in advancing peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the Holy See has been accused of violating its human rights obligations because of acts of sex abuse by the Catholic clergy. Such accusations are based, in various ways, on the authority of the Holy See over the clergy. The Holy See is often referred to as a state and its obligations as state obligations. UN treaty bodies understand that the human rights obligations of the Holy See, as a treaty party, are of a legal––not moral––nature and apply extraterritorially, i.e., beyond the territory of the Vatican City State. The notion of state jurisdiction is, therefore, applied to the Holy See in the same way as to any other state. UN treaty bodies implicitly conclude that, for the purpose of human rights responsibility, the crimes of the clergy must be attributed to the Holy See and that anyone under the religious authority of the Holy See is under its state jurisdiction. However, a closer examination of the nature of the Holy See and its authority under international law, church doctrine, and church law paints a more complex and nuanced picture, where it is hard to describe the clergy as state organs or religious authority as state jurisdiction. Still, there are reasons to understand that certain acts and omissions of the Holy See in the context of the sex abuse crisis can be characterized as violations of its positive obligations of conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the interwar period, the Hungarian revisionist actions determined the Romanian state to direct itself towards actors who could serve as weighting factors in order to maintain the status quo. The Holy See was considered one of the most relevant actors, having the necessary tools for intervention both inside the Romanian state, through the clergy and Catholic hierarchs of the Latin rite, mostly of Hungarian ethnicity, and externally, through the mediation offered by pontifical diplomats and Catholic hierarchs to the Hungarian government. This study proposes an analysis of the manner in which Romanian diplomacy articulates its strategy of swaying the Roman Curia in order to determine, on the one hand, a mediation at the political and diplomatic level with the Budapest government, and on the other hand, a weighting of the revisionist tendencies manifested by the Hungarian Catholic population within the Romanian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on his analysis of local newspapers and archive sources yet unexplored, the author sheds a light onto the facts about church life in the city of Rijeka during Gabriele D’Annunzio occupation (1919-1920). The blessing of the dagger in St. Vitus church, when the dagger was donated to D’Annunzio (“commandant”) provoked a withdrawal by Holy See of the chaplain who conducted the rite. Nationalistic circles wrongly identified as a culprit the Croatian parish priest, to whom they closed the church. He could not therefore celebrate mass for almost two months. That means that during the D’Annunzio occupation there was no religious freedom, contrary to the assertions of those who see the affirmation of ideals of liberty in the occupation of Rijeka. In fact, the elaboration of a political liturgy, which put nationalism in the centre, had a negative impact on the multi-ethnic Church in Rijeka. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The papal arbitration for the peaceful settlement of the confrontation between Argentina and Chile from 1978 to 1984 in the Beagle Strait on the islands of Picton, Lennox, Nueva is investigated in the article. Achieving this goal involves solving the following research tasks: to investigate the causes of the Argentine-Chilean conflict; to analyze the peculiarities of the Argentine-Chilean confrontation; to study the procedure of papal arbitration during the reconciliation of Argentina and Chile (1978–1984). Research methods: in the article used philosophical (metaphysics and dialectics), general scientific (analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, analogy and modeling) and historical (ideographic, periodization, historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-systemic) methods. The scientific novelty of the results of the study is in analyze the causes, features of the course and exacerbation of the conflict between Argentina and Chile in 1978 – 1984, and attempts to conduct a comprehensive study of the negotiations and peaceful settlement of the Argentine-Chilean conflict in the Beagle Strait through mediation of Vatican diplomats. The author concludes that the 1978 armed confrontation between Argentina and Chile was prevented by the timely intervention of Roman Pontiff John Paul II, who proposed to the leaders of Argentina and Chile personally arbitrate the conflict in the Beagle Strait. The Pope’s timely intervention helped preserve the fragile peace between the two neighboring countries, as well as the resumption of diplomatic negotiation between Argentina and Chile under Vatican mediation. As a result of lengthy negotiations, Vatican diplomats managed to persuade the governments of Argentina and Chile to conclude a peace agreement and reconcile the two Latin American countries. Also, in the article was noted that the Pope and the Catholic clergy in Chile and Argentina used public diplomacy to influence keep peace between two countries. The Catholic Church in Argentina and in Chile was aware of the importance of public opinion and used instruments of public pressure to reconcile Argentina and in Chile. For example, the Catholic clergy in Argentina and in Chile used the media (television, radio, and the press) to call for peace and reconciliation. The Church has also begun organizing peaceful rallies, pilgrimages, and special masses in both Argentina and Chile designed to form public support for peace efforts.

The Kingdom of SCS and the Holy See established diplomatic relations in March 1920. The Holy See accepted the new country with hostility and hesitation. The nuncio monitored not only the state's religious policy but also the political atmosphere. He wanted to achieve unity among Roman Catholics in the civil and political spheres. The authorities of the Kingdom of SCS emphasized the need to maintain religious unity as the primary motivation in preparation for the concordat negotiations. Meanwhile, the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy dissatisfied with the state's religious legislation asked the Holy See not to sign a concordat until their conditions were met. Much of the controversy during the talks concerned government ownership of church land, the establishment of religious orders, and the appointment of bishops. The negotiations were postponed with the intention of being continued. The 1925 talks did not achieve the goal but helped to define certain issues.

The Holy See has formal diplomatic relations with almost all states of the world and with international organizations including the United Nations (UN), where it holds Permanent Observer status. Its diplomacy considers the UN as one of the most important agents in international affairs. In the article, we clarify the Holy See's role as a Permanent Observer and its views on international cooperation before the Second Vatican Council. We then shed light on the leading principles and aims of its diplomacy at the UN as verbalized through the papal addresses to the General Assembly, letters to UN secretaries general, and various messages. Finally, we describe the Holy See's position in the long-lasting debate over UN reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes the policies and strategies of the Holy See to create new ecclesiastical circumscriptions during the administration of the apostolic nuncio Alessandro Bavona, who served between 1907 and 1911. I will focus on the relations between the Holy See, which formulated projects to reform, strengthen and expand the Catholic Church and the Brazilian episcopate, which often resisted, placed obstacles and delayed the advance of these policies. The sources were obtained from the Vatican Apostolic Archives and the Historical Archive of the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs. The creation of ecclesiastical jurisdictions served civil and, above all, ecclesiastical interests. It intended to organize the territory and the episcopal management, dividing the more extensive dioceses, with greater or lesser demographic density, with the aim of: making religious assistance effective for the population; disciplining the clergy; combating competing religions; christianizing indigenous peoples. The exceptional institutional expansion that occurred during the Bavona administration favored the expansion of the Catholic Church in society and its religious control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studies in Law on Religion / Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lubin / Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals of Social Sciences / Roczniki Nauk Społecznych is the property of Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL & Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to discuss the presence of the military religious orders at the frontiers of Christianitas during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a period when the hierocratic auctoritas ecclesiae materialized itself through vigorous expansionism. The military religious orders acted in consensus with the Holy See and at the request of the political European entities (also subjected to the authority of the Pope) in regions where they could not withstand the threats which endangered parts of their kingdoms or possessions. Ultimately this article integrates the presence of the Teutonic Knights in Transylvania during the first half of the thirteenth century in this broad mission of expansionism and highlights how the Roman Pontiff established relationships with the kingdoms positioned at the edge of Christianitas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the policies of the Holy See with regard to the Hungarian church during the pontificate of Pope Innocent XII (1691-1700). In the course of the Great Turkish War (1683-1699) important territories of the Hungarian Kingdom had been liberated from Ottoman rule, and the bishoprics and other ecclesiastical institutions started to reorganise themselves there. Yet the filling of church benefices constituted a constant bone of contention between the Apostolic See and the Habsburg Court of Vienna on account of the traditional right of patronage (ius patronatus) of the Hungarian kings, and the internal disputes between the newly reorganised bishoprics were also brought to Rome. A particularly sensitive area in this respect was the situation of the Protestant Principality of Transylvania, now under Habsburg rule, where the Viennese court aimed at strengthening the Catholic Church. A special episode of the period was, in the context of the development of general European politics, the attempt by the Habsburg court to have the bishop of GyBr, Duke Christian August of Saxony-Zeitz, created a cardinal. Atl these issues shed light on the way the Hungarian Catholic Church had changed with the expulsion of the Ottomans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Iurisprudentia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the history of relations between the Argentinean government and the Holy See, two ideas are permanently intertwined: signing the Concordat and defending national patronage. The changes that occurred in the 1960s indicated that exercising the right of patronage, based on the principles outlined in the Constitution, was impossible, and the peaceful establishment of the principles of bilateral relations could only be indicated through an international agreement. The Concordat signed by Argentina in 1966 removed the national patronage, but the changes to the content of the Constitution were introduced only in 1994. The aim of the study is to show the concordat agreement concluded in 1966 by Argentina with the Holy See as an example of an international agreement. The main focus is the presentation of concordat standards for the institution of patronage. Due to the subject and purpose of the study, the work uses methods typical of social sciences in the legal science discipline. The dogmatic-legal method is the basis for consideration of the Concordat as a source of Argentine law, and as an auxiliary method, the historical-legal method was used to show the historical background of the presented issue.

The Istoria della spedizione del Cardinale Carlo Tommaso Maillard de’ Tournon is a collection of manuscripts produced for and circulated within the Roman Curia in the early 18th century. It contains letters and reports from Maillard de Tournon, the first papal legate to China, and records his mission and the early efforts of the Holy See to establish direct contact with the Qing court, bypassing the patronage system and locally entrenched religious orders (the Jesuits in particular). For various reasons, these manuscripts were never fully published and, in spite of their interest, remain relatively unknown to scholars. This article introduces these manuscripts, edited by Giovanni Giacomo Fatinelli, procurator of Maillard de Tournon in Rome, and demonstrates their value in allowing a greater understanding of the relationship between the Holy See and China, as well as the general relationship between the Holy See and Catholic missionaries throughout the world.

In order to eliminate any foreign interference in the internal affairs of Turkey, the Government pushed the Sublime Porte, in 1914, to abolish the regime of Capitulations and the French Protectorate over Catholics and to ask the new apostolic delegate in Constantinople to establish direct diplomatic relations with the Holy See and to sign a concordat. The Ottoman proposal, although taken into consideration for its possible positive effects, aroused in the Secretariat of State an attitude of cautious expectation both because the First World War, whose outcome was still uncertain, was in progress and because they did not want to further lacerate relations and hurt the sensibility not so much of the government as of the French population. The text analyzes the steps taken by the Turkish government, but above all by the Holy See. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Following the Treaty of Trianon, the situation of the Catholic Church oper- ating on the territory of the Kingdom of Romania was regularized within a con- cordat agreement concluded in 1927 between the Romanian Government and the Holy See as interested parties. Since due to the compromises Section 9 of the Concordat, addressing the legal situation of the church, became meaningful -- a development that parties oppos- ing the Concordat exploited --, the contracting parties agreed on a detailed expla- nation under an accord drafted in the early 1930s. Our study presents the thriller-like antecedents and aftermath of the Accord, signed on 30 May 1932 between the contracting parties, relating to the interpreta- tion of Section 9 of the Concordat concluded between the Holy See and the Romanian Government on 10 May 1927. The successive, short-lived Romanian governments could not give effect to the agreement due to the nationalist propaganda heavily present in the media. Abuses arising from the various interpretations eventually led to the appearance of the Accord in the form a decree-law on 2 May 1940. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Laudato Si has garnered acclaim from world leaders and actors who support care for the environment. The encyclical has received praise for its ability to communicate the Church’s environmental views to the secular world. Yet the views of the Holy See in global environmental issues prior to Laudato Si have received inadequate attention. We conduct a historical review of the Holy See’s involvement in United Nations environmental efforts from the mid-20th Century to the present day. This reflects much of the work done in the late 20th Century by local dioceses all over the world. In doing so, we draw from the Holy See’s record of apostolic letters and speeches penned by Popes and various Church officials in the 20th Century, which we draw from the Vatican archives and libraries. We show that a clear critique of industrial pollution first emerged in the official addresses and letters penned by Pope Paul VI in the early 1960s. We also show that the Holy See has joined the global community on the pursuit of sustainable development that promotes human dignity, and the right to development and to a healthy environment for all, mainly the poorest populations. We argue that Laudato Si is better thought of as a culmination of the Catholic Church’s social teachings, which state that concern for the environment means respect for human life and dignity, promotion of the common good and the virtue of solidarity, and exercising responsibility to the poor and vulnerable. These are principles that align closely with the secular discourse on sustainable development.

The present article approaches, in a hierocratic perspective, Cardinal Jacob of Preneste's legation to the eastern fringe of Christianitas, more precisely to Transylvania, focusing on aspects such as the reasons behind the cardinal's visit to the Kingdom of Hungary, his right to interfere in the internal affairs of said kingdom, and the extent to which he fulfilled the planned objectives. If we look at the overall picture, the legation of Cardinal Jacob of Preneste fell short of expectations, at least from a hierocratic point of view, as it failed to fully impose the discipline requested by the Holy See. If we tally the erroneous decisions, we could even conclude that in most cases the papal legate, Cardinal Jacob of Preneste, actually acted against the interests of the Roman Curia, whose legate he was. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cardinal Paul Cullen, Archbishop of Dublin from 1852 to 1878, was able to expand his influence far beyond the borders of Ireland. As a result, Irish Catholicism became a hierarchic system, led by Cullen himself, in the British colonies and in the English-speaking world. However, in the last years of his life, Cullen lost a lot of his influence, and after his death the system of power which he had led ceased to exist. This happened for many reasons, one of these, examined in this essay, was the new political situation: in the late 19th Century, Irish nationalism strengthened, while the Holy See, after the annexation of the Papal States by the Italian Kingdom, started looking abroad in search of protection and, for this reason, wanted to be on good terms with the United Kingdom. In a situation such as this, every Irish prelate was in a difficult position, and this undoubtedly facilitated end of the Cullen's top-heavy system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding the legacy of patronage is a key issue for following developments in the relationship between state and church in Mexico in the 19th century and understanding the problems that arose around the reorganization of the Mexican church in the aftermath of independence. With the end of the patronage exercised by the Spanish sovereigns, new scenarios opened up for the young Latin American national states. In the Mexican case, analysed by the essay, the government's claims clashed with the claims and fears of the Holy See. Analysing this dialectic through the documents helps us shed light on the reasons that would have increased the tensions between state and church in Mexico in the short, medium and long term, culminating in the fracture of 1859 and in the affirmation of the secular state that would later play a crucial role in the contemporary history of the country. The role of the apostolic delegate, Msgr. Luigi Clementi, and the concerns of the Roman Curia towards the liberals were in this sense crucial in accentuating the frictions and divergences between the state and the church in Mexico, helping to bring about a radical change in their relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article are considered the role of the Holy See and the Catholic Church in the de-isolation of Cuba in the international community and the promotion of the restoration of relations with the world community. The article analyzes the change in the international situation that has forced the Cuban government to dialogue with the Catholic Church, as well as the strengthening of the position of the Catholic Church on the Cuban island. The resumption of relations between Cuba and the Holy See was mutually beneficial and necessary for both sides. The Cuban government needed a new ally to get out of isolation. For the Vatican it was necessary to legalize the activities of the Catholic Church on the Cuban island. It is noted that three popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis played a part in the withdrawal from international isolation. The visit of Pope John Paul II to Cuba attracted attention to Cuba and became a step that began the process of legalizing the Catholic Church on the island and de-isolating Cuba. Benedict XVI’s visit came at a time when the leadership changed, when Cuba was governed by Raul Castro, who conducted a series of reforms. And of course, Pope Francis played a key role in the process of restoring relations with the United States and the de-isolation of Cuba in the international arena. Cuba has undoubtedly benefited from the active interventions of Vatican diplomacy and the Holy See, which has been distinguished how in Cuba’s international statuses and so in Cuba’s economic, tourism and information areas. However, the Cuban breakthrough was also an achievement for the Holy See’s peacekeeping diplomacy on international arena. For a long time, Vatican diplomacy has once again received vocal recognition on the international stage. The Cuban breakthrough testified that even today in the XXI-st century, the «soft power» of the Vatican diplomacy See and the Pope of the Catholic Church are able to engage the conflicting parties in dialogue, to promote mutual understanding, tolerance, peaceful coexistence, international cooperation and security.

Objectives Study on the exercise of the right of pontifical legation during the time of the roman question, when the Holy See was deprived of territorial sovereignty after Italian unification. Material and methods Papal documents and works of the doctrine on the foundation of the international subjectivity of the Holy See Results During the time of the Roman question, between 1870 and 1919, the Holy See continued to exercise its international subjectivity by sending and receiving diplomatic representatives, despite being deprived of its territorial power. The States continued to recognize such international subjectivity and the right of pontifical legation based on the norms of international law and not on the basis of Italian domestic law, embodied in the Law of Pontifical Guarantees. The authors, on the other hand, was divided between those who defended the pontifical position and the Italian position. Conclusions The recognition by the States of the capacity to exercise the right of pontifical legation by sending and receiving diplomatic representatives, without the existence of a territorial support, it could only be due to the spiritual power of the Holy See, which together with the temporal, that it was exercised since old times.

This essay analyzes Pope Francis’ social teaching on relationality within his 2020 encyclical letter Fratelli tutti [Brothers all]. The relationship between the Church and modern nation-states is an important macro-level social dynamic, and Francis explains it by placing Church–State relations into a broader spiritual context of human communication and interaction. He articulates norms of fraternal contact growing from the bottom-up, that is, from interpersonal encounters through groups and movements on to countries and the United Nations. After a focused research question and discussion of critical method, this article offers a rhetorical critique of Fratelli tutti. To provide context, it explains the genres of Judeo-Christian and papal communication, Francis’ biography, and the immediate global context of his encyclical. Working within the text, this study details the Biblical foundations of his argument for “fraternity and social friendship” and shows how they are applied to global social media dystopia and accelerating migration/border crises. Conclusions include the utility of Francis’ contact terms in analyzing complex religio-political dynamics and their value in advancing peace.

In recent years, the Holy See has been accused of violating its human rights obligations because of acts of sex abuse by the Catholic clergy. Such accusations are based, in various ways, on the authority of the Holy See over the clergy. The Holy See is often referred to as a state and its obligations as state obligations. UN treaty bodies understand that the human rights obligations of the Holy See, as a treaty party, are of a legal––not moral––nature and apply extraterritorially, i.e., beyond the territory of the Vatican City State. The notion of state jurisdiction is, therefore, applied to the Holy See in the same way as to any other state. UN treaty bodies implicitly conclude that, for the purpose of human rights responsibility, the crimes of the clergy must be attributed to the Holy See and that anyone under the religious authority of the Holy See is under its state jurisdiction. However, a closer examination of the nature of the Holy See and its authority under international law, church doctrine, and church law paints a more complex and nuanced picture, where it is hard to describe the clergy as state organs or religious authority as state jurisdiction. Still, there are reasons to understand that certain acts and omissions of the Holy See in the context of the sex abuse crisis can be characterized as violations of its positive obligations of conduct.

This article analyzes the Apostolic Nuncios’ interventions in Brazil, the Holy See, and the episcopate in the Amazonian region to create new Catholic ecclesiastical circumscriptions between 1860 and 1930. The great territorial extension, the difficulties in the means of communication, the scarcity of clergy and resources, and the desire to optimize the religious assistance, counteract competing religions, and Christianize the indigenous people, justified the territorial dismemberment. These were political actions implemented as a result of specific interests of the Church and not as a consequence of a tacit alliance with the State. Our research sources were obtained in the Vatican Apostolic Archive and the Sacred Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs. They enabled us to understand the pontifical representatives’ connections and projects and of the Holy See and their relations with the episcopate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the nineteenth century, Portugal demanded recognition of the so-called 'historical rights of the Royal Patronage' by the Holy See as part of its missionary policy for Africa. These claims promptly led to a prolonged conflict over the action of the Propaganda Fide and Portuguese missionary achievements. While Lisbon feared the denationalization of missionary work, Rome was concerned about Portugal's internal policies on religious matters and its perceived inabilities to deal with the missionary challenges of the time, especially the Protestant competition over African hearts and minds. This text follows the discussions between Portugal and the Holy See over the missionary question, examining their confrontational and, apparently, irreconcilable positions, and the attempts made to regulate the exercise of the Royal Patronage through a concordat that became impossible to reach until the conclusion of a fragile and arguable modus vivendi concluded just before the implantation of the Republican regime in 1910. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the Vatican effort to contrast protestant proselytism in South America during the Early 1920s. During the inter-war period the Catholic Church conducted an intensive campaign to contain Protestant proselytism in many Catholic countries and in particular in the areas where Anglo-Saxon influence was growing. The Catholic Church responded to the advance of Protestantism everywhere. Its campaign was particularly intense in the Latin American world which was a traditional stronghold of Catholicism. Documents kept in the Vatican Secret Archive show that the Holy See conducted a specific and uniform policy in that region to combat Protestant proselytism, involving in this effort the American Catholics. The Holy See tried to oppose Protestant proselytism with a coordinated campaign, able to guide actions taken by local Catholic hierarchies, which often seemed unable to face the Protestant infiltration on their own. On this point the correspondence between Cardinal Gasparri and the various Vatican Nuncios is illuminating: many Nuncios emphasized the necessity of gaining the support of American Catholics and American Religious Orders to prevent the march of Protestantism, which was being promoted by American Protestant Churches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains how the process of romanization of the ordained ministers was carried out, as well as the parishioners who inhabited Costa Rica in the period 1880-1939. For this reason, a comparative analysis was carried out between the guidelines issued from Rome and those put into practice by the Costa Rican episcopate, in their desire for both groups to be similar and faithful adherents to the beliefs, orders given by the Bishop of Rome. During this period, it was noted that the bishops of Costa Rica were, for the most part, obedient to the Vatican's orders except for a small fraction from not only the clergy but also the faithful who showed resistance and disobedience. At the same time, it will be analyzed the perception of these guidelines as well as the response from both the priests and the faithful in matters like the devotion to the Holy Father or the new religious festivals proposed from Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article analyzes peculiarities of the European situation in the conditions of the Counter-Reformation. The influence of this peculiarities on the process of consolidation of interfaith associations is revealed. Particular attention is focused on elucidating the genesis, preconditions and causes of the formation of the union between England and Huguenots in relation of political, geopolitical and religious tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Lusitania Sacra is the property of Universidade Catolica Portuguesa, Centro de Estudos de Historia Religiosa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)