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In this essay on Elster's (2020) book, I expose my concerns about the ability of behavioral tools to correctly address the transition phase between the absolutist regime and the democratic institutions inherited from the French Revolution. Rehabilitating the forgotten analyses of contemporary political philosophers Quinet, de Sade, and Leroux, I defend the view that a correct understanding of the French Revolution's essence lies in its political philosophical dimension, not in the supposed psychological traits of its actors. I suggest a renewed way to apprehend and model revolutions, combining three levels of analysis: political philosophy, macroeconomic dynamics, and complexity economics. (JEL D72, D74, N13, N43, Z13) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits Burns's reactions to the French Revolution and its implications for British domestic reform through review of three crucial contexts which shaped his responses: the character and trajectory of Scottish reform politics in the early 1790s; loyalist volunteering in the mid-1790s; and the town of Dumfries where Burns came to live in late 1791. It re-examines and sheds new light on the tricky political balancing act in which Burns was compelled to engage in order to keep his post in the Excise service and avert potential local hostility to someone who clearly privately stood well outside the prevailing political consensus in Dumfries after late 1792. Closer attention to these contexts and the character of political rhetoric and discourses in the 1790s brings into sharper focus Burns's likely political views at this moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the relationship between the coalitional structure of revolutionary movements and revolutionary outcomes. Noting the chimerical nature of revolutionary coalitions, it introduces readers to the concept of 'movement split': the moment in a revolutionary process when, once a regime is overthrown, the revolutionary coalition fractures into 'radicals', who seek further, social revolution; and 'conservatives' who are satisfied with a limited, political revolution. By means of a comparative historical analysis of the 1789 French Revolution and 2011 Egyptian Revolution, it analyses the role of coalition structure in determining revolutionary outcomes after movement split. In both cases, the distribution of mobilizing capacity between radicals and conservatives was the key factor determining whether each revolutionary movement came to pursue a 'political' or 'social' revolutionary' program. Where conservatives retained control over mobilization, advancement of the revolutionary process ended once political revolution was achieved, while when radicals retained control, a process of social revolution was undertaken. Thus, when seeking to anticipate the trajectory of change an emergent revolutionary movement is liable to undertake, it is fruitful to examine whether it is radicals or conservatives who control its principal mobilizing structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genuine revolutions often use violence not only against their enemies but also against their friends. This paper argues that using violence against the proponents of a revolution functions as a way to boost collective action. A weakest-link punishment against the revolutionaries contributing the least to the revolutionary cause can be a way to solve Tullock's paradox of revolutions. Further implications are developed. First, we show that those benefiting the most from the revolution and facing the lowest cost of punishing will self-select into the group using punishment to boost contributions to the revolutionary cause. Second, we explain that weakest-link punishment can be over-provided when its provision is decentralized, in which case centralizing punishment may be an efficient response. We use the French Revolution as a case study to illustrate our theory. While the proximate cause of the Terror during the French Revolution was to avoid free-riding, its underlying cause may not have been the "blank-slate" mindset of the revolutionaries but the reactionary and inflexible nature of the Ancien Régime's institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1797 and 1798, Germaine de Staël argued that France needed a reformation to end the Revolution, proposing the adoption Protestantism as a religion of state. This proposal has been explained away as an obvious and uninteresting consequence of her Calvinist upbringing. While obviously relevant, Staël’s religious background is not a sufficient explanation for a proposal that would have upended the constitutional principles of the Directorial republic as well as centuries of tradition in France. I argue instead that Staël’s proposal is better understood in framework of the Directory’s plans to breach the state’s neutrality in religious matters, established in the 1795 Constitution, in order to promote love of the republic via a new religion, theophilanthropy. Thus, Staël identified a political opportunity for constitutional change in matters of religion and sought to steer the course towards an existing religion that, as she argued, had all the benefits that the Directory saw in theophilanthropy, but none of the pitfalls, especially the theophilanthropists’ association with the Terror. This re-interpretation of Staël’s proposal, made in Circonstances actuelles, has implications for our broader understanding of this work, hailed as her ‘most substantial contribution to political and constitutional theory’, and the Thermidorian republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the work of Boris Mirkine-Guetzévitch, a Russian émigré international law scholar, and his analysis of Russia's counter-revolutionary international law in response to the French Revolution. Mirkine-Guetzévitch's lecture at the Hague Academy in 1928 explores how Russia resisted the new revolutionary international law and developed a distinct approach. The article highlights the historical relevance of understanding Russia's reaction to the French Revolution and its implications for contemporary Russian approaches to international law and foreign policy. [Extracted from the article]

Napoleon Bonaparte was the Emperor of France, consolidating and initiating numerous reforms of the French Revolution. Regarded by many historians as the greatest military leader of the modern era, he conquered a significant portion of European territory while also focusing on modernizing the nation he led. In this multi-part structured material, we will attempt to provide concise biographies of notable personalities in the French medical world who distinguished themselves during the Napoleonic era, emphasizing not only in the fields of pharmacy and chemistry but also in botany and physics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Theory is the use of abstraction in the pursuit of understanding. In the human sciences, theory is a talmudic process of reading and conceptual dispute that carries the colligation of evidentiary signs (minimal interpretation) towards riskier, but more insightful and widely relevant, interpretations of the meanings, causes, and significance of human events (maximal interpretation). Yet, in making possible such maximal interpretations of society, politics, literature, and so forth, theory also introduces the possibility of overinterpreting evidence. Judgments that overinterpretation has occurred are made collectively within communities of inquiry. After developing Umberto Eco's theory of overinterpretation as part of a hermeneutic-semiotic account of theory in the human sciences, this paper conducts a case study of the rise and partial fall of the Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution. This reveals aspects of the process whereby patterns of maximal interpretation, carried through several academic generations, allow the development and refinement of knowledge and insight about an object of inquiry, on the one hand, and yet are subject to judgment as overinterpreted, on the other. Much more than a matter of falsification and/or the politics of intellectuals, the decline of the Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution involved a complex series of judgments about the degree to which an abstract theoretical terminology could continue to produce new and deeper understandings. In conclusion, the paper suggests that the talmudic aspect of social theory has affinities with the universal human capacity for thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relation between colonialism and the sovereignty of peoples through a dialogue between Hegel and the thought of the French Revolution. These two sides are relevant to each other not only because of their historical proximity, but also because of the connections that can be established when we approach the topic of colonialism through these two manifestations. Hegel is explicit that his philosophy of history and his philosophy of right are supposed to be philosophies of freedom. Yet despite the importance that he lends to freedom, Hegel also explicitly defends, in the very same text, colonial domination when he deals with the relation between peoples. A similar problem had arisen in the course of the French Revolution. Following the declarations of war, France is confronted on various occasions with the question of how to deal with other peoples and countries. With the foundation of the Republic in 1792, the relation with other peoples becomes central in the revolutionary debates. The topic of colonialism is part of the constituting debates, and not only because of the uprisings in then Saint Domingue leading to the Haitian Revolution. This article is a part of a larger research project that attempts to reassess the relations between Hegel and the French Revolution, and deals with the question of how we can re-read Hegel's interpretation of the French Revolution based on the evolving historiography of the Revolution. After an introduction of both sides of this dialogue, the paper discusses how Hegel's political philosophy can be applied to understand the debates about the emancipation of colonies that take place during the French Revolution. The next part further analyses some issues, such as the notion of sovereignty and, in the concluding remarks, I summarize my discussion and point to some avenues for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French Revolution's first three years were marked by fighting between different armed groups in a fluid field of violence among state, nonstate, and quasi-state actors. The forces of order were less organized than their titles would indicate, while opposition forces were better-organized and -trained than they portrayed themselves to be. Paris was a military theater where victory was determined by the opposition's ability to attract both armed fighters and widespread popular support, though a government that was unpopular with the population of Paris but that had the support of the city's military could continue to rule. Governments fell when they lost control of military forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study of the Danish and German translations of the American revolutionary Joel Barlow's 'Advice to the Privileged Orders of Europe' (1792), this article explores the role of translations and the example of the American Revolution in forming ideas of republicanism in the Age of Revolutions. While it is today a little-known text, the article shows that Barlow's Advice had a significant impact on the formation of revolutionary ideology in the Northern Germany and Denmark. The article furthermore argues that contrary to what historians have hitherto believed, republicanism did make its way into Denmark in the period. Here, the article shows, it influenced the political ideas of key intellectuals such as Christen Henriksen Pram, August Hennings, and C.U.D. von Eggers. Because censorship made it difficult to express republican ideas, studying translations may give us a fuller and more precise picture of political ideas in the Age of Revolutions including in places like Denmark. The article thus argues that Barlow and his text was part of a broader ‘republic of translations,’ which was transformed in the wake of the American and French Revolutions and through which spread republicanism across the world, including Northern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the French Revolution, obstetrics underwent substantial transformations in practice, teaching, and the physical spaces where it was conducted. The revolutionary authorities implemented reforms in French medical institutions that promoted an instrument-centred style and the dissemination of novel surgical techniques in obstetrics. The selection of professors for the obstetrics chair at the newly established École de santé and the appointment of chiefs for the new maternity ward in Paris favoured proponents of a mechanistic approach to labour assistance. This essay explores the theoretical principles and societal pressures that guided these transformative reforms and the remarkable changes they introduced in healthcare and in the practise of medicine and surgery. Furthermore, it examines the consolidation of new epistemological, ethical, and professional boundaries within the context of late eighteenth-century French obstetrics. A critical section of this study focuses on the debate ignited by the contemporaries who voiced concerns that the rise of surgical interventions on pregnant women's bodies might result in unwarranted violence, in a diminishing of midwives’ roles, and in a departure from the tradition of natural childbirth. These controversies among obstetricians highlight significant contradictions within the Revolutionary medical reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Napoleon Bonaparte was the Emperor of France, consolidating and initiating numerous reforms of the French Revolution. Regarded by many historians as the greatest military leader of the modern era, he conquered a significant portion of European territory while also focusing on modernizing the nation he led. In this multi-part structured material, we will attempt to provide concise biographies of notable personalities in the French medical world who distinguished themselves during the Napoleonic era, emphasizing not only in the fields of pharmacy and chemistry but also in botany and physics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of the Concordat of 1801 in establishing a modus vivendi between post-revolutionary France and the Catholic Church ought not be taken for granted. It owes in significant degree to the design and application of Napoleon's advisor on religious affairs, Jean-Etienne Marie Portalis. The Concordat is appreciated for having set the stage for the ultramontane Catholicism of nineteenth-century France, but as legislator and administrator, Portalis was looking back to the legal traditions of the liberties of the Gallican Church and the supremacy of the sovereign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Goethe's first drama written in the wake of the French Revolution, Der Groß-Cophta, has garnered little favor from audiences and scholars since its first publication. This essay argues that Goethe's comedy inverts fundamental dramaturgical conventions of tragedy, revealing a social and political world in collapse. It shows that patterns of literary figuration first articulated in Der Groß-Cophta extend across several of Goethe's literary engagements with revolutionary tumult. Confidence men and narratives of lost innocence emerge as crucial elements in Goethe's diagnosis of the disintegration of ethical life responsible for the demise of the ancien régime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 19th century is characterized as a period marked by the proliferation of nationalist movements in the Balkans. A significant number of studies on Albanian nationalism conducted by Albanian historians argue that Ottoman rule was an important factor in the increase of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. Concurrently, there exist scholarly perspectives linking the genesis of the Albanian nationalist movement to global dynamics. Following the aftermath of the First World War, the international milieu alongside the expansionist endeavors of Western powers served to amplify Albanian national consciousness. This phenomenon found resonance in Kosovo as well. Economic volatility and prevailing social disparities in the region exacerbated discontent among the populace, fostering insurgencies. Beyond economic imperatives, the exigency for instituting a democratic parliamentary framework emerged. Consequently, the groundwork for the Albanian parliamentary system was laid during this epoch. Some sources attribute Albanian nationalism to the tenets of the 1789 French Revolution, setting it apart from other Balkan nations. Nationalism persists as a prevalent discourse, particularly in the Balkan region. This study aims to probe into the historical antecedents that propelled the evolution of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo post-1979, along with evaluating the contemporary regional landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of The L N Gumilyov Eurasian National University Political Science Regional Studies Oriental Studies Turkology Series is the property of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the article the essence of standards of justice in the modern world-system is outlined in a general way. It is shown that these standards emerged in the European capitalist world-economy in consequence of the French Revolution. Standards of justice are interpreted as ideological semantic constructions that have been institutionalized simultaneously with establishment, first, of the ideology of liberalism as the geo-culture of the modern world-system and, second, of model of liberal state. Standards of justice are considered within theoretical theses and methodological guiding lines of I. Wallerstein's theory of the modern world-system. However, some theoretical theses of J. Alexander's civil society theory are also used to supplement and concretize considered in the article problems with some new arguments. For instance, Alexander's conceptual toolkit helped to distinguish discursive and institutional standards of justice. Reasons and peculiarities of establishment of standards of justice are considered and role these standards played in the providing of development of the modern world-system is shown. In particular, it is elucidated that owing to these standards elites of the core countries of the modern world-system managed to redirect the rebellion energy of the lower strata from anti-systemic revolutions to struggle for inclusion to liberal state. This helped to calm the lower strata down and to guard structures of the modern world-system against essential damages. Standards of justice contributed to legitimation of social order of the modern world-system. Full integration of the lower strata to newly created national societies reinforced social solidarity, and this strengthened the core states even more. It is shown that for today in particular countries of periphery and semi-periphery trends of revision of current standards of justice and their replacement by alternative semantic constructions become visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article focuses on the involvement of women in labor conflicts in Paris during the French Revolution, highlighting their often overlooked roles and the political dimensions of their struggles. Topics include the insurrection at a municipal sack repair workshop in 1794, the mobilization of female spinners at the Jacobins' filature from December 1793 to mid-1794, and the broader social and political context affecting these labor disputes.

The article focuses on the comprehensive history of the guillotine during the French Revolution, examining its role as both a symbol of progress and a representation of terror. Topics include the evolution of public perceptions of the guillotine, its use as a tool of exceptional justice in revolutionary France, and its impact on the social, political, and emotional landscape of the era.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the evolving historical exploration of labor and politics from 1789 to 1815, emphasizing how these themes have gained prominence over time. Topics include the historical treatment of labor during the French Revolution, the interaction between labor issues and political developments, and recent scholarly efforts to integrate labor history with broader political contexts.

The goal is to reveal the impact of the World War I on the history and present of international relations. The methodology is based on the principles of historicism, historical-comparative, and historical-systemic methods of researching the history of international relations. The scientific novelty is based on the systematization of conceptual approaches to the interpretation of the problems of the Great War's influence on the history of the world and the change of systems of international relations. The ruling elites rush to war when the baggage of hypocrisy, corruption, nepotism, incompetence, and snobbery exceeds the markers of political rationality. Conclusions. In terms of its programming potential, the Great War proved to be no less long-lasting than the French Revolution at the end of the 18th century, which gave a powerful impetus to the development of the Modern era, causing a fundamental change in the previous political, socioeconomic, cultural and spiritual foundations of society and systems of international relations. An exit from the historical era of the Great War is possible after the formation of a postmodern system of international relations with a new balance of forces and interests between different states and local civilizations is completed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Historica Tallinnensia is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This is a translation of selections from Part One, Chapter One of Rehberg's Investigations, which contains his critique of the philosophical principles animating the French Revolution. No English translation of the text currently exists. The Investigations was one of the most influential philosophical treatments of the Revolution in eighteenth-century Germany and remains an important specimen of ‘Kantian’ political theory from the 1790s. The Investigations had a clear impact on Kant's political philosophy and the work of the early Fichte. The translation is accompanied by an editorial introduction that introduces the reader to Rehberg and outlines his core arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The far-right identification of Jews with modernity has been noted by many scholars, yet most analyses have fallen short of offering a properly dialectical account of antisemitism, one that will scrutinise the antinomies at the heart of the antisemitic discourse and trace their relations to the contradictions of modernity itself. In this paper, I will make modernity as movement the focus of the analysis. Modernity, philosophically underpinned by the Enlightenment, and politically ushered in by the French Revolution of 1789, was seen by its reactionary and fascist opponents both as a time of great upheaval, constant change and social disruption, but also as the setting-up of an era of stasis and degeneration. It was paradoxically decried, sometimes simultaneously, as both helplessly nomadic and incurably sedentary. And in both respects 'the Jew' and 'the Jewish spirit' were often placed, no matter how spuriously, at the very centre of attacks. Qua 'wandering' or 'eternal', the Jews were seen as embodying the spirit of restlessness and lack of roots, undermining tradition and fixed national and racial identities; their dynamic role as revolutionaries, conspirators and rabble rousers was ritually denounced. Jews were also condemned, however, as a major obstacle to movement and expansion, the arch-enemies of imperialism, seeking to establish a realm of universal brotherhood, peace and egalitarianism. By attacking the Jews, reactionaries and fascists thus attempted to settle their scores with a modernity that they feared and loathed in equal measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how German Romantic writing reflected on migration and thereby intervened in contemporary discourses about émigrés seeking refuge in German-speaking territories after the French Revolution in 1789. Discussing different representations of French exiles in both fiction and translation, I argue that some Romantics were participating in an "intervention at home:" staying put, observing both the unprecedented overthrow of the French monarchy and, later on, the aggression of French expansionism, Romantic writers contributed to contemporary debates about migration with stories and characters meant to reflect on, evoke empathy with, or create aversion to French migrants. German Romantic writing thus encouraged both emotional responses to and specific ideas about the intricate relationship between migration and nation-building in early nineteenth-century German-speaking countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French Revolution and the changes in Europe in the first half of the 19th century increasingly called into question the caste order, under which only a small percentage of society could enjoy freedoms, including not only political but also private and criminal rights. Based on Western European ideas followed by the legal fight of brave Hungarians, in 1848, Hungary almost got its constitution in the form of 31 Acts, called the Hungarian April Laws. Among others, those Acts consisted of the issues of equality of rights, political rights, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and academic freedom. Freedoms that, after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the Hungarian Parliament went back to and built a reform era on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kant-Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kant-Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On May 28, 1794, a criminal investigation that had begun almost a month before concluded with the execution of sixty-three men and women, the imprisonment of fifteen more, and a few days later the destruction of an entire village. This article examines the burning of Bédoin, the crime that provoked it, and the judicial process that accompanied it, to explore the relationship between criminal cause and punitive effect during the Terror of year II. As a case study in revolutionary justice, this episode appears extreme, but this article argues that it allows us to interrogate the meanings that ordinary revolutionaries attached to terms like crime and complicity when the survival of the state seemed at stake. In looking beyond the Terror to the controversies that enveloped this village's destruction, this article also examines the aftermath of atrocity to consider how a society comes to terms with crime when both the definition of criminality and the identity of the criminal are in flux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enlightenment thought and its contemporary followers usually support two contradictory principles simultaneously. The first is universality. Truth is universal because it is truth for all. Claims to universality are made in logic and science, but also in areas that are culturally or politically controversial. Recently, universalism has become a key term to express a fundamental critique of identity politics. For much of European history, Christianity provided such a universal truth. But with the decline of its cultural hegemony and the rise of particular nation-states, conflicting truth claims became weapons in violent conflicts, leading Hobbes to argue that dangerous truth claims must be neutralized by robust political power. In the eighteenth century, rationalism became more optimistic, interpreting universalism as cosmopolitanism based on universal reason and progress through history. The second principle is historicism, which is the self-reflexive look at the historical origins of universal claims and theories. Historicism emerged in the nineteenth century as a response to the application of rationalism to history. It challenged the universal claims of the French Revolution, emphasizing instead the unique value of each historical entity. This revealed a fundamental paradox: when universalism becomes self-reflexive, it recognizes that it has non-universal historical origins, thereby undermining itself. After the devastation of World War II and the Holocaust, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) represented a significant effort toward a new universalism. It sought to establish human rights as universal principles for the emerging world order. But history repeated itself: Historicism once again weakened confidence in human rights. The enemies of human rights take advantage of this weakness. We therefore have to live with the paradox that universalism is necessary because humanity shares a single world, but that historical self-reflection is also unavoidable. In other words, the Enlightenment principle of universalism must accept historicism as an integral part of itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the concept of dignity played an important role in the political thought of Edmund Burke. It seeks to show that, in contrast with the egalitarian and individual version of dignity associated with Immanuel Kant, Burke devised a conception of dignity that rested on reverence, grandeur and formality, to be manifested through institutions, customs, and social relations. Burkean dignity was thus closely linked with the ancient constitution. In his thought, dignity played an essential role in maintaining social stability and ensuring wise governance. This conviction informed Burke's opposition to the French Revolution, which he feared would destroy the conditions necessary for dignity to thrive. Unpicking Burke's understanding of dignity thus gives us new insights into the intricacies of his political thought and another perspective on his opposition to the French Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the significance of sound in religion in the context of the British debate about the French Revolution. It analyses loyalist sermons and pamphlets to show that anxieties about plebeian noise exacerbated concerns about religious enthusiasm and its relationship to political radicalism. Accordingly, the acoustic aspects of worship became an issue in conservative propaganda, especially the writings of Anglican clergymen. By contrast, Christian reformers found the sound of enthusiastic religion a source of empowerment. Focusing on prophecies, hymns and sermons, this essay argues that a group of plebeian Dissenters, whose piety shaped their commitment to reform, attributed a revolutionary meaning to the sonic intensity of religious enthusiasm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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"Dinner with Joseph Johnson: Books and Friendship in a Revolutionary Age" by Daisy Hay is a biography that delves into the life of Joseph Johnson, a prominent publisher in the late 18th century. The book explores Johnson's personal and business relationships with various authors, intellectuals, and activists, shedding light on his contributions to the literary and political landscape of the time. Through meticulous research and engaging storytelling, Hay paints a vivid picture of Johnson's world, highlighting his role in fostering intellectual discourse and promoting social change. [Extracted from the article]

Starting from the famous night session of the Assemblée nationale on August 4/5, 1789, my article examines the intertwining of political representation, theatrical representation and bon sens or sens commun , as it becomes apparent in journalistic texts from the first phase of the French Revolution. The following questions will be discussed: 1) To what extent does the theater audience function as a paradigm of the public sphere in revolutionary society? How and by what means can the audience gallery of the assembly hall be extended into the media public sphere? 2) If the public sphere of the revolutionary society is to be conceived according to the model of the theater audience, what contribution can it make to the formation of national will and the activation of the public spirit? Is there perhaps a latent sensus non-communis hidden behind the ostensibly propagated sensus communis ? And finally: 3) Does the introduction of the theater paradigm for the public sphere have anything to do with a new time economy of political and communicative action, i.e. with the strong acceleration of political decision-making processes on the one hand, and mass media communication on the other? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1789, during the outset of the French Revolution, Jens Baggesen (1764–1826) embarked on a journey traversing Germany, Switzerland, and France. His experiences were later crystallized into a two-volume travelogue, Labyrinten , published between 1792 and 1793. In a similar vein, in 1793, Adam Moltke (1765–1843), a close friend of Baggesen, visited the besieged city of Mainz and subsequently chronicled his experiences in Reise nach Maynz (1794), also a two-volume work. Both authors, profoundly impacted by their travels, expressed a compulsion to write as an outlet. Intriguingly, their texts employ alimentary and metabolic metaphors to depict the act of experiencing as a form of ingestion, where impressions are consumed, assimilated, and eventually transformed into written narrative. This portrayal of memory and writing as a bodily process sharply diverges from the classical ideals of artistic and literary purity. This article argues that these alimentary and metabolic metaphors represent a subversive poetics, challenging conventional literary norms and offering a novel perspective on the interplay between human experience, bodily processes, and literary creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the historical emergence of political hope and its connection to the French Revolution, Romanticism, and the secularization of theological ideas. Topics include the conceptual development of political hope as a technology of racialization, the association of despair with racial slavery in the British political imagination, and the transformation of despair into a metaphysical condition linked to slavery, reinforcing racial hierarchies in the Romantic era.

This article explores Deleuze and Guattari's theory of revolution in light of their comments on the French Revolution and intersection with the work of Marx. I argue that Deleuze associates revolution with a reformulation of the "problems" that condition experience, something Deleuze and Guattari then complicate through their insistence that institutional practice remain subject to the unfolding of an "indeterminate" yet collective revolutionary identity. I argue that the most important aspect of their theory for contemporary political thought is its argument for the necessity of uniting disparate forms of political experimentation without introducing institutions grounded in general conceptions of the subject, and conclude by discussing the emphasis they place on overcoming the "cogito of communication," a discursive "subject in general" essential to contemporary capitalist democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]