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How do we make sense of the ways in which COVID-19 has developed and been responded to in the United States? How can nondeterminist class analysis help us to understand why the pandemic has impacted the United States so severely compared to other nations? What do these policies and experiences reveal about current capitalist economic and social relations within the United States today? Are there possibilities for interventions through a nonessentialist Marxist analysis and understanding? On a beautiful June afternoon, Rethinking Marxism coeditor Vin Lyon-Callo discussed these questions via zoom with his former professor, long-term RM board member, and host of the quite popular public intervention Economic Update, Richard Wolff (lightly edited for content and clarity). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Praktyka Teoretyczna is the property of University of Wroclaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We examined the item properties of the Two Peas Questionnaire (TPQ) among a sample of same-sex twin pairs from the Washington State Twin Registry. With the exception of the 'two peas' item, three of the mistakenness items showed differential item functioning. Results showed that the monozygotic (MZ) and dizygotic (DZ) pairs may differ in their responses on these items, even among those with similar latent traits of similarity and confusability. Upon comparing three classification methods to determine the zygosity of same-sex twins, the overall classification accuracy rate was over 90% using the unit-weighted pair zygosity sum score, providing an efficient and sufficiently accurate zygosity classification. Given the inherent nature of twin-pair similarity, the TPQ is more accurate in the identification of MZ than DZ pairs. We conclude that the TPQ is a generally accurate, but by no means infallible, method of determining zygosity in twins who have not been genotyped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radical right voters and parties are often characterized as conservative and traditionalist on issues of gender, sexuality, and morality. Common wisdom is that they reject the progressive sociopolitical shifts that began in the 1970s and early 1980s. However, some radical right parties, such as the Dutch Party for Freedom, maintain moderate positions on morality issues. Are radical right supporters still traditionalist? Latent class analysis applied to European Social Survey data from 10 West European countries reveals that radical right supporters belong to three ideologically distinct classes. The fastest growing group is the sexually-modern nativists, who make up about 45% by 2016. Contrary to extant literature, traditionalism no longer appears to be a major motivation for today's radical right. Instead, immigration and nationalism are now the core common concerns for radical right supporters in Western Europe. This development may be due to the Euro crisis and the migration crisis, which have increased the salience of national borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of workers' mobilisations in the 2011 Arab uprisings and – more recently – in the Algerian movement for democracy and social justice has encouraged a renewed interest in labour–state relations in the region. This article presents a class-based perspective on labour institutions, taking Morocco as a case study. In contrast to institution-based approaches, this research argues that it is problematic to treat the trade unions as analytical proxies for the working class, because this heuristic move conceals how class struggles – from below and from above – can transcend and transform labour institutions. The article proposes a framework to study labour–state relations, highlighting the relative autonomy of union officials from workers and vice versa. In this way, it shows how, in the neoliberal phase, the Moroccan state increased inducements to the unions while decreasing those to the workers and maintaining significant constraints on workplace organising. To use a simplified formulation, the regime included the unions to exclude the workers. In such a context of low union representativeness, the dangers of reducing the working class to the trade unions emerge clearly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay responds to "Money as Art: The Form, the Material, and Capital" by the Marxist economist Costas Lapavitsas with reference to the triple manifestation of crisis in the United States during the spring months of 2020. By triangulating the role of money in the COVID-19 pandemic, the ensuing mass unemployment, and the historical nationwide revolt in response to the police murder of George Floyd predicated on a counterfeit twenty-dollar bill, Nicholas Huber makes a three-part claim. First, that acceptance of the Marxist theory of fetishism forecloses the possibility of conceiving of capitalist money as art in the sense developed by Lapavitsas, insofar as the latter tends toward transhistorical concepts of both art and money. Following from this, any aesthetic function of money in the capitalist mode of production is inseparable from its total social function; that is, capitalist money is at once an economic, political, cultural, and aesthetic mediation unlike any other. Finally, Huber draws on Louis Marin's typology of the frame in correspondence with Erik Olin Wright's integrated class analytic framework to argue that the question of whether money is art or not leads us to a dead end. Huber suggests that a crisis such as the one unfolding in 2020 raises instead the more challenging question of what social system must come into being, such that a theory of capitalist money as art becomes intelligible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a critique of the discourse of precarity that assumes that regulated era labor relations in advanced capitalist economies represent the norm, while 'irregular work' represents a historical aberration under capitalist employment. We argue that this approach fails to inform labor theorists in any meaningful way as it conceals the differences in the social relations under which work is performed. The catchall term 'precarious labor' makes it difficult to design policies for specific social groups who are non-homogenous in social relations. We propose a Marxian socio-spatial class framework that gives visibility to three key dimensions: 1) the manner in which surpluses are produced, appropriated, and distributed during the labor process; 2) the spatial component of where work is performed, and 3) the degree of market-orientation. Recognizing on the one hand that precarity will always be a ubiquitous feature of capitalist labor markets, and that there are differences within forms of work depending on the social context and location of work on the other, has a number of benefits for contemporary debates. These include a better appreciation of the multiplicity of processes in which labor participates and generates radically new ways of thinking about anti-capitalist resistance across national boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses polemically, perhaps, the most prominent class analyses today – the occupational and stratification approaches (OSAs) developed by various sociologists and economists. Strongly opposed to the "big class" of conventional Weberian and Marxian typologies, the stratification and occupational models have, unsurprisingly, claimed more realistic grounds. By contrast, key dimensions of social relations such as domination, exploitation and oppression are purposely overlooked. Moreover, the lack of theorization – even marginally regarded, does not take into consideration the qualitative explanatory strength for the analysis of social structure. Alternatively, the underlying optimistic market-oriented belief of the "realistic" class framework overestimates the role of institutions and economics. Thus, this "Smithian" background unveils a market fetishism as well as a functionalist and naturalized vision of class structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the patterns of class inequality and capital accumulation in Brazil, showing the drivers and limits of the decline in inequality that occurred during the Workers' Party governments. It proposes that minimum wage hikes and greater social security changed the demand pattern and kick-started a cumulative causation process. Growth and redistribution thus reinforced each other for a period, and then spelled their own limits. As growth accelerated in the 2000s, a Gini decomposition indicates that class inequality decreased, but confined to changes between workers—capitalist income and social stratification were preserved. This also endogenously led to a regressive structural change, as low-productivity, labour-intensive services grew and international trade patterns worsened. This created a medium-term dependence on commodity prices for balance-of-trade solvency, and heightened cost-push inflation, which could not be overcome under the limited policy framework in place. The constrained basis for reducing inequality and the regressive structural change underscore that developmental strategies requires broad, multi-dimensional inequality-reducing measures and an encompassing catching-up project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study tested tenets of the Pathways Model of problem gambling by completing a cross-sectional latent class analysis using an existing dataset. The sample in this study consisted of 125 first-time adult problem gamblers from Ontario, Canada who participated in the Quinte Longitudinal study of Gambling and Problem Gambling. A three-class solution was found to be the best fitting model. There was a class resembling Behaviourally Conditioned gambler (n = 40), demonstrating minimal rates of pre-existing psychopathology and social dysfunction; a class that shared consistencies with the Emotionally Vulnerable gambler (n = 56), showing intermediate rates of anxiety, depression, problematic substance use and social dysfunction prior to onset of problem gambling; and a class resembling the Anti-social Impulsivist gambler (n = 29) characterized by the highest impulsivity, social dysfunction, antisociality and pre-existing psychiatric illness. Overall the findings provide evidence for the etiological assumptions of the Pathways Model by demonstrating that problem gamblers can be sub-grouped on traits pre-existing the development of aberrant gambling. These findings have implications for prevention and clinical practice, as specific groups of problem gamblers may require tailored intervention and prevention efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is it unethical to advertise lotteries? Many citizens think that states should not be actively promoting and encouraging the public to spend hard-earned dollars on a bet that they are virtually guaranteed to lose. Perhaps more importantly, business ethicists are concerned that lottery advertising may be targeting the most vulnerable markets: households with the lowest income and education levels. If this were true, then it would increase the already disproportionately large burden of lottery taxes on the poor. Fortunately, our research finds no evidence to support the contention that advertising is responsible for high rates of lottery participation and expenditures by lower income groups or that low-income groups are more affected by advertising than high-income groups. On the contrary, awareness of lottery advertising seems to be associated with a higher probability to play Lotto only for the middle income group. This means that lottery advertising may actually reduce the regressivity of lottery taxes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class analysis has re-emerged as a pertinent area of enquiry. This development is linked to a growing body of work dubbed cultural class analysis, that utilises Bourdieu's class scheme to develop rich understandings of how culture and lifestyle interacts with economic and social relations in Britain, generating inequalities and hierarchies. Yet cultural class analyses do not properly account for the way individuals resist their relative class positions, nor the role of unsecured credit in facilitating consumption. This article contributes to this area by examining how unsecured credit and problem debt influences consumption and class position amongst individuals with modest incomes. Drawing on 21 interviews with individuals managing problem debt, this article details how class inequality emerges through affective states that include anxiety and feelings of deficit. It also shows how these experiences motivate participants to rely on unsecured credit to consume cultural goods and engage in activities in a struggle against their class position, with the intention of enhancing how they are perceived and classified by others. The findings indicate that cultural class analyses may have overlooked the symbolic importance of mundane consumption and goods in social differentiation. This article further details how these processes entangle individuals into complex liens of debt – which lead to over-indebtedness, default, dispossession and financial expropriation – illustrating how investigations of credit-debt can better inform understandings of class inequality, exploitation and struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions of political conflict have always been central to class analysis; changing political fault lines were a key argument in the debates about the 'death of class'. The ensuing 'cultural turn' in class analysis has shown how class continues to shape lives and experience, though often in new ways. In this article, we bring this mode of analysis to the political domain by unpacking how a multidimensional concept of class – based on the ideas of Bourdieu – can help make sense of contemporary political divisions. We demonstrate that there is a homological relation between the social space and the political space: pronounced political divisions between 'old' politics related to economic issues and 'new' politics related to 'post-material values' follow the volume and composition of capital. Importantly, the left/right divide seems more clearly related to the divide between cultural and economic capital than to the class hierarchy itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Icelandic Society / Íslenska þjóðfélagið is the property of Icelandic Sociological Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over 1300 federally-qualified health centers (FQHCs) in the US provide care to vulnerable populations in different contexts, addressing diverse patient health and socioeconomic characteristics. In this study, we use data envelopment analysis (DEA) to measure FQHC performance, applying several techniques to account for both quality of outputs and heterogeneity among FQHC operating environments. To address quality, we examine two formulations, the Two-Model DEA approach of Shimshak and Lenard (denoted S/L), and a variant of the Quality-Adjusted DEA approach of Sherman and Zhou (denoted S/Z). To mitigate the aforementioned heterogeneities, a data science approach utilizing latent class analysis (LCA) is conducted on a set of metrics not included in the DEA, to identify latent typologies of FQHCs. Each DEA quality approach is applied in both an aggregated (including all FQHCs in a single DEA model) and a partitioned case (solving a DEA model for each latent class, such that an FQHC is compared only to its peer group). We find that the efficient frontier for the aggregated S/L approach disproportionately included smaller FQHCs, whereas the aggregated S/Z approach's reference set included many larger FQHCs. The partitioned cases found that both the S/L and S/Z aggregated models disproportionately disfavored (different) members of certain classes with respect to efficiency scores. Based on these results, we provide general insights into the trade-offs of using these two models in conjunction with a clustering approach such as LCA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to refresh class analysis in order to develop a better understanding of different modalities of reproduction of labour quite often without economic and social security in different historically specific contexts. It draws attention to the pertinence of exploring the ways in which the individuals comprising a particular movement experience specific moments of collective will formation within an authoritarian state form. In this regard, it focuses on the implications of the privatization of SEEs since the 2000s for workers who were made redundant and deprived of their social rights. On the basis of a field research with more than 100 former workers of TEKEL (a major privatized SEE) who staged a resistance to the AKP government's offer of precarious employment status during the winter of 2009–10, the article provides a critical evaluation of this momentous experience pondering why such a moment of collective will formation failed to pave the ground for the development of a counter-hegemonic strategy. While aiming to assess the impact of this common experience on the ex-workers' awareness of their class belonging who actually carried the brunt of the neoliberal assault on their economic and social well-being, the article argues that the particular employment policy did not simply introduce informalization into public sector but functioned as a labour containment strategy by the AKP government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes critically the most recent scientific bibliography on the causes of the growth of mortality and morbidity in the white working class of the United States. The methodology used in these studies, and also the insufficient conceptualization of the variables used (such as social class), limits the understanding of the increment of the "diseases of despair" in that sector of the population. This article emphasizes the need to analyze the evolution of the social classes in the United States, and the political determinants that have changed not only the character and composition of that class, but also the power differentials between this class and other classes in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways in which Nepali migrants perceive, experience and rework their downward class mobilities within the processes of labour migration to South Korea (hereafter Korea). It focuses on the temporal dimension of the migration process in relation to the Korean labour migration regime in terms of three aspects: the temporariness of sojourn, temporal disjunctures and adaptations in workplaces, and temporal resynchronisation in transnational spaces. First, the article argues that the temporariness of their sojourn under the Employment Permit System (EPS) is perceived by migrants as a 'liminal time' or a 'time-out' from the life course, serving to make the precariousness of life and work bearable. Second, illustrating the subjective experiences of Nepali migrants as underclass workers in unfamiliar workplaces, the article argues that they experience their working-class positions through temporal disjunctures between time in Nepal and Korea, and heteronomous time as discipline under the EPS. Lastly, it is shown that their downward class identities are reworked by dividing working time and social time, with a further temporal resynchronisation between migrants and their homeland. The conceptual and empirical insights offered by this study aim to contribute to the discussions of temporalities of migration and class analysis of people on the move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The article aims at showing the relevance of understanding the transformations of class composition for strengthening the connection between degrowth and environmental justice (EJ). In particular, I suggest the heterodox line of Autonomist Marxism as enabling factor of such connection. From an ecological perspective, the changing components of the working-class can be grasped by assessing the historical development of the value-nature nexus, and specifically of labour's role within it. In fact, capitalism does not have but rather is an ecological regime. Value creation occurs not upon nature, but through it – that is, within socio-natural relations emerging from the articulation of capital, power and the environment. My basic argument is that in contemporary capitalism conditions of existence and reproduction of society have become key drivers for surplus value production – most notably in carbon trading. Hence, EJ resistances are instances of class struggle and degrowth theoretical elaboration would benefit from incorporating such class-character. In this unprecedented situation, the task of the critique of political economy is not only that of unmasking ruling class' attempts to naturalize capitalism. It also requires resisting to elites' endeavours to directly capitalize nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing is the property of Institute of Sociology NAS of Ukraine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We identify an ideology gap in the Marxist EU (European Union) literature, which we then set out to narrow by identifying and analysing core elements of the particularising EU version of the global ideology of feel-good and ethical capitalism through which the EU interpellates certain subaltern classes towards identifying with the deepening and widening of neoliberal governance. We then show, by means of discourse analysis, how ideological state apparatuses (ISAs) secure but also occasionally undermine the ideological bloc of dominant and dominated classes. We conclude by arguing that the ideological dimension of EU foreign policy is becoming increasingly important as the EU's self-ascribed status as a uniquely normative power in world politics offers multiple opportunities for ISAs to obscure the reality of a materially increasingly polarised EU whose internal structure has acquired pronounced imperialist properties during the recent financial crisis. This does not harbour well for international order in Europe and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stakeholder theory has been a popular heuristic for describing the management environment for years, but it has not attained full theoretical status. Our aim in this article is to contribute to a theory of stakeholder identification and salience based on stakeholders possessing one or more of three relationship attributes: power, legitimacy, and urgency. By combining these attributes, we generate a typology of stakeholders, propositions concerning their salience to managers of the firm, and research and management implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A nontechnical description of latent class analysis and a discussion of the CANDECOMP procedure and its application to consumer adoption of a new telecommunications service is presented with some suggestions for other areas in consumer and market research where latent class analysis might be of use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patterns of mate selection reflect a tendency toward homogamy. Child-bearing patterns vary by race, socioeconomic status, and religion, with conception control a possible reason for the variation. Divorce and separation occur more frequently among black and poor couples, and there is some evidence that nonhomogamous marriages are broken more often than homogamous ones. Despite the increased divorce rate and tendency of young people to delay marriage, there is little empirical support for a radical change in American marriage and family patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the work of an American Marketing Association committee whose responsibility is to examine the problem of income classification. The author notes a general lack of standardization among income classification systems. According to the author, while some systems classify income by whole dollar amounts, others make divisions by descriptive terms. Also discussed is the need for sample control in income research. The author notes that social class differentiations should be taken into account.

This article offers three interrelated critiques of Bourdieusian class analysis. First, Bourdieu replaces classes on paper with capitals on paper. He offers a false break from Marx in an effort to make capital more ‘relational’ via a theory of social space, but in doing so he neglects capital’s fundamental relation to labor. Second, Bourdieu offers a theory of domination without exploitation. Bourdieu’s classes live against one another, but it remains unclear how some classes might also live off of others. Third, and as a consequence of the first two missteps, he emphasizes position over production. Bourdieu typically sees ‘production’ as a form of ‘position-taking’ and as something best examined toward the top of social hierarchies. By largely ignoring labor and exploitation, he generates a theory of positions at the expense of a theory of production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a brief rebuttal to the critique of his essay presented in this issue. The critique` is praised for thoughtfulness and insight. The importance of generational and other factors in forming human identity is acknowledged. The piece still maintains that current sociological research of sport pays too little attention to the profound factor of economic class.

Family wealth and cross-generational wealth accumulation have recently interested scholars across the social sciences. Debates concerning the economic role of the wealthy now commonly recognise that one dynamic supporting economic inequalities is wealth accumulation across generations. To understand the social dynamics through which dynastic family wealth has managed to persist, this article analyses the social meanings that members of wealthy families attach to their wealth and how these meanings contribute to their class-making. Drawing from 26 in-depth interviews with members of super-rich Finnish families, the article analyses how a dynastic class is actively made and supported by specific social meanings and practices that the inheritors attach to their wealth. By exploring how wealthy heirs produce social meanings and practices that facilitate their wealth accumulation and reproduction as a class, the article contributes to recent interest in elites and social class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To date most prognoses of older adults in the housing market have been based on average housing preferences and average housing market behaviour of all persons in a certain age cohort. Due to socialcultural and social-economic dynamics, the relationship between age and housing is expected to change for successive cohorts. This study sets out to improve housing preferences estimates by recognizing the growing differentiation among older adults. This heterogeneity is analysed by differentiating older adults on their lifestyles (operationalized as values), using latent class analysis as a clustering technique. These analyses result in older adults being classified into five segments on the basis of their viewpoints, motivations and attitude. Next, for each lifestyle segment a separate discrete choice model is estimated, offering insight in the relative importance that these segments give to various housing attributes. The findings demonstrate advantages over a traditional, single model approach and can be helpful in formulating contemporary housing policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]