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Re-reading Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Men (1790) in the context of the international politics after the start of the French Revolution in 1789 and before the rise of the Haitian Revolution in 1791 leads to three discoveries in the history of European ideas. First, her reply to Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France was advertised, discussed, and rumoured to be the work of a woman in London papers days earlier in November 1790 than previously documented. Second, Wollstonecraft's first known instances of public reception beyond Britain were in a major Jamaican newspaper from January to March 1791. Thirdly, and most notably, in February 1791, the Kingston Daily Advertiser published a lengthy excerpt from her Rights of Men that called for the abolition of slavery and the realization of justice for the poor and oppressed. Long before Hegel probably developed his master-slave dialectic in response to journalistic accounts of the independence of Haiti in 1804, there was Wollstonecraft's actual reception in the international news in Jamaica, amid the spread of reports of the rise of slave unrest in the broader post-revolutionary Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on salutary for thinking about abolitionism. Topics include remaining a mainstay in the archive of theorizing sovereign violence and the state of exception showing public thinkability of abolition; and working through personal relationships and local knowledges giving way to greater and greater rationalization, bureaucratization, sites of intervention, and networks of mass communication.

Objective: We examine discourse from highly policed communities to understand how people employ ideas and practices in everyday life that resonate with abolitionism. Methods: Using a civic infrastructure that connects people across cities, Portals, we draw from an archive of 415 dialogues centered on policing in five cities collected between 2016 and 2018. Using grounded theory, we identified and analyzed dialogues conveying an abolitionist perspective. Results: This article identifies three abolitionist themes in the dialogues: (1) A broad critique of safety rhetoric and ideology that participants believe is deployed to sanctify and expand policing; (2) An argument for existing communal structures as critical anchors in the broader transformation of their neighborhoods away from policing and toward alternative systems of justice grounded in relationality and reciprocity; and (3) Material and cultural autonomy as essential to futurist visioning and, ultimately, police abolition. Beyond documenting an abolitionist politic across the full set of dialogues, we analyze three conversations in‐depth to locate these themes in their full conversational complexity. Conclusion: The Portals dialogues expand our understanding of police abolition by grounding it in everyday conversation and in the people and places most impacted by policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This article seeks to illustrate the theoretical foundations of the contemporary abolitionist movement. It aims to equip scholars and practitioners with an understanding of conceptual linkages between the beliefs, goals, and practices of abolitionists. Methods: This is a case study of organizing in Minneapolis, Minnesota. It draws from policing data, local news, and statements by community organizers and political leaders. Results: Minneapolis police transfer power away from Black communities as part of a racial capitalist system. The racial contract, which facilitates political acceptance of police behavior, is a pillar of this system. Police abolition responds to racial capitalism. Based in the city's black community, Minneapolis abolitionists aspire to build new social structures to support public health and eventually render policing obsolete. Conclusion: Racial capitalism is an indispensable component of the system of policing in Minneapolis, and the local abolitionist movement represents a political alternative in which state programs prevent harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The career of German writer Talvi (Thérèse Albertine Luise von Jacob Robinson [1797–1870]) illustrates her strong engagement with the intellectual and elite literary scenes of nineteenth-century Europe and America. This essay reviews her family background and early literary activities in Europe, while noting her extraordinary career as a language scholar, novelist, poet, translator, ethnologist and historian. Written during a period before the development of strong immigration laws in the United States, her complex novel Die Auswanderer (1852)– published in English translation as The Exiles (1853) – voices concerns relevant to both immigrants and American citizens alike, while providing strong views on issues such as slavery, immigration, cultural variation across American states and comparative national identities. The Exiles stands out as both an important early immigration novel and a notable example of German perspectives on the antebellum American social scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CONCLUSION Ghana's precolonial history exhibits three forms of public slavery - royal slaves, state slaves, and castle slaves - each of which developed out of particular historical circumstances. Unlike privately owned slaves, these state slaves had limited or no rights to the products of their own labour.[60] In addition, slave village inhabitants could be sold as a group, and become the subjects of whoever purchased the village.[61] If a wealthy or royal person was captured in war, he or she might be ransomed, in which case several other enslaved people would take his/her place. Slavery was a common feature of social organization in many African societies up to the late nineteenth century, including those with a small minority of slaves, and a few outright slave societies (in which slave labour was the primary mode of production).[1] Enslaved people were traded within several commercial networks connected to the African continent from ancient to modern times, including those of the ancient and classical Mediterranean, the Islamic realms, and the early modern Atlantic. An account from the 1767 Cape Coast Day Book records the death of a company slave named Abrabah and notes that her two children, Eucoah and Abbah, were added to the payroll.[82] As mothers, castle slave women perpetuated the castle slave population in the eighteenth century by raising the next generation of Gold Coast castle slaves. [Extracted from the article]

The purpose of this academic paper is to analyze and understand the history of racism, its origins and its reason for being. The importance of this study is that racism is today a serious problem that is claiming several lives. Understanding its origins is essential to achieve a society in which this mentality has been completely eradicated and deconstructed. Beginning in the 15th century with the arrival of the first Europeans in Africa, the theme of the slave trade, the discovery of America and the first movements for the liberation of slaves will be discussed. Once the history of the era of segregation and its liberation in the United States has been recounted, the evolution of the Black Lives Matter fight will be analyzed and with it, the events in America with the George Floyd affair and the BLM demonstrations. Slavery, abolitionism and its origins in the Quaker community, segregation, civil war, and the institutionalized racism in which we live today will be analyzed. Mentions of the stories known as "slave narratives," will also be included. Thus, it has been concluded that racism has been a part of the modern world for centuries. It has shaped much of what today's society is, so getting rid of it will be a difficult task, but very necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines an important element of New Yorkers' legal rhetoric in support of abolition: their use of ideas grounded in the laws of war. It analyzes how New York abolitionists used the rules governing warfare between 1830 and 1860 both to attack the legality of slavery and to justify slaves' enduring right to rebel and escape.

Background: Sex work has a long history and takes different forms, but the associated precarity and danger, particularly where poorer women and minorities are concerned, is undeniable. There is growing evidence that decriminalisation reduces harm, and, indeed, it is the policy approach favoured by sex worker groups. Despite this, many feminists instead seek to "end demand" for paid sex, recommending legal penalties for sex buyers, with the aim of abolishing sex work altogether. Method: This paper takes a comparative approach, examining why "end demand" is applied to sex work but not to care work. Abolition is typically justified both in terms of reducing harm to sex workers and to women more generally, with sex work's very existence being thought to perpetuate the notion that all women are "sex objects." Women are, however, not only exposed to harm within care work but are also commonly stereotyped as care givers, and in a way that has similarly been argued to contribute to gender inequality. Results: By comparing sex work with care work, this paper reveals the logical inconsistency in the "end demand" approach; unlike with sex work, there is little push to criminalise those who purchase care or other such domestic labour services. By revealing the moral nature of abolitionist arguments, and the disrespectful way in which sex workers are characterised within radical feminist literature, it argues that, rather than reducing harm, the "end demand" approach perpetuates harm, conspiring in the notion that "immodest" women are the cause of social ills. Conclusions: Reducing the harm that sex workers—and women more generally—face requires feminists to challenge "the cult of female modesty", rather than to be complicit in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frederico Baptista de Souza was born to a slave mother during the period of the Free Womb Law in Brazil (1871). After slavery's abolition, Souza campaigned in favor of full citizenship for formerly enslaved people. Black newspapers in São Paulo originated from the clubs of people who were prohibited from enjoying the clubs attended by whites regardless of their class. I examine the Black press' rise through Souza, founder of one of the region's oldest and longest running racial groups, the Dramatic and Recreational Guild Kosmos. Apart from coordinating, producing, and editing papers, Souza wrote op-eds and figured among those who shaped public opinion about Brazilian racial matters, often articulating ideas and concepts from other regions of the world, especially the "uplift generation" of the United States. Souza's life is evidence of a once thriving and engaging Black press in this corner of the Atlantic that was São Paulo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With supporting documentation provided by wills and probate records, this article examines three lives of mixed‐heritage women who have inherited land and enslaved peoples in the Caribbean. Two of the women, Ann Wright Maitland and Judith Philip, were of considerable wealth and had moved across the Atlantic to England. Less well known is Dorothy Bennett, who was not only granted slaves but importantly her freedom at the time of her father's death. Discussing the lives of Ann Wright, Judith Philip and Dorothy Bennett is demonstrative of the intersectionality of women, property and enslavement in the colonial Caribbean. This article hopes to challenge some of the assumptions made about female slave‐ownership in the Atlantic but also points to the circumstances that faced mixed‐heritage women when they became enslavers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 has magnified intersecting inequalities that are central to the functioning of capitalism. At the height of the crisis, the value of an economy based on the exchange of goods and services faded away to expose the importance of care across the public and private spheres. Undervalued and underpaid labour suddenly became critical to the survival of many. Drawing on Abolition Feminism, we argue for the need to seize this revaluation of labour to centre nurture and pleasure within our post-pandemic recovery. We apply an Abolition Feminist framework that conceptualises the prison as part of a network of violence that deflects attention from the root causes of harm. We reflect on the development of our Abolition Feminist web platform, Read and Resist!, a space where theory meets reflection on praxis. We consider how activist strategies within Abolition Feminism may support us in reimagining our relationships with law and justice post-COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the aesthetics of gravity across Herman Melville's prose and poetry to argue that, rather than a figuration of irresistible necessity, the law of gravitation introduces unanticipated contingencies and modes of action into Melville's work. Building on the insights of scholars who have identified the philosophical significance of thrownness and fallenness in Melville's writing, this essay argues that the force of gravity also foregrounds aesthetics and politics – specifically the politics of abolition and war. Reading Melville's work alongside that of Frederick Douglass, this essay argues that both writers escape what Hannah Arendt describes as the fallacy of mathematic metaphors for political action. In emphasising figural elasticity, and not literal force, in gravitational pull, both Melville and Douglass find in it a surprising source of militant democratic potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1921, American prison administrator and reformer, Spencer Miller, was invited to describe America's recent penal developments to the Howard League for Penal Reform. This article reviews the context of Progressive Era American prisons to better understand Miller's remarks and their lessons for prison administrators and reformers today. It briefly describes the history of American prisons into the Progressive Era as well as some developments that were most relevant to Miller, viz., the reforms at Sing Sing under famed penal reformer and warden, Thomas Mott Osborne. Next, the article reviews Miller's statement to the Howard League for Penal Reform, including his inaccurate description of prison history, which can be read as a means of emphasising the extraordinary progress made by Osborne and, implicitly, by Miller at Sing Sing and as an example to the nation. Finally, it discusses Miller's abolitionism in the context of similar discussions taking place today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that the comic means by which Ignatius Sancho represents the quotidian violence of slavery in The Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, an African avoids the traditional problems of the sentimental "spectacle" of slavery, including the objectification of the black body and the fetishization of black suffering. Sancho is not simply a comic writer—he is a self-referential analyst of comic traditions—and the Letters showcase complex instances of comic violence as black performance in eighteenth-century England that critique both the slaveholding society and the sentimental abolitionist for their shared reliance on rhetorical strategies that objectify slavery as they spectacularize it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on Russian film production being a commercial-scale calque of Hollywood formats. Topics include limiting to cinema culture therefore inevitably intersecting with broader cultural and economic trends; the radical abolition of the fundamental Soviet doctrine regarding private property; and experiencing hyperinflation, devaluation of the ruble, privatisation of the means of production, and an explosion of unemployment.

The author compared American criminologists' stated reasons for death penalty support or opposition with those of the general public as reported by Gallup pollsters. While experts were overwhelmingly more likely to oppose capital punishment, the rationale for opposition or support were largely comparable for both groups, albeit with some potentially informative differences. As is the case with the general public, the most common reasons for experts' opposition are moral beliefs, concerns about system errors, and the unfair application of the death penalty. Similarly, among the small minority of experts who expressed (often qualified) support for the death penalty, the favored rationale is simple retributive justice —exactly as is the case with the general public. The results show that, not only is opposition to the death penalty among experts not absolute, but the underlying rationale of expert dissenters is arguably a partial bridge to greater public-expert symbiosis on this highly contentious and divisive issue. The radical "newsmaking criminology" contribution of these findings and their ramifications is that the entirety of expert perspective is arguably as consistent with disciplined retention of the death penalty as it is with strict abolition. Future research could reveal even more expert sympathy for retributive thinking, and thus greater affinity with public views, than might be assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

She writes, "when teachers shy away from intersectionality, they shy away from ever fully knowing their students' humanity and the richness of their identities as they isolate their students' identities and make it difficult for them to be their full selves" (p. 7). However, as Love addresses across the book, many of these innovative approaches to pedagogy fail to take into account the intersectional lives of students who encounter a barrage of challenges due to their multiple marginalized identities. In each chapter Love interweaves her experiential knowledge via powerful vignettes from her life with her informed understanding grounded in research of abolitionists and abolitionist movements to create tapestries. Consequently, many scholars have theorized the ways in which educators can approach teaching and learning to assist students in navigating the barriers to their academic and personal success. [Extracted from the article]

GIS modeling and analysis of multispectral satellite imagery are applied to a former plantation in the British Virgin Islands (BVI), which, in 1831, became a settlement of free Africans who lived within slavery-based British colonialism. A map of the settlement represents the paternalist British government ideal for this community--an "experiment" for controlling a postemancipation peasantry--and the techniques discussed here allow clearer understanding of the way these ideals would have interacted with the physical and social landscape of the BVI had they been implemented. The residents were certainly aware of their situation, and this study does not mean to imply that they simply adopted the plan they were handed. Instead, our goal is to interrogate the implications of the plan itself. We combine least cost path (LCP), Normalized Difference Vegetation Indexes (NDVI), and other technical analyses to show the interaction of the British plan and the BVI landscape in order to describe the context in which the Kingstown community was built and maintained. Although schematic, this study quantifies at least some of the barriers the community overcame and contributes in a limited way to broader considerations of the place of land and landscape in structures of colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to identify how white preservice teachers' inability to imagine an equitable space for Black and Brown children contributes to the ubiquity of whiteness in English education. Further, the authors contend that the preservice teachers' responses mirror how the larger field of English education fails to imagine Black and Brown life. Design/methodology/approach: Using abolitionist teaching as a guide, the authors use reflexive thematic analysis to examine the rhetorical moves their preservice teachers made to defer responsibility for anti-racist teaching. Findings: The findings show preservice teachers' rhetorical moves across three themes: failure to imagine Black and Brown humanity, failure to imagine a connection between theory and practice, and failure to imagine curriculum and schooling beyond whiteness. Originality/value: By highlighting how preservice teachers fail to imagine spaces for Black and Brown youth, this study offers another pathway through which teacher educators, teachers and English education programs can assist their faculty and students in activating their imaginations in the pursuit of anti-racist, abolitionist teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the insidious but persistent desire to affix whiteness to modes of bondage and to argue for an original 'white slavery' located in early modern forms of traffic, indenture and forced transport. This essay aims to recover the genealogy of this belief, beginning with one of its conceptual origins: the practice of 'spiriting' in the seventeenth century. Reading accounts of 'spiriting', I firstly trace the narrative genealogies of English bondage to argue that consent emerges as a racialised rubric. Secondly, I think in particular about the representation of (very different kinds of) spirits in contemporary literary and cultural texts, including The Tempest, to suggest that even as they engage and anticipate the practice of 'spiriting', they also strategically elide their own histories of the traffic and transport of non‐white bodies. As one early modern understanding of 'spiriting' specifically comes to associate the practice with the capture and bondage of children, the nexus of slavery, race and children emerges as particularly fraught. If 'white slavery' denotes the limit case for the legibility of slavery, the photographs of 'white' enslaved children later circulated by white abolitionists in the nineteenth century to invoke sympathy for their cause played on the fundamental irreconcilability of 'whiteness' and bondage even as they re‐asserted the imbrication of slavery and sanguinity. This study attends to the trajectory of discourses of slavery written on and in the body to explore the histories of both a contemporary and an insistently current investment in frameworks of 'white slavery', as it attempts to discover the early modern frameworks for the legibility of race and slavery as they were co‐articulated 'before' the supposed 'emergence' of either. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just war theorists who argue that war is morally justified under certain circumstances infer implicitly that establishing the military institutions needed to wage war is also morally justified. In this paper, I mount a case in favor of a standing military establishment: to the extent that going to war is a way to discharge duties to protect fellow citizens and distant strangers from grievous harms, we have a duty to set up the institutions that enable us to discharge that duty. I then respond to four objections drawn from Ned Dobos's recent book Ethics, Security, and the War-Machine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A spirit of dissent animated the American Pre-Raphaelites, a movement comprising abolitionist artists and like-minded architects, critics, and scientists. In contrast to their more prominent colleagues, the artists now known as the Hudson River School, the American Pre-Raphaelites established themselves as eloquent critics of slavery and antebellum American society. The group united their political and aesthetic commitments by engaging selected pictorial strategies of the British Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood and embracing a radical empiricism. In landscapes, nature studies, and still lifes of modest dimensions, the American Pre-Raphaelites refused compositional conventions that endorsed rank, class, power, and possession by elevating the humble while eschewing the monumental. Through an examination of Thomas Charles Farrer's View of Northampton from the Dome of the Hospital (1865, Smith College Museum of Art), this article argues that the American Pre-Raphaelites advanced what they viewed as an ethical style of landscape painting—one that assertively announced their abolitionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that black men and women activists from the Caribbean and South America made key contributions to the US abolitionist, civil rights and women's rights campaigns in the mid-nineteenth century. It does so by examining three case studies of Boston and New York-based activists from Brazil, Haiti and Jamaica. Using diverse primary sources from across the Americas, including court transcripts, abolitionist society minutes, and newspaper correspondence, it also demonstrates how these activists created unique inter-American dialogues on slavery, emancipation, segregation, racism, and gender between black communities in the Americas. In doing so, this article challenges current Anglo-American and North Atlantic biases in the historiography of transnational black abolitionism and civil rights, and instead shifts our attention to the inter-American sphere of black activism. Lastly, it also contributes to discussions around silence in the study of black activists during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the legal case to emancipate 423 enslaved Africans from the Maria da Gloria, a slaver which was adjudicated in Rio de Janeiro and Sierra Leone in 1833-1834. The arbitration of the Maria da Gloria on both sides of the Atlantic and its triple middle passages constitute one of the most remarkable episodes of the British campaign to end human trafficking in the nineteenth century. It resulted in the restoration of the vessel with its human cargo in 1834 and the death of at least 114 captives under the gaze of authorities who wielded the power of the law – the anti-slavery treaties and domestic law – to emancipate its enslaved men, women, and children from the traffic. Calling for critical inquiry into the mortuary archives of restored vessels, the article argues that registers of liberated Africans, containment policies, and disposal strategies to govern the re-captives after emancipation constitute artifacts of black lives as bare life. It theorises the necropolitics of statelessness and racialised citizenship through a case specific discussion of one means of liberation for enslaved Africans in the Atlantic World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses an abolition democratic approach to housing justice in the U.S. Among the expected benefits of the approach are creation of wealth in African American households and abundant affordable housing. It highlights the advantages of expanding the Housing Choice Vouchers (HCV) program. Also noted is the importance of the creation of legislation that would fund the creation of more public housing units.

My aim is to propose a review of the available literature on nationalism in order to show that the problem is too complex to be quickly embraced or dismissed as taboo. First, I argue that the nation is, in the modern context, an inescapable notion. Second, I distinguish different types of nationalism, such as the various national movements that are at the origin of many nations that exist today, the classical liberal nationalism, the Latin American populist nationalism, and the Brazilian anti-colonialist nationalism of the 1950s. The phenomenon, from the Brazilian point of view, has to be understood in the light of its own context, without unnecessary theoretical imports. In addition, it appears that a good part of the theories assume, in view of the phenomenon, a posture that often makes it impossible to think of national anti-colonial movements. Thus, although the concept represents irrationalist political movements in some developed countries, this theoretical transposition is not always possible to our context. Some vulnerable classes and races often found a path to emancipation in national movements, as shown by Joaquim Nabuco's analysis of the relationship between the abolitionist movement and the movement for independence in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drinot explicitly situates his study of Lima's prostitution alongside scholarship on nineteenth-century Havana, colonial India, and imperial Russia. While Drinot begins in the 1850s during the growing wealth and stability of Peru's guano era, the narrative reaches its apex with the 1928 creation of the red-light district in La Victoria and concludes with its closure in 1956. For the centenary of Peruvian independence, Lima's Japanese community donated a statue of Inca Manco Capac for a plaza near Grau Avenue. [Extracted from the article]

Jared Ware interviews Maurice Smith (a pseudonym), a prisoner and national organizer with Jailhouse Lawyers Speak, on the state of prisoner movements and the movement for prison abolition from his perspective. Smith discusses the progression of prisoner movements in recent years, as well as the danger he sees in a liberal celebration of the Biden-Harris election, coupled with a retreat from principled anti-carceral and abolitionist organizing. Smith further emphasizes the necessity of building a popular grassroots movement for abolition among the masses. Ware asks Smith to analyze the ability of the far right to weaponize establishment right wing media to attack abolitionist movements, and Smith notes the lack of a sufficient counterweight to defend against those attacks. Smith also challenges people who call themselves prison abolitionists to be principled in the face of reactionary and carceral liberalism, and lifts up the examples of some recently deceased prison abolitionist organizers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the parallels between the Black Lives Matter protests in 2020 and events of the eighteenth century, particularly the Abolition movement, highlighting the ongoing struggle for justice and equality. It discusses the complex historical context of victories like the 1772 Mansfield ruling, which provided some legal protections for enslaved Black people in England, while also revealing the limitations and contradictions within such rulings.

Ooh child Things are going to get easier Ooh child Things'll get brighter Some day, yeah We'll put it together and we'll get it undone Some day When your head is much lighter Some day, yeah We'll walk in the rays of a beautiful sun Some day When the world is much brighter (Vincent, [27], verses 2-3) We enter this editorial thinking with abolition(ists) and fugitivity (and fugitives) as necessary standpoints we must embody to build what our current and future inhabitance of the world will be, that is, what our experiences in the global social milieu must look and feel like for individuals and communities that have been harmed by past and current iterations of living and being. Concluding remarks This issue unearths the humanizing nature of fugitive and abolition/ist practices across educational settings, particularly as they give way to the creation of new states of belonging and new worlds for marginalized educators and youth within the contexts of white settler colonialism, racism, anti-Blackness, xenophobia, and linguicism. This article highlights the notion that abolition and abolition pedagogies are deeply rooted in historical and contemporary Black feminist, queer, and radical formations and practices of world-(re)building (e.g., ife, [16]; Kaba, [17]). As two teacher educators and facilitators of an urban education fellowship program, Kathleen Riley and Kathryn Solic, in "Abolitionist Teacher Education in the Contact Zone: Tensions of Facilitating Teacher Candidate Learning in Activist Educator Spaces", describe and consider the complexities of preparing their mostly white, middle-class, heteronormative, monolingual teachers in community spaces which the authors call "communities of abolitionist praxis.". [Extracted from the article]

Drawing from data from a multicase study, I examined how teachers teach current racial violence and for racial justice in rural school spaces in the U.S. South. Using abolitionist teaching and trauma-informed pedagogy as theoretical lenses, I argue that racial violence and racial justice can be taught well even in schools in complex political, social, and ideological communities. Teachers need to assume racial trauma in all students, connect the past and present of racial violence and resistance, frame teaching for the space in which the teaching is done, and finally, affirm the experiences of students of color, recognizing both the violence and the resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this brief Essay, I offer frameworks for different ways of thinking about lawyering for abolitionist movements. In so doing, I offer a set of preliminary roles, functions, and questions that can be used to guide lawyers seeking to support movements for abolition. As I argue, in this movement for radical social change, there is a role for lawyers to play in supporting abolitionist movements in their calls to remake the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the depiction of tearing, stitching and quilting as abolition poetics in films by Garrett Bradley. Topics discussed include the gesture of destruction and repair portrayed by an African American woman in the 2019 experimental short film "America," role of the omission and scarcity of surviving African American film and a 2013 Library of Congress report in the short film, and use of interplay between temporalities as site of possible change in "America" and "Time."

The paper analyses diametrically opposite portrayals of animal liberation in four contemporary films (Denis Henry Hennelly's Bold Native (2010); Kornél Mundruczó's White God (2014); Chris Renaud's The Secret Life of Pets (2016), and Joon-ho Bong's 2017 Okja). The discussion of the films' "politics of visibility" and its role in animal liberation is informed by the theoretical work being done in the field of critical animal studies (CAS). In CAS, animal liberation, also known as abolitionism, refers to the ethical and political position which rejects all kinds of human use of nonhuman animals; as such, it is at the basis of the animal rights movement and various forms of related activism, primarily the "direct action" of physically rescuing animals from factory farms and research laboratories. Dedicated to animals' liberty, abolitionism is nonetheless human-centered and is obviously treated as such in Bold Native and Okja, which both romanticize and explore the pitfalls of militant animal rights activism, while deploying the images of nonhuman animals mainly, though not exclusively, as victims. Yet the phrase "animal liberation" in this paper also refers to to the state in which former pets find themselves once they are liberated from generally abusive human ownership. Former pets no longer under human supervision are either ridiculed, as exemplified by Renaud's "Flushed Pets", or, as in White God, depicted as monstrous and bloodthirsty. These portrayals, it is argued, convey the danger and threat a liberated animal poses to the anthropocentric order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In den 1780er und 1790er Jahren erlangten der preußische Arzt Paul Erdmann Isert und der schwedische Mineraloge Carl Bernhard Wadström als Befürworter der Kolonisierung und „Zivilisierung" Afrikas größere Bekanntheit unter französischen und britischen Abolitionisten. Sowohl Isert als auch Wadström reisten in den 1780er Jahren auf den afrikanischen Kontinent, Isert als Chirurg im Dienste des dänischen Sklavenhandelsforts in Ghana und Wadström im Rahmen einer schwedischen Expedition zu den französischen Besitzungen im Senegal. Nach ihrer Rückkehr nach Europa veröffentlichten Isert und Wadström Berichte über ihre Reisen, in denen sie den transatlantischen Sklavenhandel vehement kritisierten und dagegen die Möglichkeiten zur Kolonisierung Afrikas bewarben, indem sie praktisches Wissen über afrikanische Böden, Nutzpflanzen und Arbeitssysteme vermittelten. Für die wachsende Zahl der Abolitionist:innen in Frankreich und Großbritannien erwies sich dieses Wissen als sehr nützlich, da es ihnen ermöglichte, ihre eigenen Expansionsbestrebungen in Afrika durch Berichte aus erster Hand zu untermauern. Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit den transimperialen Routen, die Isert und Wadström einschlugen, um solche Kenntnisse über den afrikanischen Kontinent aus erster Hand zu erwerben. Außerdem wird untersucht, wie ihre Beobachtungen über Afrika von französischen, britischen und amerikanischen Abolitionist:innen rezipiert wurden. Somit zeigt der Artikel einige der sozialen und politischen Strukturen auf, in welchen im Zeitalter der imperialen Revolutionen Wissen transimperial produziert und vermittelt wurde, und wie Akteure aus den Randgebieten des imperialen Europas an umfassenderen Prozessen der imperialen Regeneration teilnahmen, die dem Aufstieg der Nationalstaaten vorausgingen. In the 1780s and 1790s, the Prussian doctor Paul Erdmann Isert and the Swedish mineralogist Carl Bernhard Wadström gained traction among French and British abolitionists for their advocacy of the colonization and "civilization" of Africa. Both had traveled to the African continent in the 1780s, Isert as a surgeon in the service of the Danish slave trading fort in Ghana, and Wadström as part of a Swedish expedition to the French holdings in Senegal. Upon their return to Europe, Isert and Wadström published accounts of their travels in which they vehemently criticized the transatlantic slave trade and promoted new colonial opportunities in Africa, offering practical knowledge on African soil, crops, and labour systems. To the growing number of abolitionists in France and Britain, this proved to be very useful knowledge since it enabled them to anchor their own expansionist desires in Africa in first-hand accounts. This paper examines the transimperial trajectories that Isert and Wadström followed in order to acquire such first-hand knowledge of the African continent. It also explores the ways in which their observations about Africa were appropriated by French, British, and even American abolitionists. In so doing, it brings into view some of the social and political structures that mediated transimperial knowledge production during the Age of Imperial Revolutions and it highlights how people hailing from the margins of European empires participated in the broader processes of imperial regeneration that undergirded the rise of the nation state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is concerned with the conditions of Black life in the 21st century and the continued need to imagine Black freedom as projects of self-sovereignty, in the current moment of global protests centered on the socio-economic inequities that people especially those of color face, deepened by the devastating effects of Covid-19. The essay's focus is on the Caribbean island of Jamaica. I highlight the articulation of race and class that springs from a world history of anti-blackness, historicized through plantation slavery. The essay addresses the enduring violence manifest in physical assaults and political projects of Development, that lead to widespread deprivation for lower-income Jamaicans. Yet the essay suggests that it is these very sordid conditions that generate alternative imaginaries for a sustainable re-ordering of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Henry Dundas, first viscount Melville (1742–1811), lord advocate in Scotland, MP for Edinburgh and Midlothian, first lord of the admiralty, home secretary and the first secretary of state for war, was one of the most powerful politicians in the eighteenth-century British parliament. His involvement in the gradual abolition of the slave trade after 1792 was amongst the most controversial episodes of his career. His role has attracted much interest in the last few years, although there are two irreconcilable schools of thought amongst historians. This article reassesses Dundas's role in the gradual abolition of the transatlantic slave trade. His contributions in the houses of parliament between 1791 and 1807 are examined and situated in the appropriate imperial context. Memoirs and published pamphlets reveal how contemporaries viewed Dundas's activities and motives at the time and since. His parliamentary activities are compared with new insights from his personal correspondence as well as public and private communications from West India societies, merchants and planters. By overlaying parliamentary events with commercial networks, Henry Dundas's collaboration with the West India interest is revealed, and how this operated and was perceived at the time. This article—the first detailed study of its type—thus illuminates Henry Dundas's role as a great delayer of the abolition of the slave trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]