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Ukrainians' resilience in the face of Russia's 2022 invasion can be explained by cumulative identity change through successive revolutions: the Orange Revolution in 2004, the Maidan Revolution or Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014 and the current as yet unnamed war. The two phases of the war, from 2014 and 2022, have accelerated both the civic and the social construction of Ukrainian identity. Post‐post‐Soviet Ukraine is now a consolidated civic and political nation. But there is also an increased consensus on traditional nationalist mythology, defined by opposition to Russia's aggressive reimperialisation and autocratic political culture and by Ukraine's hyper‐Europeanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines competing Crimean Tatar, Russian and Ukrainian views of Crimean Tatar history as they have developed since the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, via an examination of popular history and publistika. Crimean Tatar writing insists on the core principle of indigenous rights. In order to marginalise this discourse, Russian historiography adopts a neocolonial settler framing and a mythology of 'ancient Russian' Crimea, much of it derived from earlier Tsarist (late nineteenth century) and Soviet (1950s) historiography. Ukraine generally rather neglected the Crimean Tatar issue before 2014, but a new historiography of Crimean Tatar–Cossack cooperation and parallel state-building has emerged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that historical and identity factors, economic fears and alienation from the new government in Kyiv were only part of the reason for the rise of the separatist movement in the Donbas, Ukraine, in the spring of 2014. They set a baseline, but one not high enough to account for the creation of two mini-‘Republics’ and a prolonged war, without considering the effect of Russian sponsorship and the role of local elites, mainly from the literal and metaphorical ‘Family’ of former President Viktor Yanukovych. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the position of the Crimean Tatars, seventy years after their mass Deportation from Crimea in 1944, and twenty-five years since they were able to begin to return to Crimea in 1989. It concentrates on the politics of their position since Viktor Yanukovych was elected President of Ukraine in 2010, looking at arguments within their ranks and at government attempts to play 'divide and rule'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European neighbourhood policy (ENP) has been unable to shift the political and security processes in the Eastern neighbourhood of the European Union. This is partly to do with the fact that ENP has been developed as if the EU is the 'only game in town' and that its neighbours are keen to adopt the European model, just as Central Europe was in the 1990s. In reality, however, the ENP faces a well-resourced, albeit informal, Russian neighbourhood policy. Both Russia and the EU have used soft and hard power to achieve their objectives in the neighbourhood, and have often undermined each others' policies in the region. Improving the effectiveness of the ENP will require more EU commitment to deliver on its promises, as well as an understanding that there can be no stable EU-Russia partnership without greater cooperation, not disengagement, in the shared neighbourhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of Western support for domestic non-governmental organisations during the 2004 Ukrainian election and the Orange Revolution. It critically assesses the thesis that Western support and the groups who received Western money were overly biased towards a particular candidate, namely Viktor Yushchenko. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we examine the manner in which clientelistic and programmatic types of party competition structure centre politics in Russia and Ukraine. The main research focus is on variations in the size of parliamentary factions that claim to be centrist in their ideological orientation. Changes in the composition of centre factions, their voting behaviour and changes in membership size are compared with each other and with a similar analysis for left and right parties. Data from the 1994-8 and 1998-2002 parliamentary terms in Ukraine and the 1993-5 and 1995-9 parliamentary terms in Russia are utilized in the research. Our findings indicate that patterns of rising and falling faction size are closely related to variations in the access of factions to state resources and the extent of voting conformity with executive initiatives, rather than electoral incentives and/or rules of parliamentary procedure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines what John T. Ishiyama has defined as communist successor parties in Ukraine, namely those parties which were formerly the governing party in the communist regime and which inherited the preponderance of the former ruling parties' resources and personnel. Key hypotheses to explain why the left's dominant political strategy to date has been in Ishiyama's terms leftist-retreat rather than pragmatic-reform or national-patriotic; Conclusions.

Despite winning independence in 1991, Ukraine remains an amorphous society with a weak sense of national identity. One possible explanation is ‘late’ nation-creation, but in this article emphasis is laid on a continuing plurality of identity projects and the legacy of the ‘failed’ identity-building projects of the past. Ukraine’s most important distinguishing feature – the existence of a substantial middle ground between Ukrainian and Russian identities – has considerable capacity to resist the logic of consolidating statehood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an overview of the election law used for the 1998 elections in Ukraine. Examination of the main groups contesting the poll; Discussion on the survey by the Kiev International Institute of Sociology; Analysis of the voting vote; Discussion on the process of faction formation in parliament after the elections.

Examines the successor parties to the Communist Party in Ukraine, where left-wing parties controlled the largest block of seats in Parliament since the 1994 elections. Historical roots of Ukraine's left-wing tradition; Various leftist block which originated in 1994; Advantage of the left-wing parties over the nationalist right during the 1994 elections.

Analyzes the state of political parties in Ukraine. Structuralization of party system; Methods for party strengthening. Membership problems; Interconnections with other elements of social and political systems; Possible theoretical perspectives; Emergence of key political blocs.

Examines how Ukraine and Russia use history to maneuver political disputes in the Donbas region in the post-communist era. Geography and culture of the Donbas; Historiography of the relative spheres of influence of the Zaporizhzhian and Don Cossacks; Trends in the settlement and economic development of the modern-day Donbas.