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Status-seeking practices of some states from the Global South have increasingly been studied in the status literature in International Relations. The existing debates, whilst developing significant advances recently, still fail to account for and theorise both status anxieties of postcolonial states and the intrinsic relation between them and existential anxieties. This article will address this gap through utilising an ontological security perspective on status-seeking. By focusing on subjectivities (not solely on identities as conventionally done in the status literature) and introducing subject production to the process of status-seeking, this article conceptualises status in relation to identity narratives of the subject to achieve 'wholeness' in hierarchical social orders. This novel post-structuralist understanding of status and status-seeking through the introduction of a Lacanian theorisation of ontological security offers an alternative perspective to approaches in status debates to understand status anxieties of postcolonial states better. The conceptual discussion will be illustrated through demonstrating Turkey's status anxiety in relation to its paid-off debt to International Monetary Fund. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Health is one of the most crucial values of humanity. It is also a prerequisite for economic development and prosperity. Because of its complex structure, the healthcare sector is one of the areas where corruption is most prevalent at the global level. Research shows that corruption harms healthcare expenditures and services. This study used autoregressive distributed delay (ARDL) and dynamic error correction model (ECM) to analyze data from the World Bank, PRS/ICRG, and IMF from 1984 to 2019. The findings show that corruption negatively affected health expenditures and services in Turkey in the long and short run. There is a negative relationship between real GDP growth and health expenditures in the long run. In addition, it was determined that there is a positive relationship between CO2 emissions and health expenditures in the short term. In our study, some observe that there is a negative relationship between inflation and health expenditures in the short run, with a lagged value. To increase the quality of health services and expenditures in Turkey, effective health policies should be implemented and the fight against corruption should be given importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of REMAH Journal is the property of Research & Development of Human Recourses Center (REMAH) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey's economic turmoil of today is reminiscent of an earlier era, during which instability, high inflation, and financial mismanagement ruled the day. Yet until recently, Turkey was celebrated as an economic success story, enjoying rising prosperity, high GDP growth, and a healthy fiscal outlook. How was that success possible? Which mechanisms allowed for successful policy reform and how did internal reform dynamics interact with exogenous factors? This article examines the effects of EU and IFI policy conditionality on Turkey, arguing that EU-induced conditionality is more effective compared to IFI conditionality. Further, this work demonstrates the formation of a domestic epistemic community, which evolved into an advocacy coalition and became a crucial pillar for policy reform. Finally, shrewd policy entrepreneurs used a favorable window of opportunity and aligned with the reformist coalition to overcome barriers to policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reveal the economic developments occurring in Turkey between 1970 and 1980, as seen through the eyes of British diplomats. It is also aimed at the non-specialists who want to understand more about Turkish economy in 1970s. The immediate beneficiary of the 1960 coup was the Justice Party, a successor to the dissolved Democrat Party, which, in spite of military efforts to hold it back, won more votes than its rival People's Republican Party (PRP) in every general election between 1961 and 1971. Initially, it was forced to join a series of short-lived coalitions with the PRP. However, after its convincing victory in the 1965 election, it was able to form a government of its own under its new leader, Süleyman Demirel. Demirel was the one who consolidated the party's organizational strength by using his control over what remained essentially a highly politicized programme of planned economic development. However, it was also Demirel who saw this same strength weaken as elements on the right defected from his leadership to form new organizations like the National Action Party and the Islamic National Order Party. One reason generally put forward to explain this phenomenon was the further multiplication of often contradictory economic interests that could no longer be contained within a single organization. Another reason was the growing militancy of a number of workers' and student organizations. It is clear that many army officers shared this apprehension, and were only too ready to launch a second intervention in 1971 to put an end to a situation of growing administrative chaos and political violence. However, once again, the senior generals who took charge of events had no agreed programme of reforms, and contented themselves with minor constitutional amendments aimed at curbing some of the freedoms granted in 1961. Given the highly politicized atmosphere in Turkey in the 1970s, and the fact that it resulted in yet another military intervention in 1980, it is probably inevitable that analysts tend to highlight quite different explanations for the lack of a firm government, the politicization of most parts of the state administration and the growing violence. Others concentrate more on the underlying stresses and strains posed first by a period of rapid social transformation and then, by a long period of economic crisis from 1973 onwards, when high oil prices combined with a loss of American aid after the intervention of Cyprus and a decline in the remittances sent back by Turkish workers in Europe to produce a crippling shortage of foreign exchange. In the events, of course, all these factors played their part. Nevertheless, it should also be noted that by 1980, the year of the third military intervention, the economic situation had much improved as a result of the introduction of the economic stabilization plan agreed with the IMF in January 1980. There is no doubt that, when it came, the army's intervention in 1980 had widespread popular support. However, this does not mean that the majority of the Turkish people were prepared to see a long period of military rule. The generals intended to return to full civilian rule as soon as possible. The fact was that ANAP was able to dominate Turkish politics for the rest of the 1980s. One of the reasons for that was the partial success of its domestic policies aimed at transforming Turkey from a protected, inward-looking economy to one based on the export of manufactured goods in the highly competitive world markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Historical & Cultural Studies an Academic Magazine is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study intends to examine the transformation of the social security system in neoliberal era in Turkey after 1980. Most of the studies argue that neoliberal transformation of economy has been led by international institutions and that social security has been commoditized in the market during the period of neoliberal restructuring. Pointing out that commoditization discourse cannot satisfactorily explain the fact, this article tries to show that the transformation of social security has some clientelistic and populist features designed to contribute to neoliberal accumulation regime in many ways. It argues that social security policy aimed at reproducing labour power, manufacturing consent of poor masses and helping privatization process of state-owned enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past ten years, thanks to billions in loans from the International Monetary Fund, a consistent policy of austerity, and strict spending discipline, Turkey has managed to avoid national bankruptcy and has experienced an economic boom with growth of up to 9 %. A stable political situation, economic reforms, low wages and the privatisation of most state-owned companies have been attracting Turkish and international investors for a decade. Protests against the government's hard line did cost the country points in terms of its global reputation and in the economy, but they did not raise any prolonged doubts among investors regarding Turkey's political stability. In addition to China, Turkey is one of the most important future markets for German manufacturers of mining machines and for German mining consultancy firms. This paper provides an overview of the status and outlook for mining activities in Turkey, and pays particular attention to the production of coal for Turkey's energy supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many developing and developed countries, voluntary-arbitrary policies which have been corruptively applied to financial discipline have brought rule-based financial policies into question. Increasing budget deficit in Turkey, significant rise in public debt stock and current deficit depending on saving gap have increased the economic fragility, bringing up efforts to construct a regular financial structure. Turkey, having conducted financial process under the anchoring of IMF till 2008, has put medium-term programme (MTP) into operation since 2008 as a result of the search for a new anchor. This study aims to present an evaluation of the process of fiscal rule in Turkey which has not yet become legalised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a study on the evolving relationship between Turkey and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the face of external issues and domestic-political-economy concerns. It discusses the IMF programs of Turkey such as liberal reforms, the inflation reduction, and the integration in world economies. Several tables which provide economic data of Turkey are presented including economic indicators, current account balance, and budget balance.

Copyright of Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University, Faculty of Business Administration and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Institutional reform has proved an enduring theme in the lending programmes of international financial institutions (IFIs) such as the IMF and the World Bank. But research harbours strong objections to the feasibility of IFI-led institutional restructuring. This article evaluates these objections in the light of evidence from Turkey, a country with an early record of programme-based reform initiatives in many institutional domains. Drawing on Turkey's central bank independence, banking regulation, anti-corruption and agricultural subsidy reforms, it argues that IFI-guided institutional restructuring may indeed encounter severe feasibility problems unless prescribed and implemented in a propitious environment marked by powerful international norms, widely accepted design templates, high levels of bureaucratic preparedness, and active endorsement from key domestic players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines administrative reforms in Turkey, highlighting its domestic and international explanations and outcomes. First, it briefly reviews the fundamental administrative reforms implemented in the early republican and following periods. Thereafter, some proponents of reforms and their outcomes are analysed with influencing actors. Then, the national or international actors that influenced current reforms and their relative impacts are discussed. The article argues that administrative reforms in Turkey are an appropriate example of policy transfer because reform policies are mainly encouraged by external actors such as the EU, the IMF, and the World Bank. However, the role of internal actors such as governments, business circles and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should not be ignored. Moreover, it can be asserted that the reform process is significantly affected by conflicts of interest among internal actors. Although the Turkish case could be considered an appropriate transfer practice of new public management (NPM) in terms of formal regulations, a thorough examination of their outcomes and challenges reveals that it is time to substitute the ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach with ‘different sizes for everyone’.Points for practitionersBecause every reform attempt derives mainly from political motives, administrative reform cannot be considered a solely technical or operational process. Hence, it not only directly or indirectly has an impact on all aspects of social life, but it is also affected by the historical, political, economic and cultural past of the relevant country. Practitioners should be aware of this and should take into consideration a set of societal factors apart from the purely administrative techniques, if they want to avoid failure, and to achieve efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]