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The purpose of this article is to present the role of Pope John Paul II in the overthrow of the Communist system in Central Europe based primarily on the scientific literature on the subject and the published documents. The author's attention is focused, for obvious reasons, on Poland, as well as on neighbouring countries with a significant number of Catholics within their borders: Czechoslovakia, Hungary and the Republic of Lithuania within the Soviet Union. John Paul II's visit to the People's Republic of Poland on 2-10 June 1979 went down in history as "nine days that changed the world". The pilgrimage was the catalyst for changes in social awareness in Poland, leading to the creation of Solidarity in 1980. In the following years, the pope sustained the spirit of resistance in Polish society during the harsh period of martial law and beyond. Under his inspiration, the church played a mediating role in the 1989 Round Table talks between the authorities and the opposition. The election of Karol WojtyÅ,a, a cardinal from a neighbouring country, and the subsequent activities of the new pope had a profound impact on the revival of the religious life of Catholics in Czechoslovakia and Lithuania. Breaking the barrier of fear resulted in more substantial involvement of Catholics in opposition activities. The revival of the Church in Hungary was less successful, but the personality and teaching of John Paul II encouraged Catholics in that country, too, in opposition activities against the Communist regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the information‐gathering practices of papal nuncios and legates to argue that they performed much of the same intelligence work, and in a similar manner, as other diplomatic agents in the early modern Europe. It focuses in particular on papal diplomats' efforts to gather information regarding two areas that proved especially challenging for the papacy – England and Poland‐Lithuania – both of which were far from Rome and which contained large numbers of non‐Catholics, who would understandably be wary of these diplomats' intelligence work. The essay explores the mechanisms by which nuncios gathered information, including via ambassadors, members of religious orders, and informal networks of informants; their efforts to verify the information they received; and their methods to securely convey that information to their superiors in the Roman curia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Koszalinsko-Kolobrzeskie is the property of University of Szczecin Press / Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecinskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lehahayer is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Gdańskie is the property of Gdanskie Seminarium Duchowne, Kuria Metropolitalna Gdanska and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Gdańskie is the property of Gdanskie Seminarium Duchowne, Kuria Metropolitalna Gdanska and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article describes primate Wyszyński's view on the political situation in the Polish People's Republic during the period of 1971-1974. It contains his attitude to the political system, communist ideology, and negotiations between the Holy See and the government of the Polish People's Republic. Primate Wyszyński was a political visionary, who had a very realistic view on the political situation in Poland. It was visible in his relation to the normalization, which the authorities declared in the first part of Edward Gierek's decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concerns discussion over controversy which accompanied preparations to signing of such specific international agreement as concordat is, between Polish State and the Holy See. After the period of annexation the Polish State signed in 1925 with the Holy See agreement that lost its binding force after the communists seized power in Poland in 1945. The Provisional Government of National Unity referred then to infringement of one of the concordat’s regulations by The Holy See and terminated the agreement. Many times in following years communist authorities tried to enter into diplomatic relations with the Catholic Church on their own conditions but every time the talks ended in failure. After gaining the independence in 1989 the Polish State faced the need not only to write and enact new constitution but also a new agreement with the Holy See which should have empowerment in this new constitution. Government of Hanna Suchocka brought into effect the signing of new concordat with the Holy See exposing by this themselves to many charges of legal and constitutional nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the principles of the Polish foreign policy and tries to identify the shared principles with the diplomacy of the Holy See. Author concentrates on the three major issues. The first one is devoted to the recognition of the role of morality in international relations which should be clearly distinguished from being confused with any ideology. The second one deals with the human rights and basic liberties in the light of the results of the Second Vatican Council which identified the notion of human dignity as their basis. The third one shared principle is the strong support for the idea of European integration and unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses few selected issues from the intricate history of the postwar relations between the communist regime in Poland and the Holy See. He underlines the major role played by the cardinal Stefan Wyszyński and the importance of his leadership. The history of these relations should be put in a proper perspective that includes the urging need to sustain the unity between the Holy See and the Polish Church with regard to any agreement struck with the PPR’s government, especially during the pontificate of Paul VI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politeja is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Discusses the diplomatic partnership between Poland and the Holy See from 1918 to 1939. Ways in which Poland and the Apostolic See worked at cross purposes on political issues; Charges of the Vatican's malicious antagonism toward Polish state interests that became a staple of later Polish Marxist historical orthodoxy; Assertion that the Apostolic See chose to regard the Nazi regime as Europe's champion against communism.