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A rich body of literature has emerged that seeks to shed further light on how concepts like globalization and internationalization shape higher education systems and their institutions. This paper examines how the rise of private higher education in various national contexts has engendered global patterns of public financial support for private institutions and particularly the various ways in which public funding is channeled to such providers. A cross-national typology of public/private higher education sectors and a system-level "map" of how public funding is directed to institutions are both used to explain why different patterns may emerge. This framework is then used to examine the policies and practices in four representative systems: England, Germany, New Zealand, and the state of Pennsylvania in the United States. The available evidence suggests that in systems with weak or newly emerging private sectors, unclear regulations and concerns about quality implies that public funding tends to be channeled into private institutions indirectly (e.g. through tax-abatements and student financial aid). In systems where private institutions play a more substantial role, public funding is channeled to privates using a mix of indirect and direct mechanisms.

Compares government funding of private schools in five countries. Explores the impact of government funding on private schools' autonomy, conflict between sectarian and secular interests, the level of support given to parental school choice, and educational quality versus equality of educational opportunity. 25 references. (SV)

Simple Summary: Commercial greyhound racing in New Zealand has been under scrutiny for its animal welfare practices for over a decade. In 2021, the greyhound racing industry was placed 'on-notice' by the New Zealand Racing Minister and Associate Minister of Agriculture (Animal Welfare) due to ongoing issues with data recording, transparency, and animal welfare generally. Social license was identified as a key factor in deciding the future of commercial greyhound racing in New Zealand. This paper describes the findings of a robust survey of the New Zealand public's opinion towards commercial greyhound racing. The majority of survey respondents reported a negative view of the greyhound racing industry and indicated that, given the chance, they would vote in support of a ban on greyhound racing. The respondents reported a lack of involvement and knowledge of industry practices. These results confirm that the majority of the New Zealand public do not currently support the continuation of commercial greyhound racing in New Zealand. The commercial greyhound racing industry in New Zealand is struggling with an eroding social license and 'on-notice' status. Multiple independent reviews of the industry have identified ongoing issues of animal welfare during and between races, euthanasia decisions, poor data tracking, a lack of transparency and problems with rehoming dogs, resulting in New Zealand animal advocacy agencies and the general public questioning the continuation of greyhound racing. The current paper assessed the New Zealand public's awareness and familiarity with commercial greyhound racing, identified current levels of public support or opposition for racing, and provided context in terms of engagement with greyhound racing using a comprehensive survey of a robust sample of New Zealanders. The results confirm that the social license of the greyhound industry is under challenge with most respondents expressing disagreement with or lack of knowledge of current industry practices and indicating they would vote in support of a ban. There is scope for increasing public acceptability by addressing welfare issues, increasing awareness of positive industry practices, and encouraging transparency of the greyhound racing agency. However, as greyhound racing is on the decline worldwide, calls are likely to continue for a phase-out of commercial greyhound racing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of major terrorist attacks, governments create public inquiries to establish the facts of the matter, expose those facts to public scrutiny, find fault, allocate blame, ensure accountability, and restore public confidence. Yet few studies pay close attention to these responses as a practice of remedial intervention into official counterterrorism efforts. Based on our examination of New Zealand's Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Terrorist Attack on Christchurch Mosques on 15 March 2019, we argue that two contending approaches to national security shaped the inquiry's design and informed its conduct. On the one hand, an established whole-of-government approach produced design features that led the inquiry to reproduce the orthodox logic of security professionals and entrench existing security policy and practices. On the other hand, a revisionist approach sought to use the inquiry as a means of furthering the Government's social cohesion policy agenda and to strengthen democratic protections for minority groups. However, the implementation of the inquiry's recommendations reveals a deep commitment to the whole-of-government approach to national security, which appears to co-opt civil society representatives and marginalise dissenting voices. This, in our view, leaves New Zealand society little better off when it comes to understanding the nature and scale of the threat posed by terrorism or responding to a diverse array of other security challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the international literature, small towns are most likely to reorient following structural change if they are rich in natural or built amenity, accessible to large urban areas and have local capacity for change. However, not all places have these characteristics. Focusing on places less blessed with these features, this paper develops a conceptualisation that extends beyond these simplistic empirical regularities/characteristics and enhances understanding of the processes underlying small town change. Drawing on two cases from both the UK and New Zealand, key drivers for small town reorientation are explored, their meaning illustrated in terms of the likelihood of reorientation of the towns' development trajectory and the key policy choices emerging are highlighted. Whilst small town reorientation is inherently unpredictable, positive forces for change are likely to occur within most small towns. Informed by the adaptive cycle model and how this links to observed case realities, the findings suggest the need for an emergent strategic approach that focuses on supporting a local rediscovery/re-imagination of potential, local adaptive processes of emergence and connectivity as it emerges. Consistent with recent research into placeleadership and place-based revival, there is a need for public support to encourage positive local activity and the development of policies that are flexible to the changing place-based opportunities/synergies that emerge. • Small town reorientation is most likely when they are rich in amenity, accessible and strong local capacity. • There is a need to conceptualise beyond these simplistic empirical regularities/characteristics, which this paper does through exploring the processes underlying small town change. • The paper explores the value of using complex adaptive systems to help explain the transitions which small towns experience. • This conception and empirical evidence supports a flexible emergent strategic approach. • Policies need to be more supportive to place-based opportunities/synergies as they emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1912 and 1914, the Anglo-American popularizer of astronomy, Mary Proctor, undertook a tour of Australia and New Zealand in order to promote a solar observatory project that would ultimately be realized as the Mount Stromlo Observatory in Australia. Proctor came at the request of Walter Geoffrey Duffield, who would go on to be the first Director of the Mt Stromlo Observatory and who saw the need to raise funds and public support for the project. Proctor's tour was high-profile and nearly saw the realization of a solar observatory as part of the Cawthron Institute at Nelson, New Zealand. Despite this, Proctor's tour is absent from histories of Mount Stromlo and, until recently, had also been overlooked in New Zealand. I argue that this historical lacuna speaks to a number of historiographical biases: for success over failure; against the role of public activities in scientific work; and downplaying the contribution of women. Mary Proctor was a significant transitional figure in the history of early twentieth-century science-communication who should be more widely recognised. The foundation of the Mt Stromlo Solar Observatory is celebrated as a major achievement in the history of Australian science, but for many years there was uncertainty about its construction. Between 1912 and 1914 the Anglo-American popularizer of astronomy, Mary Proctor, undertook a tour of Australia and New Zealand, which nearly resulted in an observatory being built at Nelson, New Zealand. The lack of historical attention to Proctor's tour, and the plans for Nelson, speak to the way in which we tend to remember success over failure, to overlook the role of popularization in science, and to forget the contribution of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: New Zealand's Alcohol Licencing Trusts (ALTs) are community-owned entities that sell alcohol in their districts and return profits back to the local community. Aim: To investigate support for applying the ALT model to regulate legal cannabis. Method: An online survey asked people living in two ALT districts to rate their support for applying the ALT model to legal cannabis; 2,379 people completed the survey. Logistic regression models were fitted to identify predictors of support for applying the ALT model to cannabis. Results: Thirty-nine per cent supported the ALT model for legal cannabis. Reasons for support included: the trust's donations to the community (53%), potential to restrict cannabis sales (43%), controlling the cannabis industry (43%), and better than the current prohibition (42%). Support for the existing ALT (OR = 8.86), recent history of cannabis use (OR = 1.42), younger age (OR = 1.02) and not being in employment (OR = 1.46) predicted support for the model for cannabis. Cannabis users were more likely to support the trust model on pragmatic grounds ('better than prohibition') while non-users valued the model's capacity to responsibly regulate sales and the cannabis industry. Discussion: The ALT model can offer a middle-ground approach that attracts support from cannabis users and non-users, albeit on different grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concerns about the lack of integrity in the criminal process, and resulting miscarriages of justice, dented public confidence in the New Zealand justice system and its limited post-conviction review procedures. In turn, this generated an appetite for a Criminal Cases Review Commission, modelled on the English and Scottish Commissions. This article draws on evidence from the English Commission to consider the prospects for the New Zealand Commission given its proposed investigative powers, its criteria for referring cases to the appeal court and its remit beyond casework. It argues that while it is assumed that the New Zealand Commission will have more liberal powers to refer cases back to the appeal court than its sister Commission in England, evidence suggests that its decisions will be similarly restricted by the Court's statutory obligations and its evolving jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UCH managers are increasingly aware of the limitations of excluding public participation in heritage management both in terms of their own limited resources and need for wide public political support. This article assesses a pilot project in South Australia to train citizen scientists to record and monitor underwater cultural heritage sites. The results reinforced the need to ensure the data collected is robust and meaningful, and that citizen scientists know their contribution is valid; the need to help citizen scientists interpret data and foster peer‐to‐peer learning, and highlighted the importance of open source data for site conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: We sought to explore understanding of addiction and nicotine, as well as support and interest in low-nicotine cigarettes among New Zealand (NZ) smokers and recent quitters. Methods: Data came from wave 1 (August 2016-April 2017) of the International Tobacco Control (ITC) NZ Survey, comprising 1090 smokers and recent quitters, including 363 identifying as Maori (the NZ indigenous population). Results: Most participants (74%) were interested in trying low-nicotine or nicotine-free cigarettes and 80% supported introducing a law to reduce nicotine in cigarettes and tobacco if nicotine was available through alternative products. Support was similar among demographic groups, smokers, recent quitters, and daily and occasional smokers. Nearly all participants believed smoking is addictive and nicotine is the major cause of addiction. Almost half erroneously thought nicotine is the main cause of cancer from cigarettes. Conclusions: Findings suggest that introducing mandated low-nicotine cigarettes could be feasible in NZ where alternative nicotine delivery products are widely available. However, implementation may need to be accompanied by public education to correct misperceptions about the harmfulness of nicotine and to encourage switching to alternative nicotine delivery products among smokers who cannot quit nicotine completely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The Food Standards Code regulates health claims on Australian food labels. General-level health claims highlight food-health relationships, e.g. 'contains calcium for strong bones'. Food companies making claims must notify Food Standards Australia New Zealand (FSANZ) and certify that a systematic literature review (SLR) substantiating the food-health relationship has been conducted. There is no pre- or post-notification assessment of the SLR, potentially enabling the food industry to make claims based on poor-quality research. The present study assessed the rigour of self-substantiation.Design: Food-health relationships notified to FSANZ were monitored monthly between 2013 and 2017. These relationships were assessed by scoping published literature. Where evidence was equivocal/insufficient, the relevant government food regulatory agency was asked to investigate. If not investigated, or the response was unsatisfactory, the project team conducted an independent SLR which was provided to the government agency.Setting: Australia.ParticipantsSelf-substantiated food-health relationships.Results: There were sixty-seven relationships notified by thirty-eight food companies. Of these, thirty-three relationships (52 %) from twenty companies were deemed to have sufficient published evidence. Four were excluded as they originated in New Zealand. Three relationships were removed before investigations were initiated. The project initiated twenty-seven food-health relationship investigations. Another six relationships were withdrawn, and three relationships were awaiting government assessment.Conclusions: To ensure that SLR underpinning food-health relationships are rigorous and reduce regulatory enforcement burden, pre-market approval of food-health relationships should be introduced. This will increase consumer and public health confidence in the regulatory process and prevent potentially misleading general-level health claims on food labels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Systems archetypes are effective in communicating complex behaviour with relatively simple structures, across a wide range of topics. The "power dynamics" between different power holders are critically important in decision making when it comes to formulating and implementing policies. This topic was explored at a four‐day Australasian systems workshop run in New Zealand. A synthesis approach was combined with analytical procedures from system dynamics (SD). Building on Rahn's "Fear and Greed" political archetype, a conceptual "Power and Influence" political archetype was developed. This political archetype shows the impact of public support. It is used to analyse a crowdfunding story in New Zealand. A small SD concept model was subsequently constructed to test this story and evaluate alternative public support scenarios. A library of political archetypes and concept models would be an asset for the field of SD and provide a means of synthesising insights from case studies and social theory. © 2019 System Dynamics Society [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The flag change referenda concluded with New Zealanders voting to retain their traditional flag. Within this context, we assess variability in flag change support across different 'types' (i.e., latent profiles) of New Zealanders. Participants (N = 220,318) indicated their support for eight core aspects of New Zealand's socio-political landscape: Māori rights, immigration, internationalism, economic equality, the Commonwealth, nationalism, sport and secularism. Latent profile analyses identified six unique response patterns underlying support for these issues: Global Egalitarians, Domestic Egalitarians, Religious, Moderates, Secularists and National Secularists. Domestic and Global Egalitarians expressed socially and economically progressive views directed towards home and abroad (respectively), whereas the remaining profiles reported relatively conservative issue positions. That said, only Moderates supported (albeit reservedly) changing the flag. Results demonstrate the diversity of New Zealanders' socio-political views and uncover previously-unknown dynamics behind attitudes toward the flag change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neo-liberalism represents a significant and enduring shift in the politics shaping social policy. Although frequently ascribed a hegemonic, all-powerful status that focuses our attention on the coherence found in neo-liberal policies, this article builds on scholarly work highlighting variegation in the neo-liberal project across different policy areas, national settings and time periods. Specifically, it employs Peck's and Tickell's (2002) view that neo-liberalism has gone through multiple phases in response to both external and internal crises as an entry point for studying neo-liberalism's impact on public support for the welfare state. Drawing upon New Zealand and British attitudinal data, the article argues that public reactions to an early period of retrenchment ('roll-back' neo-liberalism) differ from those reported in the 'roll-out' or embedding phase of neo-liberalism implemented by Third Way Labour Governments in both countries. Indeed, continuing public support in many policy areas arguably contributed to the internal crisis that provoked an adaptation to the neo-liberal project. The article further explores public support for the welfare state following the external crisis provoked by the financial meltdown of 2008-09 asking whether New Zealand and British attitudes showed signs of resisting austerity measures or whether they, instead, indicated a third, 'roll-over' period of neo-liberalism where the public accepted not only a neo-liberal economic agenda but also the need for further retrenchment of the welfare state. Conclusions about the politics of social policy at the level of public opinion offer both good and bad news for welfare state advocates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public empathy towards the unemployed and redistribution has weakened in the neoliberal era. This article, however, heeds Clarke's (2004, p. 44) call to identify "resistances, refusals, and blockages" that challenge the 'Big Story' of global neoliberalisation by highlighting ambivalence and divergence in public opinion that provide opportunities to reframe the unemployed as 'deserving', broaden notions of responsibility and (re)build a sense of reciprocity. Together these shifts could galvanise public support for social citizenship, that is the right for all New Zealanders to have a basic level of economic and social security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses key issues that affect the efficiency and credibility of criminal justice systems. It discusses the consequences of an ineffective criminal justice system, which include unnecessary delays within the court process, 'cracked' or 'collapsed' trials, and lack of public confidence. It notes that a successful system must contain strategic, integrated, and sustainable mechanisms that enhance the entire criminal justice process. The article examines a number of initiatives taken by various countries, noting the measurable and sustainable results, while also suggesting ways that these programs could be improved. Finally, the author notes the importance of measuring the outcomes and impact of the suggested initiatives in an effort to promote transparency and accountability, as well as effectively record successful strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the resignation of W. M. Wilson, Judge of the New Zealand Supreme Court and the proceedings against him under the Judicial Conduct Commissioner (JCC) and Judicial Conduct Panel Act 2004 (JCP) of New Zealand. It presents information on a model which addresses the weak aspects of the design and operation of the Act and enhances both legal community and public confidence in the complaints process. It also discusses the judicial accountability process.

The article presents information on the state of civil justice system in New Zealand and the financial and emotional hardship faced by the litigants. It discusses the other form of dispute resolutions including arbitration and mediation. It further focuses on a survey conducted by Ministry of Justice on the operations of court proceedings. It also discusses the negative effects of lengthy litigations which include cost issues, tampering with evidence and witnesses and public confidence.

The article offers information on the developments and practices of several common law countries which address the judicial conduct regulation in the promotion of public confidence. It says that judges play the role in the judicial decision making and exercise judgment and aims to gain public confidence for the formalization of judicial conduct regulation. It states that various countries practicing the common law systems including Australia, Canada, and New Zealand establish formal mechanisms to achieve public confidence by doing a good job. Moreover, it mentions that several objectives are to be considered to aim for public confidence and comply with the judicial conduct including impartiality, judicial independence, and integrity.

Aim:: To examine smoker support for tobacco tax and for increased dedicated tobacco taxes, along with associations forany such support. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The significance of political-economic context for scientific citizenship is argued through an analysis of New Zealand's Royal Commission on Genetic Modification. My intention is not to provide an account of why the commission came to the decisions it did but to illustrate how the political-economic context and the culture of regulatory science both exacerbate public concerns about unacknowledged uncertainty and commercial influence and make it difficult for those concerns to influence the outcomes of public dialogues. The discursive flexibility of science as alternately predictive and provisional silences concerns about uncertainty, while a further interpretive choice of science as the autonomous activities of individuals unconstrained by political-economic context occludes the nature of concerns about commercial influence. Rather than the increasingly prevalent focus on processes of engagement, I argue that it is essential that researchers in this area attend to how public dialogue is placed in relation to the cultures and structures of regulatory science and neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study identifies parliamentary relationships as among the key factors influencing the success or failure of the institution. The degree of public confidence and respect directed towards MPs reflects to some extent the expressions of friendship and courtesy, or hostility and contempt, that New Zealand's MPs display towards one another. This article, applying Robert Putnam's concept of social capital to the New Zealand House of Representatives, shows that the values associated with social capital, such as respect and trust and reciprocity, are precisely those needed to move Parliament closer to the more consensus-based, friendlier institution sought by the proponents of electoral reform. At the same time, the article (drawing, in part, on the logic of collective action dilemmas) notes the obstacles in the way of building social capital in the House, but concludes by suggesting steps that may be taken to bring about a more productive, harmonious and publicly respected legislative institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To assess support among smokers and recent quitters for the Smokefree New Zealand (NZ) 2025 goal and measures to facilitate its achievement., Methods: Data from CATI interviews with 1,155 (386 Māori) smokers and recent quitters in Wave 1 (August 2016-April 2017) and 1,020 (394 Māori) in Wave 2 (June-December 2018) of the International Tobacco Control (ITC) NZ Survey., Results: (Wave 2 unless stated): Almost all (95%) participants were aware of and more than half (56%) supported the smokefree goal. Support was highest (69-92%) for measures to reduce smoking uptake and protect children from exposure to secondhand smoke. Support was also high for other smokefree policies including mandated denicotinisation of smoked tobacco products (73%) and tobacco retailer licensing (70%, Wave 1). Support was lowest (<30%) for increasing the tobacco tax, but higher (59%) if additional revenue raised was used to help smokers to quit. Support for Smokefree 2025 and key measures to achieve it was generally higher among ex-smokers than smokers but mostly similar among Māori and non-Māori participants., Conclusions: There is substantial support among smokers and ex-smokers for the Smokefree 2025 goal and many measures that could help achieve it. Implications for public health: Implementing a comprehensive strategy to achieve Smokefree 2025 is likely to be acceptable among New Zealand's smokers and ex-smokers., (© 2021 The Authors.)

Background: Public support for greater alcohol controls is a key consideration in governments' decisions to introduce new alcohol-related regulations, policies, and programs. The aim of this study was to asses public support for a range of recommended alcohol control initiatives across seven countries with varying sociocultural profiles.Methods: Adults (n = 7545; aged 18-91 years) from Australia, Canada, China, India, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States completed an online survey assessing demographic characteristics, alcohol consumption patterns, and support for 14 alcohol control initiatives.Results: Across the total sample, means for each initiative ranged from 3.49 to 4.09 (on a 5-point agreement scale), indicating generally favourable responses. Stated support levels (i.e., selecting 'Agree' or 'Strongly agree') for specific initiatives in individual countries ranged from 33% to 86%. Across countries, support was higher for initiatives related to product labelling (e.g., clearly visible standard drink quantity information and pregnancy warning labels) and lower for initiatives related to alcohol advertising restrictions (e.g., prohibiting alcohol advertising during televised sporting programs and on road-side billboards). Support levels varied by age, gender, income level, drinking status, and drinking frequency.Conclusion: The high levels of support across countries for many of the assessed initiatives indicate that the public would be receptive to more stringent alcohol control policies, especially in relation to product labelling and the dissemination of public education campaigns. Further advocacy work appears to be required to foster higher levels of support for restricting alcohol companies' marketing activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on the failure of the Electoral Integrity Amendment Bill to be passed under the recommendation of the New Zealand House. The idea behind the bill was to amend the Electoral Act 1993 in such a way as to ensure that members of parliament either stay with the party for whom they were elected or exit Parliament entirely. The Labor Party drafted a new bill and it was dubbed the Winston Peters Retention Bill. The Justice and Electoral Select Committee was not so enthusiastic. In its report it said that the bill was neither necessary nor appropriate and it would have a range of unintended consequences and would lessen public confidence in the integrity of the electoral system.